Relevant bibliographies by topics / Voting – Spain

Academic literature on the topic 'Voting – Spain'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Voting – Spain"

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Queralt, Didac. "Spatial Voting in Spain." South European Society and Politics 17, no. 3 (September 2012): 375–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2012.701890.

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Artabe, Alaitz, and Javier Gardeazabal. "Strategic Votes and Sincere Counterfactuals." Political Analysis 22, no. 2 (2014): 243–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpt047.

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The random utility model (RUM) of voting behavior can account for strategic voting by making use of proxy indicators that measure voter incentives to vote strategically. The contribution of this article is to propose a new method to estimate the RUM in the presence of strategic voters, without having to construct proxy measures of strategic voting incentives. Our method can be used to infer the counterfactual sincere vote of those who vote strategically and provides an estimate of the size of strategic voting. We illustrate the procedure using post-electoral survey data from Spain. Our calculations indicate that strategic voting in Spain is about 2.19%.
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Iglesias Rodríguez, Pablo. "Electronic Voting by Shareholders in Spain." European Company Law 6, Issue 1 (February 1, 2009): 20–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eucl2009004.

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The European Shareholders’ Rights Directive allows Member States to grant firms the right to provide electronic voting to their shareholders. This contribution analyzes the already existing rules on electronic voting in Spain for listed firms.
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Santana-Martin, Domingo Javier, and Inmaculada Aguiar-Diaz. "Corporate ownership in Spain." Corporate Ownership and Control 5, no. 1 (2007): 322–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv5i1c4p1.

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In this paper we analyse the structure of ownership in non-financial Spanish listed companies in the period 1996-2002, focussing on the control chain methodology. The results obtained show that the main shareholder’s control threshold stands at about 29% of the voting rights and that in 2002 families were the ultimate owners in 52.7% of the firms. On the other hand, the use of pyramid structures continues to increase. In 2002, 29.1% of the companies were controlled in this way, which means that the ratio of voting rights to cash flow rights for this year was 0.89
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De la Cuesta, Fernando. "Voting experience in a new era: The impact of past eligibility on the breakdown of mainstream parties." Research & Politics 10, no. 1 (January 2023): 205316802311572. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20531680231157288.

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This paper studies the influence of the context in shaping the effects on later voting behavior of first experiences with voting. I leverage from changes in the political context in Spain produced by the Great Recession to answer whether individuals’ first voting experience affects the electoral support for mainstream parties differently depending on the different political context that first voters experienced before and after the Great Recession. I use a novel database of pre-electoral surveys between 2000 and 2015 and a difference-in-differences analysis. I exploit the exogenous variation produced by the legal voting-age threshold in Spain (18 years-old) among people of the same cohort. I find that, after the Great Recession, second-time eligibility voters have a higher probability to vote for mainstream forces than their counterfactual equals. The results show that, in a context of political change, first voting experience strengthens the vote for mainstream parties. The results show that previous voting experience creates favorable inertia for mainstream parties that slow down the change of a political system.
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Orriols, Lluis, and Laia Balcells. "Party Polarisation and Spatial Voting in Spain." South European Society and Politics 17, no. 3 (September 2012): 393–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2012.701891.

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Lago-Peñas, Ignacio, and Santiago Lago-Peñas. "Decentralization and Electoral Accountability." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 28, no. 2 (January 1, 2010): 318–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c0981.

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On the basis of aggregated and individual-level survey data of national and regional elections in Spain, this paper analyzes how economic voting is impacted by vertical and horizontal dimensions of clarity of responsibility. Our findings suggest that economic voting is enhanced when mechanisms of accountability are simple.
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Fraile, Marta, and Michael S. Lewis-Beck. "Economic voting in Spain: A 2000 panel test." Electoral Studies 29, no. 2 (June 2010): 210–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2010.01.003.

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Hamann, Kerstin. "Federalist Institutions, Voting Behavior, and Party Systems in Spain." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 29, no. 1 (1999): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330922.

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Hamann, K. "Federalist Institutions, Voting Behavior, and Party Systems in Spain." Publius: The Journal of Federalism 29, no. 1 (January 1, 1999): 111–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.pubjof.a030004.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Voting – Spain"

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Jarocinska, Elena. "Political economy of intergovernmental grants." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/7343.

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Esta tesis investiga la economía política de las transferencias intergubernamentales. Se centra en los factores políticos que determinan la asignación de fondos bajo control de gobiernos centrales a las diversas regiones. El primer capítulo, contribuye a este asunto a través de un nuevo análisis de los datos del panel y una medida comprensiva de necesidades de gastos para el caso de Rusia. El segundo capítulo, desarrolla nuevas herramientas metodológicas para analizar sistemas políticos del multi-partido. Estas herramientas permiten medir a votantes cambiantes en dos dimensiones ideológicas usando datos individuales de los estudios electorales. En el tercer capítulo se utilizan las medidas de votantes cambiantes para probar teorías de las políticas distributivas para el caso de España. Este capítulo demuestra que las variables políticas son significativas en la asignación de las subvenciones del estado, y la magnitud del efecto es comparable a la de variables económicas.
This thesis investigates the political economy view of intergovernmental grants. It centers on the political factors that determine allocation of funds under the control of central governments to different regions. The first chapter contributes to this topic by a novel analysis of panel data and a comprehensive measure of expenditure "needs" for the case of Russia. The second chapter develops new methodological tools for analyzing multi-party political systems. These tools allow to measure swing voters on two "ideological" dimensions using individual survey data. In the third chapter the measures of swing voters are used to test theories of distributive politics for the case of Spain. This chapter shows that political variables are significant in the allocation of state subventions, and the magnitude of the effect is comparable to that of economic variables.
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FRAILE, Marta. "Does the economy enter the ballot-box? : a study of the Spanish voters' decisions." Doctoral thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5244.

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Defence date: 27 October 2000
Examining Board: Prof. Richard Breen (EUI, Supervisor) ; Prof. Stanley Feldman (State University of New York at Stony Brook) ; Prof. Jose Mª Maravall (Juan March Institute, Co-supervisor) ; Prof. David Sanders (University of Essex)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Sál, Karel. "Demokracie v krizi nezájmu: účinky využití internetových voleb ve volebním procesu vybraných zemí." Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-347493.

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203 12 Dissertation Summary Dissertation title: Democracy in the Lack of Interest: the Effects of Remote Internet Voting Implementation in the Electoral Process of Selected Countries Name and Surname: Karel Sál Field of Study: Political Science Place of Work: Institute of Political Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University in Prague Dissertation Supervisor: PhDr. Petr Jüptner, Ph.D. No. of Pages: 203 No. of Appendixes: 30 Year of Defense: 2016 Keywords: internet voting; remote internet voting; electoral turnout; crisis of democracy; theory of participation; rational choice theory; Estonia; Switzerland; France; Norway; Spain. Abstract: The dissertation thesis named Democracy in the Lack of Interest: the Effects of Remote Internet Voting Implementation in the Electoral Process of Selected States reflects the phenomenon of the last decade - incorporation of new media into the political process. Internet voting is one of the discussed and suggested solutions of the so-called crisis of democracy, which could possibly stop the negative trend of diminishing voter turnout in advanced western democracies. The entire academic debate can be summarized into one question: It is possible, that the way of ballot casting can affect the voter turnout in that scale, that we can recognize a significant-positive...
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Books on the topic "Voting – Spain"

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Game theory and the transition to democracy: The Spanish model. Aldershot, Hants, England: Edward Elgar, 1995.

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Washington Irving and Spain: The romantic movement, the re/creation of Islamic Andalusai and the critical reception. Bethesda, MD: Academica Press, 2009.

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Vargas, Alonso de. Relación votiva o donaria de la antigüedad de la imagen de Nuestra Señora de las Huertas: Que el rey Don Alfonso el Sabio puso y colocó en su primera iglesia en la ciudad de Lorca al tiempo de conquista. Lorca: Ayuntamiento de Lorca, 1999.

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Csáki, Csaba, Sara Hofmann, Noella Edelmann, Laura Alcaide Muñoz, and Thomas J. Lampoltshammer. Electronic Participation: 13th IFIP WG 8. 5 International Conference, EPart 2021, Granada, Spain, September 7-9, 2021, Proceedings. Springer International Publishing AG, 2021.

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Ignacio, Tirado. 17 National Report for Spain. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198727293.003.0017.

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This chapter discusses the law on creditor claims in Spain. Spain’s current insolvency regulatory regime resulted from the reorganization and modernization that took place with the passing of the 2003 Insolvency Law (Ley Concursal). The ranking of claims under the Insolvency Law coexists with a ranking of claims for execution in individual proceedings, regulated in the Civil Code. The Spanish system has been generally respectful of the pre-insolvency entitlements of secured creditors; provides priority for post-commencement financing; and includes different tiers of priorities for certain categories of creditors. The remainder of the chapter deals with insolvency claims, administration claims, and non-enforceable claims in turn. Each section covers: the definition and scope of the claim; rules for submission, verification, and satisfaction or admission of claims; ranking of claims; and voting and other participation rights in insolvency proceedings.
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Golder, Sona N., Ignacio Lago, André Blais, Elisabeth Gidengil, and Thomas Gschwend. Multi-Level Electoral Politics. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198791539.001.0001.

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National-level elections receive more attention from scholars and the media than elections at other levels, even though in many European countries the importance of both regional and European levels of government has grown in recent years. The growing importance of multiple electoral arenas suggests that scholars should be cautious about examining single levels in isolation. Taking the multi-level structure of electoral politics seriously requires a re-examination of how the incentives created by electoral institutions affect the behaviour of voters and party elites. The standard approach to analysing multi-level elections is the second-order election model, in which national elections are considered to be first-order elections while other elections are second order. However, this model does not provide micro mechanisms that determine how elections in one arena affect those in another, or explain variations in individual voting behaviour. The objective of this book is to explain how party and voter behaviour in a given election is affected by the existence of multiple electoral arenas. This book uses original qualitative and quantitative data to examine European, national, and subnational elections in France, Germany, and Spain from 2011 to 2015. Party mobilization efforts across multiple electoral arenas are examined, as well as decisions by individual voters with respect to turnout, strategic voting, and accountability. This book provides the first systematic analysis of multi-level electoral politics at three different levels across multiple countries.
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Crook, Malcolm. How the French Learned to Vote. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192894786.001.0001.

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Voting is a familiar civic activity today, yet few participants are probably aware of its long and controversial history, which was especially marked in the case of France, the country chosen for this study of how people learn to vote. Casting a ballot does not come naturally, and it also requires the technology to accomplish it, besides the legal framework to regulate it. Democratization and the development of citizenship are lengthy processes, like the achievement of free and fair elections involving a secret ballot for all adults. A great experiment with mass voting for men was initiated in France in 1789, only for recurrent upheaval to ensure that the question of who could vote, and how they did so, was frequently re-examined and revised. The entire electoral system was a constant source of partisan conflict, popular protest, and innovation, throwing the great issues around voting into particularly sharp focus. This is the first book to explore the contested and contingent practice of the vote in a comprehensive fashion, over a time span that begins before the French Revolution and concludes with the present, while according significant space to local as well as national elections. The thematic analysis will assist an understanding of those countries where democracy remains in its infancy, while also offering insight into widespread contemporary concerns about declining electoral turnout. In so far as the global adoption of voting is reflected in the context of a specific society, it will be of interest to political scientists as well as historians.
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Duany, Jorge. Puerto Rico. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190648695.001.0001.

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Puerto Rico, acquired by the United States from Spain in 1898, has a peculiar status among Latin American and Caribbean countries. As a Commonwealth, the island enjoys limited autonomy over local matters, but the U.S. has essentially dominated it militarily, politically, and economically for much of its history. Though they are citizens, Puerto Ricans do not have their own voting representatives in Congress and cannot vote for the president or VP. The island's status is a topic of perennial debate, evidenced by the 2012 referendum, in which a majority voted for statehood for the first time. More recently, the island's colossal public debt has sparked an economic crisis that is the focus of an upcoming Supreme Court case. The issue is intimately tied to the question of status, and consensus on the solution has proven elusive. Despite their ongoing colonial dilemma, Puerto Ricans display a strong national identity-after 118 years of occupation, the Island remains a Spanish-speaking, Afro-Hispanic-Caribbean nation. At the same time, the island's population is constantly in flux, with an estimated 60.7% of boricuas living stateside, while many others are also returning to the island. Despite the island's popularity as a tourist destination, few beyond its shores are familiar with its history. Puerto Rico: What Everyone Needs to Know provides a succinct, authoritative, and well-documented introduction to the Island's rich history, culture, politics, and economy. Jorge Duany, takes on the task of educating readers on the most important facets of the unique, troubled, but much beloved isla del encanto.
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Retallack, James. Red Saxony. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199668786.001.0001.

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This book throws new light on the reciprocal relationship between political modernization and authoritarianism in Germany over the span of six decades. Election battles were fought so fiercely in Imperial Germany because they reflected two kinds of democratization. Social democratization could not be stopped; but political democratization was opposed by many members of the German bourgeoisie. Frightened by the electoral success of Social Democrats after 1871, anti-democrats deployed many strategies that flew in the face of electoral fairness. They battled socialists, liberals, and Jews at election time, but they also strove to rewrite the electoral rules of the game. Using a regional lens to rethink older assumptions about Germany’s changing political culture, this book focuses as much on contemporary Germans’ perceptions of electoral fairness as on their experiences of voting. It devotes special attention to various semi-democratic voting systems whereby a general and equal suffrage (for the Reichstag) was combined with limited and unequal ones for local and regional parliaments. For the first time, democratization at all three tiers of governance and their reciprocal effects are considered together. Although the bourgeois face of German authoritarianism was nowhere more evident than in the Kingdom of Saxony, this book illustrates how Germans grew to fear the spectre of democracy. Certainly twists and turns lay ahead, yet that fear made it easier for Hitler and the Nazis to inter German democracy in 1933.
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Retallack, James. Adrift. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199668786.003.0014.

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This chapter examines Imperial Germany’s final half-decade of peace (1909–14). It charts Saxon traditions of anti-socialism, anti-liberalism, and antisemitism, including their contingent trajectories, in the context of developments elsewhere in Germany. The first section examines Saxon parliamentary life up to the outbreak of war and battles to reform or defend Prussia’s three-class suffrage. The second section is devoted to Imperial Germany’s last general election in 1912, looking at the campaign, the voting, and efforts to “spin” its outcome. Local examples of dirty tricks are juxtaposed with larger reflections on the meaning of “politics in a new key.” After Social Democrats scored another Reichstag victory, the anti-socialist parties licked their wounds, but pressures for further suffrage reform and the task of mustering parliamentary majorities ensured that Saxony’s and Germany’s electoral cultures continued to evolve. The final section examines suffrage proposals and other remedies to overcome democratic, “dysfunctional” parliaments.
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Book chapters on the topic "Voting – Spain"

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Navarro, Carmen, Lluís Medir, and Jaume Magre. "Spain." In The Routledge Handbook of Local Elections and Voting in Europe, 258–68. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003009672-27.

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Nez, Héloïse. "Podemos: The Emergence of a New Political Party in Spain." In Contemporary Voting in Europe, 113–28. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-50964-2_6.

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Szulecki, Kacper, Marta Bivand Erdal, and Ben Stanley. "Migrant Perspectives on External Voting." In External Voting, 63–90. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19246-3_4.

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AbstractThis chapter explores migrants’ perspectives on voting in country-of-origin elections and on participation in democratic politics in countries of origin in Central and East Europe. We build on 80 semi-structured interviews with migrants from Poland and Romania, living in Barcelona, Spain, and Oslo, Norway. The chapter offers an analysis of their thoughts on and experiences of practicing external voting, as well as choosing not to cast a ballot in any given election. The first part explores the reasons why migrants do—or do not—vote “back home,” offering illustrations from our data, focusing on motivations for external voting, practicalities that impede or facilitate external voting, and discussing intersecting scales of motivation. These discussions are set within the context of migrants’ broader motivations to engage in politics transnationally, and intimately connected with their reflections on the principled question of the democratic legitimacy of external voting. The second part of the chapter extends the view from external voting to migrants’ own perspectives on transnational political engagement, including but not limited to external voting, as set within often transnational lifeworlds affected by both “here” and “there” in varying ways.
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Caballero, Gonzalo. "Institutional Foundations, Committee System and Amateur Legislators in the Governance of the Spanish Congress: An Institutional Comparative Perspective (USA, Argentina, Spain)." In Political Economy of Institutions, Democracy and Voting, 157–84. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-19519-8_8.

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Andreadis, Ioannis, Kirk A. Hawkins, Iván Llamazares, and Matthew M. Singer. "Conditional populist voting in Chile, Greece, Spain, and Bolivia." In The Ideational Approach to Populism, 238–78. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315196923-11.

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Bateman, David A., Ira Katznelson, and John S. Lapinski. "Racial Rule." In Southern Nation, 158–216. Princeton University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691126494.003.0005.

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This chapter turns to home rule, in particular southern evaluations of prospects for a new national labor policy and attention to voting rights protections. Southern success in defeating a renewed consideration of the franchise established the terms of the broad national accommodation that came to characterize American policy and politics for the first half of the twentieth century. The South would be left alone to determine the contours of black citizenship, while the economic program of the Republican Party would be placed on a stable political foundation. When the United States declared war on Spain in April 1898, the region's representatives provided fifteen of the nineteen votes cast against the initial war resolution in the House. Yet despite the region's anti-imperialist sentiment, the war with Spain became an occasion to affirm the South's definitive return to the Union.
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Gupta, Dipankar, and Ramin Jahanbegloo. "Citizenship and Democracy." In Talking Sociology, 67–103. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199489374.003.0003.

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This section discusses the major works of Dipankar Gupta. It brings forth Gupta’s opinion on secularism, religion, citizenship, democracy, middle class, and Gandhi along with discussing other Western philosophers. Gupta’s inspiration and vision behind writing Revolution from above, Mistaken Modernity, and Citizen Elite are also presented. Gupta also talks about his experience at Bilbao in Spain. He discusses his learnings about India by looking at Western societies. He found that our understanding of the ‘middle class’ was in need of urgent modification only after he observed the way people casually interact with one another in the West. Gupta deliberates about his belief in elections, but feels that leaders must set the agenda so we know what we are voting for or against. He presents his views on empathy, ethics, sympathy, and fraternity and talks about the importance of each.
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Phelps, Charles E., and Guru Madhavan. "Human Factors of Democracy." In Making Better Choices, 113–27. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190871147.003.0007.

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This chapter takes a new look at different voting methods, asking not how they work but rather how well they let voters express themselves. The most widely used method in the world (“choose one candidate”) is by far the worst at allowing voters to express themselves. This type of ballot has the vocabulary span of a six-month-old infant. Widely used rank-order ballots are modestly better (about the vocabulary of a two-year-old child) but are still very weak as communication devices. New forms of voting, including range voting and majority judgment (where voters grade the choices), offer vastly more ways for voters to express their true sentiments about the choices offered to them. This chapter also assesses how well voters are likely to understand exactly how voting systems work, possibly affecting their trust of the process.
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Oomes, Nienke A. "Emerging Markets and Persistent Inequality in a Nonlinear Voting Model." In New Constructions in Cellular Automata. Oxford University Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195137170.003.0014.

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Since it is one of the few spin systems that can be studied analytically, the Voter Model has been extensively discussed in the interacting particle systems literature. In the original interpretation of this model, voters choose their political positions with probabilities equal to the voting frequency of their friends. One of the main results is that, in one and two dimensions, the system clusters—i.e., converges to a homogeneous steady state—while heterogeneity can persist only in dimensions higher than two. This chapter develops an economic model that is similar to the Voter Model, in that agents decide between economic positions, conditional on the economic choices of their trade partners. The choices considered here are market production and nonmarket production, where the payoffs associated with market production for a given agent are a function of the amount of market goods produced by others. Intuitively, the more people are producing for the market, the more potential trade partners exist, hence the higher the expected payoff associated with market production. Similarly, the smaller the extent of the market, the lower the expected gains from trade, hence the smaller the incentive to produce for the market. When each agent is assumed to have an equal probability of trading with any other agent in his or.her trade network, the payoffs associated with market production are linearly increasing in the network’s total market output. However, this linearity in payoffs does not necessarily imply that the conditional probability of working for the market is linearly increasing in total market production, as the Voter Model would have it. As it turns out, this follows only if agents believe, mistakenly, that their trade partners will decide to work for the market with a probability that is exactly proportional to their current market output. Clearly, a more general approach is obtained by allowing for different types of expectations agents may have about the production decisions of their trade partners. A model that allows for such an approach is the so-called Nonlinear Voter Model (NLVM), studied by Molofsky et al.
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Case, Holly. "Introduction." In The Age of Questions, 1–7. Princeton University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691131153.003.0001.

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This book is about what it calls the “age of questions,” which began in the 1820s and 1830s as a result of three major developments: the expansion and politicization of press distribution; the enlargement of the voting franchise (in Britain); and a tight series of international events, including the Greek uprising in the Ottoman Empire (1821–1832) and the Belgian Revolution (1830–1839). The book examines how querists used a variety of questions to span contradictions, arguing that a question/problem arose out of a gap between a universal ideal and a particular reality. Seven distinct arguments regarding the essence of the age of questions are discussed: the national argument, the progressive argument, the argument about force, the federative argument, the argument about farce, the temporal argument, and the suspension-bridge argument. The book draws on certain pieces of evidence to support the divergent claims advanced by querists.
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Conference papers on the topic "Voting – Spain"

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Babenko, Liudmila, and Ilya Pisarev. "Security Analysis of the Electronic Voting Protocol Based on Blind Intermediaries Using the SPIN Verifier." In 2018 International Conference on Cyber-Enabled Distributed Computing and Knowledge Discovery (CyberC). IEEE, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/cyberc.2018.00019.

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Yoshizawa, Akio. "Simulated quantum annealing using a photon-counting random number generator for stochastic majority voting and cooperative spin manipulation of replicas." In Optics and Photonics Japan. Washington, D.C.: OSA, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1364/opj.2018.30pbj8.

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Reports on the topic "Voting – Spain"

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Martinez-Bravo, Monica, and Carlos Sanz. Trust and accountability in times of pandemics. Madrid: Banco de España, January 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.53479/29471.

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The COVID-19 pandemic took place against the backdrop of growing political polarization and distrust in political institutions in many countries. Did deficiencies in government performance further erode trust in public institutions? Did citizens’ ideology interfere with the way they processed information on government performance? To investigate these two questions, we conducted a pre-registered online experiment in Spain in November 2020. Respondents in the treatment group were provided information on the number of contact tracers in their region, a key policy variable under the control of regional governments. We find that individuals greatly over-estimate the number of contact tracers in their region. When we provide the actual number of contact tracers, we find a decline in trust in governments, a reduction in willingness to fund public institutions and a decrease in COVID-19 vaccine acceptance. We also find that individuals endogenously change their attribution of responsibilities when receiving the treatment. In regions where the regional and central governments are controlled by different parties, sympathizers of the regional incumbent react to the negative news on performance by attributing greater responsibility for it to the central government. We call this the blame shifting effect. In those regions, the negative information does not translate into lower voting intentions for the regional incumbent government. These results suggest that the exercise of political accountability may be particularly difficult in settings with high political polarization and areas of responsibility that are not clearly delineated.
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Martinez-Bravo, Monica, and Carlos Sanz. Trust and accountability in times of pandemic. Madrid: Banco de España, January 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.53479/25027.

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The COVID-19 pandemic took place against the backdrop of growing political polarization and distrust in political institutions in many countries. Furthermore, most governments fell short of expectations in their management of the pandemic. Did deficiencies in government performance further erode trust in public institutions? Did citizens’ ideology interfere with the way they processed information on government performance? To investigate these two questions, we conducted a preregistered online experiment in Spain in November 2020. Respondents in the treatment group were provided information on the number of contact tracers in their region, a key variable under the control of regional governments. We find that individuals greatly overestimate the number of contact tracers in their region. When we provide the actual number of contact tracers, we find a decline in trust in governments, a reduction in willingness to fund public institutions and a decrease in COVID-19 vaccine acceptance. We also find that individuals endogenously change their attribution of responsibilities when receiving the treatment. In regions where the regional and central governments are controlled by different parties, sympathizers of the regional incumbent react to the negative news on performance by attributing greater responsibility for it to the central government. We call this the blame shifting effect. In those regions, the negative information does not translate into lower voting intentions for the regional incumbent government. These results suggest that the exercise of political accountability may be particularly difficult in settings with high political polarization and areas of responsibility are not clearly delineated.
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