Journal articles on the topic 'Voting – Slovakia'
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Lysek, Jakub, Ľubomír Zvada, and Michal Škop. "Mapping the 2020 Slovak Parliamentary Election. Analysis of Spatial Support and Voter Transition." Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 27, no. 3 (2020): 278–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2020-3-278.
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This contribution is a complex analysis of the geographic voting patterns in the 2020 Slovak parliamentary election using methods such as Geographically Weighted Regression, Hierarchical Regression Models, and Ecological Inference. It is focused on the winner of the 2020 parliamentary election, the populist OĽaNO, and on the loser, the traditional left-wing SMER-SD – within the context of electoral support and voter transition in comparison to the 2016 parliamentary election, and in part to the 2019 presidential election. The article contributes to the underdeveloped discourse relating to the spatial support of political parties in Slovakia and finds how the selected socio-economic indicators explain the varying voting patterns. The main finding is that Slovakia is an internally heterogeneous country. The socio-demographic factors have a differentiated (either positive or negative) effect on the electoral support for Slovakian parties. As a result, voting patterns differ not only between the western and eastern parts of the country but also between districts within a common geographic area or region. This reveals the complex set of dividing lines in the country and indicates future trends in Slovakian politics.
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Horváth, Peter, and Karol Šebík. "Voting behavior and municipal elections 2014 in Slovakia." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 15, no. 2 (April 1, 2015): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2015-0005.
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Abstract This paper attempts to clarify the patterns of voting behavior among citizens and determinants that could explain voting behavior. In its theoretical part, it deals with the role of party affiliation across several theories of voting behavior - sociological, economic and social-psychological approaches. In section dedicated to interpretation of municipal elections 2014 in regional cities, we evaluate the party identification as the most important factor in voter decision process. We argue, that regional cities are affected by party politics more than smaller cities. Face-to-face contacts with candidates are less frequented and party support plays more and more significant role.
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Řádek, Miroslav. "Voting Behavior in Parliamentary Elections in Slovakia." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 16, no. 4 (October 1, 2016): 392–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2016-0019.
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Abstract Department of Political Science at Alexander Dubcek University in Trencin prepared its own exit poll during election day on March 5, 2016. The survey asked seven questions that were aimed at determining the preferences of the respondents concerning not only the current but also past general elections. Interviewers surveyed the choice of political party or movement in parliamentary elections in 2016 as well as preferences in past elections. Followed by questions concerning motivation to vote - when did the respondents decide to go to vote and what or who inspired this decision. The survey also tried to found out how many preferential votes did the voters give to the candidates of political parties and movements. Final question asked about expectations for the future of individual respondents. This article is the information output of the survey. The interviewers were 124 university students and its return was 1,612 sheets. The aim of this paper is to communicate the findings of this unique survey, which is unprecedented in the Slovak political science.
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Svačinová, Petra. "Ekonomické hlasování a odpovědnost vládních stran ve střední Evropě." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 15, no. 2–3 (August 1, 2013): 77–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2013.23.77.
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The article presents economic voting theory and its application to the study of electoral behaviour in four Central European countries. The theoretical part describes the reward-punishment model of economic voting and its predictions for electoral behaviour in countries with coalition governance and in internationally open economies during the global economic crisis. The analytical part investigates the existence and features of economic voting (as a P-function) in the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. Hypotheses about the existence of economic voting in these countries, the higher economic accountability of more responsible coalition partners, and the lower level of economic voting under the perceived influence of the EU on the domestic economy are tested using OLS and binary logistic analysis of European Election Study data (2004 and 2009). As the results show, economic voting was only detected in Hungary (2004 and 2009) and Slovakia (2004). The analysis indicates that, in general, almost all Prime ministers’ parties bear a greater degree of economic accountability; meanwhile, perceptions of EU economic responsibility had no influence on the popularity of government parties in 2009.
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Beblavý, Miroslav, and Marcela Veselkova. "Preferential voting and the party–electorate relationship in Slovakia." Party Politics 20, no. 4 (April 9, 2012): 521–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068811436055.
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Klašnja, Marko, Joshua A. Tucker, and Kevin Deegan-Krause. "Pocketbook vs. Sociotropic Corruption Voting." British Journal of Political Science 46, no. 1 (June 5, 2014): 67–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123414000088.
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The article examines the relationship between corruption and voting behavior by defining two distinct channels:pocketbook corruption voting, i.e. how personal experiences with corruption affect voting behavior; andsociotropic corruption voting, i.e. how perceptions of corruption in society do so. Individual and aggregate data from Slovakia fail to support hypotheses that corruption is an undifferentiated valence issue, that it depends on the presence of a viable anti-corruption party, or that voters tolerate (or even prefer) corruption, and support the hypothesis that the importance of each channel depends on thesalienceof each source of corruption and that pocketbook corruption voting prevails unless a credible anti-corruption party shifts media coverage of corruption and activates sociotropic corruption voting. Previous studies may have underestimated the prevalence of corruption voting by not accounting for both channels.
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Mitin, Dmitri. "Regional Economic Voting: Russia, Poland, Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic, 1990–1999." Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, no. 1 (March 2007): 263–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423907070357.
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Regional Economic Voting: Russia, Poland, Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic, 1990–1999, Joshua A. Tucker, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006, pp. xxii, 417.Recognizing and predicting the patterns of voting behaviour is a formidable task even in the case of mature and stable democracies. Needless to say, the identification of such trends in the wake of a fundamental political and economic restructuring, when the basic rules of the game are still in flux, can be frustratingly elusive. In this ambitious and methodologically sophisticated study, Joshua Tucker takes on the challenge and suggests a fresh approach for cutting through the fog of post-communist institutional ambiguity. The book reports on several prominent regularities in the voting outcomes that span five countries, several distinct institutional designs, twenty national elections and ten years of transition. In contrast to the studies that rely on micro-level survey data or small-n cross-country comparisons, Tucker aggregates and analyzes the election results at the intermediate, regional level. Cross-regional comparison provides enough resolution for detecting systematic voting patterns shaped by local economic conditions. Explaining the observed connection between regional economy and regional vote is the central theme of Tucker's study.
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Spáč, Peter. "The Role of Ballot Ranking." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 30, no. 3 (February 22, 2016): 644–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325416631802.
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This article deals with ballot order effect in preferential voting in general elections in Slovakia. Previous research in this field has primarily focused on countries whose elections are based either on single-member districts or on lists with fewer candidates. This article aims to analyze a case of a different nature. Slovakia uses a proportional representation list system with a single nationwide constituency where all 150 members of parliament are elected. Hence, most of the political parties create lists with a high number of candidates, which according to theory should enhance the influence of ballot ranking. Using data from Slovak general elections between 2006 and 2012 with a sample of 7,587 candidates, this study provides strong evidence of the impact of ballot order on the results of preferential voting. The analysis in this article shows the existence of both the primacy and recency effects, that is, a positive bias of voters towards candidates listed at both top and bottom positions on a list. What is more, the multilevel models used in this article demonstrate that support for top-ranked candidates significantly increases as the size of the list increases. For the bottom-listed candidates, this trend is rather the opposite. These findings represent a valuable contribution to the debate in this area as they provide insight into the role of ballot order in electoral systems that use lists composed of numerous candidates.
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Gyárfášová, Olga. "Euroscepticism: A Mobilising Appeal? Not for Everyone!" Politics in Central Europe 11, no. 1 (April 1, 2015): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pce-2015-0004.
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Abstract This study examines the changing role of the EU agenda in Slovak politics. It identifies old and newly emerging faces of Euroscepticism and compares them with general theoretical concepts. Furthermore, it asks to what extent Eurosceptical appeals mobilised Slovak voters in the European Parliament (EP) elections of 2014 and whether Eurosceptical parties represent a meaningful electoral choice for voters. In the past, many analyses have provided evidence that the European agenda is not salient and the EU political arena is perceived as one where there is less at stake. Nevertheless, the economic crisis and so-called Greek bailout were followed by a rise in Euroscepticism and EU-criticism. In some EU countries, this enhanced voter mobilisation in the EP elections. In others – including Slovakia – we saw not only a significant decline in electoral turnout but relatively poor results for Eurosceptical parties as well. This study identifies the factors behind abstention and explores voting patterns in this specific second-order election in Slovakia. Moreover, it investigates how the parties are perceived in terms of their positions on EU integration and the potential impact on voter choices. I conclude that the EU agenda is still not the deciding factor for voters even in the case of EP elections. Eurosceptical appeals are less mobilising in this context, and the public sees no differences among parties’ stances on the EU.
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Linek, Lukáš, and Oľga Gyárfášová. "The Role of Incumbency, Ethnicity, and New Parties in Electoral Volatility in Slovakia." Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 27, no. 3 (2020): 303–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2020-3-303.
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This paper analyzes electoral volatility in the 2020 Slovak elections at the level of individual voters using exit poll surveys. The availability of exit polls from the previous elections of 2012 and 2016 allows us to put the 2020 election in context and analyze the patterns (and deviances from them) observed across the three elections. Furthermore, the paper summarizes the aggregate volatility since 1992, demonstrating a high level of net volatility with peaks of over 30 percent. As for the individual level, the analysis concentrates on three important issues in volatility research: (1) vote losses of government parties and the incumbent effect; (2) the role of new parties in mobilization of previous non-voters and first-time voters; (3) since Slovakia is a country with a significant Hungarian minority, special attention is given to vote switching by Hungarian voters and more general patterns of ethnic voting.
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Korovitsyna, N. "Quarter-Century after “Velvet Revolution”: How Are You, Slovaks?" World Economy and International Relations, no. 2 (2015): 77–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-2-77-84.
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The article considers changes in most important areas of Slovak society after 1989: dynamics of social stratification, family values, religiosity, leisure activities, voting behavior and preferences, democratic participation. The aim is to examine the contemporary position of Slovakia between the East and the West European civilization systems after two waves of social transformation in the middle and at the end of the 20th century, considering the accelerated change of the underdeveloped agrarian social structure into the industrial type under the "real socialism". However, at the beginning of the 21st century Slovak settlements still retain a strong rural character. As a result of market reforms and westernization a large part of the countryside tremble in the balance, processes of depopulation and formation of excluded social groups take place especially in small municipalities. Further still, in the context of increasing migration from cities to countryside more and more rural patterns of thinking extend to urban environments. The primarily important urban-rural line of societal differentiation, perceptions, attitudes and voters decision-making process are analyzed on base of Slovak sociologists' research. They discovered the phenomenon of historic “embedding” of the party type gaining the voters' support and commitment to one-party system, starting from the Inter-War Period till present. Slovakia represents the case of the weak left-right party profiling and inclination to various “parties of collective identity”. Definitive significance of ethnicity and religion as divisions in mass political orientations, traditionally characterized by the emphasis on leftist orientations, social rights and value of nation are shown in the paper. According to results of the latest socio-empiric studies in the country, most people in Slovakia (mainly the so called “loosers”) did not adopt neoliberal, Western-type path of development, regarding the existing inequalities as too large, and preferring social equality in a society of poor to social differentiation in a society of abundance. Social rights are estimated by the majority of Slovak people higher than political rights now.
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Bacik, Radovan, Beata Gavurova, and Jaroslava Gburova. "Political marketing: impact of public relations on the change in voter behaviour of consumers (voters)." Marketing and Management of Innovations 5, no. 2 (2021): 40–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/mmi.2021.2-03.
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Companies use marketing public relations to support the marketing department or product promotion and image-making. The discipline of public relations usually used to be of secondary importance in marketing communication activities for ages. Marketing public relations could affect public awareness at a fraction of the cost of advertising and is often much more credible. Public relations are intended to positively influence development in society by aligning one's own interests with those of the public. Public relations objectives in politics focus on building image, securing market share, or increasing consumer (voter) conviction. Political parties should inform the public of their activities based on truthfulness and without any distortion. The paper aims to theoretically summarize public relations and differences between public relations and advertising and an analysis of the impact of public relations and public relations tools on the change of voting behavior and decision-making of Slovak consumers (voters). The empirical study was carried out based on a research of 362 in Slovakia consumers (voters). The primary information was the actual collection. The sample consisted of 362 respondents. The obtained primary data were processed in the statistical program. The method Pearson's Chi-squared test was used to confirm or reject the stated hypothesis. The subject of the research were consumers living in the region of eastern Slovakia. The obtained results showed statistically significant differences in the perception of tools and public relations methods depending on respondents' education. The findings could be beneficial for several target groups, namely marketing managers in the political field, political parties, political candidates, not only in Eastern Slovakia but within the framework of whole Slovakia. At the same time, they could serve as a source of information and as a basis for deciding and establishing the right tools of public relations in promoting political parties and political candidates.
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Legvold, Robert, and Joshua A. Tucker. "Regional Economic Voting: Russia, Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic, 1990-1999." Foreign Affairs 85, no. 5 (2006): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20032113.
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Plešivčák, Martin. "Ideology, cleavages, and voting behaviour in 2009 and 2013 regional elections in Slovakia." AUC GEOGRAPHICA 52, no. 1 (April 19, 2017): 100–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/23361980.2017.8.
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Plešivčák, Martin. "Accountability Day for Governments in Slovakia." Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 29, no. 1 (2022): 71–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2022-1-71.
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The aim of the article is to review the issue of performance voting in Slovakia on the national level but especially on the level of individual regions and districts. For this purpose, an ex-post index of government support is used. This indicator expresses the measure of growth or decline in a government’s (governing parties’) electoral support in parliamentary elections at the end of its functional period in comparison with its start, while also taking into consideration election turnout in the given elections. Governments in the period 2002–2020 are analyzed. In none of the five cases did the government manage to achieve a more favourable result at the end of its mandate than at the beginning. Government support on all levels showed a dramatic decline over time, particularly after 2010. An interesting finding is that on the sub-state level, while considering election turnout, differences in the evaluation of governments’ performance during their term were not, on average, particularly significant between districts. When evaluating the measure of government support, we can on the level of regions and districts talk about a moderately large to large decline in election support for the individual governments (with the exception of the 2006–2010 government). While in the first decade of the new millennium, economic reforms and the state of the economy played a key role in the reckoning for the government, after 2010 more specific political events defined by differences in values between governing parties, scandals or simply the need for change due to ‘material fatigue’ were behind the changes in government. In these cases, a great deal depended above all on the measure of party self-identification. The study showed that spatially disaggregated parts of the country (regions and districts) are similarly sensitive to these stimuli when compared to one another.
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Wheeler, Nicholas. "Regional Economic Voting: Russia, Poland, Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic, 1990–1999Regional Economic Voting: Russia, Poland, Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic, 1990–1999. By Joshua A. Tucker (Cambridge University Press, 2006.)." Journal of Politics 69, no. 3 (August 2007): 878–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2007.00583.x.
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Caprara, Gian Vittorio, Michele Vecchione, Shalom H. Schwartz, Harald Schoen, Paul G. Bain, Jo Silvester, Jan Cieciuch, et al. "Basic Values, Ideological Self-Placement, and Voting: A Cross-Cultural Study." Cross-Cultural Research 51, no. 4 (June 2, 2017): 388–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1069397117712194.
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The current study examines the contribution of left–right (or liberal–conservative) ideology to voting, as well as the extent to which basic values account for ideological orientation. Analyses were conducted in 16 countries from five continents (Europe, North America, South America, Asia, and Oceania), most of which have been neglected by previous studies. Results showed that left–right (or liberal–conservative) ideology predicted voting in all countries except Ukraine. Basic values exerted a considerable effect in predicting ideology in most countries, especially in established democracies such as Australia, Finland, Italy, United Kingdom, and Germany. Pattern of relations with the whole set of 10 values revealed that the critical trade-off underlying ideology is between values concerned with tolerance and protection for the welfare of all people (universalism) versus values concerned with preserving the social order and status quo (security). A noteworthy exception was found in European postcommunist countries, where relations of values with ideology were small (Poland) or near to zero (Ukraine, Slovakia).
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Ćetković, Stefan, and Aron Buzogány. "The Political Economy of EU Climate and Energy Policies in Central and Eastern Europe Revisited: Shifting Coalitions and Prospects for Clean Energy Transitions." Politics and Governance 7, no. 1 (March 28, 2019): 124–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v7i1.1786.
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The countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) have commonly been regarded as climate and energy policy laggards blocking more ambitious EU decarbonization targets. Although recent literature has increasingly acknowledged the differences in national positions on energy and climate issues among these states, there has been little comprehensive evidence about their positioning on EU climate and energy policies and the domestic interests which shape government preferences. The article addresses this gap by tracing the voting behavior of six CEE countries (Poland, Hungary, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Bulgaria, and Romania) on EU energy-related legislation in the Council of Ministers between 2007–2018. The article shows that the contestation of energy policies, particularly of climate-related legislation, in the Council of Ministers has increased over time and that these six CEE countries have indeed most often objected to the adoption of EU legislation. The CEE states do not, however, have a common regional positioning on all EU energy policies. Voting coalitions among the six CEE countries differ substantially across energy policy areas. The lack of a common regional position and changing national preferences have enabled the adoption of a relatively ambitious EU Energy and Climate Package for 2030. The differences in national voting patterns are explained by the evolving interests and the ability of key domestic political and economic actors to adapt to and explore benefits from the ever-expanding EU energy and climate policies.
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McGauvran, Ronald J., and Brandon Stewart. "Turning discontent into votes: Economic inequality and ethnic outbidding." Research & Politics 8, no. 4 (October 2021): 205316802110678. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20531680211067881.
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Ethnic outbidding, where parties adopt ever more extreme positions to capture electoral advantage, has become an increasingly common practice among ethnic parties. As economic issues have often served as a catalyst for ethnic tension, increasing levels of economic inequality should lead parties to adopt more extreme positions in an attempt to outbid one another. Furthermore, as their economic and ethnic platforms will appeal to the same ethnically defined constituency, ethnic outbidding should be more effective where inequality is high. Using a sample of over 150 ethnonational parties in Europe between 2011 and 2017, this paper finds that inequality is linked to increasing ideological extremism along a number of policy dimensions. Employing local-level voting data for Romania and Slovakia, we show that higher inequality makes adopting a more ideological extreme position a more successful electoral strategy, especially where economic issues are ethnically salient.
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Zamfira, Andreea. "Methodological limitations in studying the effect of (inter)ethnicity on voting behaviour, with examples from Bulgaria, Romania, and Slovakia." Erdkunde 69, no. 2 (June 30, 2015): 161–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3112/erdkunde.2015.02.06.
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Abrams, Neil. "Book Review: Tucker, J. A. (2006). Regional economic voting: Russia, Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic, 1990-1999. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press." Comparative Political Studies 40, no. 7 (May 25, 2007): 909–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414006298946.
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Kużelewska, Elżbieta. "How Far Can Citizens Influence the Decision-Making Process? Analysis of the Effectiveness of Referenda in the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary in 1989–2015." Baltic Journal of European Studies 5, no. 2 (October 1, 2015): 171–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2015-0019.
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AbstractThis article explores the political role of a referendum in Central European countries, in particular in Hungary, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic. In this article, political effectiveness is understood as a possibility to influence the decision-making process by citizens through a referendum. The transformation of political systems in Central European states from socialist/communist to democratic ones resulted in increasing interest in the notion of referendum, one of the common forms of direct democracy. However, most referenda have been abused for political purposes. The focus of this article is a referendum used at the national level. This study examines the use of a referendum in Central European states from 1989 to 2015. The database presents, country by country, the subject matter of voting, people’s participation and the results in order to show the citizens’ opportunity (or lack of it) to express their opinions and to contribute to policy-making by circumventing the standard legislative process. The aim of this paper is to analyze referenda in the selected countries and to verify two hypotheses. Firstly, the weak use of a referendum and a small size of complementation of representative democracy. Secondly, the citizens’ belief in a referendum as an element of communication and consultation between authorities and society.
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Gruszczak, Artur. "“Refugees” as a Misnomer: The Parochial Politics and Official Discourse of the Visegrad Four." Politics and Governance 9, no. 4 (October 28, 2021): 174–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i4.4411.
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Attitudes towards migrants and refugees are created and reflected at the level of public policies, as well as in local communities which cultivate traditional approaches and a specific worldview. The refugee crisis in Europe in the mid-2010s showed how public opinion translated into voting behaviour and became a source of strength for nationalist anti-immigrant movements and parties across the continent. East-Central Europe was no exception, regardless of the absence of a long-term, massive inflow of refugees. Nevertheless, the migration crisis created a new political narrative which exploited deeply rooted resentments, complexes, and fears. This article aims to analyse the official policy responses to the refugee crisis in the four East-Central European countries: Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic, which together constitute the so-called Visegrad Four. It puts the emphasis on the discriminatory practice of misnaming the refugees, which became deeply anchored in the political discourse of these countries. Based on a qualitative content analysis supplemented by the findings of public opinion polls, the argument developed in the article is that reluctant and defensive attitudes towards the refugees have been determined by the revival of parochialism as a radical reaction to the challenges of global trends and supra-local processes. The theoretical framing of the refugee problem is built on politicization, in connection with the concept of parochialism, seen from political and social perspectives, and the meaning of the use of the misnomer as a policy instrument. The article concludes that the migration crisis petrified traditional cleavages at the supra-local level, reinforcing simultaneously the sense of parochial altruism and hostility towards “the other.”
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Clark, Terry D. "Regional Economic Voting: Russia, Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic, 1990–1999. By Joshua A. Tucker. Cambridge Series in Comparative Politics. Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press, 2006. xxii, 417 pp. Appendixes. Notes. Bibliography. Index. Tables. $75.00, hard bound. $29.99, paper." Slavic Review 66, no. 2 (2007): 311–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20060225.
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Stanley, Ben. "Populism, nationalism, or national populism? An analysis of Slovak voting behaviour at the 2010 parliamentary election." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 44, no. 4 (November 12, 2011): 257–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2011.10.005.
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This article explores the impact of populist attitudes on party preferences and voting behaviour at the 2010 Slovak election. Using an original battery of questions on populist attitudes developed by the author and attached to the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems post-election survey, the article addresses hypotheses about the impact of populist attitudes on preferences and choices alongside nationalist and economic attitudes and the socio-demographic ‘transition loser/winner’ divide. It finds that whilst nationalist and economic attitudes are significant predictors of preferences and choices, populist attitudes are much less influential than anticipated.
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Ondrkál, Filip. "The Nitrica I: Funeral deposit of proto-Lusatian warrior from Western Slovakia." Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 73, no. 2 (October 27, 2022): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/072.2022.00011.
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Abstract The genesis of Lusatian culture is not sufficiently understood due to the demanding nature of its funeral ideology, which suddenly makes the highest social group invisible in the eyes of archaeologists. The elite proto-Lusatian burial of Nitrica I (Bz C2/D – ca. 1350–1300 BC) points to a persisting warrior-chief component of the Middle Bronze Age origin, which survived here from the previous period and probably contributed to the spread of Lusatian-style pottery. It reveals the diachronic acculturation of ending Tumulus facies, which has retained the habits of depositing votive wealth in graves, while the community of the Urnfield facies have decided (or been forced) to drastically reduce the importance and investment in funeral deposits. Typologically, this is the richest burial of Lusatian cultural zone with a significant continental importance, and offers an excellent case for the integration of multidisciplinary approaches in chronology, sociology, cultural development, and others. Selection of the location of the central burial and its position in the landscape was not accidental, and later began to function as a ritual centre/territorial marker with a high occurrence of metal hoards – which raises several implications in social archaeology and points to a sophisticated spiritual thinking of the Lusatian communities.
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Ondrkál, Filip. "The Súl′ov-Hradná II: Military deposit of Lusatian culture from Western Slovakia." Archaeologiai Értesítő 147, no. 1 (March 3, 2023): 105–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/0208.2022.00036.
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AbstractThe Final Bronze Age (ca. 1080–725 BC) in the Western Carpathians is characterized by increased cross-cultural militarization, which culminated in the collapse horizon era in Ha C1a. Here, the Lusatian culture introduced a series of investments in defensive infrastructure in the Ha A2–B1 period, many of which were maintained and reinforced over the following centuries. Spectacular finds of deposited weapons, including bronze swords (Komjatná, Martinček, Liptovské Sliače), which are rarely found in graves of that time, are known from the Váh river valley. The Final Bronze Age hoard of Súľov-Hradná II, Bytča dist. (Ha B1; 1080–960 BC), newly represents a multi-typic find of 9 bronze swords (reine Schwerthort) and magnificently illustrates the recurring codified behaviour of votive weapon deposition in the aquatic and mountain environment of the Western Carpathians. As the Old Germanic toponym of Žibrid hill (867 m; germ. Sivrit/Sieg-fried = victorious peace) suggests, the knowledge of the deposition event may have survived to the present day, and it recalls the old Celto-Germanic rule of sacrificing the weapons of the defeated party, and provides a powerful addition to the understanding some characteristic and strikingly recurring patterns in the bronze archaeological record in Central Europe.A késő bronzkort (kb. Kr. e. 1080–725) a Nyugati-Kárpátokban a kultúrák közötti fegyveres konfliktusok jellemzik, amelyek a bronzkort követő Ha C1a periódusban érik el a csúcspontjukat. A Lausitz-kultúra Ha A2–B1 fázisában építik ki azt a védelmi infrastruktúrát, melynek részeit a következő évszázadokban is megtartják és megerősítik. Ebből az időszakból származnak a Vág völgyéből előkerült, fegyvereket – többek között a korabeli sírokban csak elvétve előforduló bronz kardokat – tartalmazó kincsleletek, fegyverdepók (Komjatná, Martinček, Liptovské Sliače). A késő bronzkori Súľov-Hradná II (Bytča körzet) lelőhelyről (Kr. e. 1080–960) egy 9 bronzkardból álló lelet (reine Schwerthort) került elő, amely ismételten illusztrálja a Nyugati-Kárpátok vizes és hegyi környezetében jellemző, rendszeres, votív fegyverdeponálási szokást. Amint azt a Žibrid-hegy (867 m t.f.m.; germán Sivrit/Sieg-fried = győzelem-béke) ógermán eredetű neve is jelzi, a deponálási szokás ismerete a mai napig megőrződhetett a terület toponímiájában. A legyőzött fél fegyvereinek ősi kelta–germán feláldozási szokása fontos adalékot jelent a közép-európai bronzkor néhány ismétlődő jelenségének megértésében.Neskorá doba bronzová (ca. 1080–725 pr. Kr.) je v Západných Karpatoch charakteristická zvýšenou medzikultúrnou militarizáciou, ktorá vyvrcholila érou zánikového horizontu v Ha C1a. Lužická kultúra tu v období Ha A2–B1 zaviedla sériu investícií do obrannej infraštruktúry, z ktorých mnohé boli udržiavané a zosilnené počas nasledujúcich storočí. Práve z tohto obdobia sú z údolia rieky Váh známe veľkolepé nálezy deponovaných zbraní vrátane bronzových mečov (Komjatná, Martinček, Liptovské Sliače), ktoré sa v hroboch tej doby vyskytujú zriedkavo. Neskorobronzové depozitum Súľov-Hradná II, okr. Bytča (1080–960 pr. Kr.) novo reprezentuje homogénny nález 9 bronzových mečov (reine Schwerthort) a ilustruje opakujúce sa kodifikované správanie votívneho ukladania zbraní vo vodnom a vysokohorskom prostredí Západných Karpát. Ako uvádza aj starogermánske toponymum vrchu Žibrid (867 m; germ. Sivrit/Sieg-fried = víťazný mier), znalosť udalosti deponovania mohla pretrvať až do súčasnosti, a pripomína staré keltsko-germánske pravidlo obetovania zbraní porazenej strany, a poskytuje silný doplnok v pochopení niektorých charakteristických a nápadne sa opakujúcich vzorcov v archeologickom zázname bronzu v strednej Európe.
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Ježek, Martin. "Millennia of continuity in the votive behaviour of Europeans The testimony of tools for determining the value of metal Tisíciletá kontinuita votivního chování Evropanů Svědectví nástrojů k určení jakosti kovu." Archeologické rozhledy 72, no. 3 (December 17, 2020): 311–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.35686/ar.2020.11.
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Archaeology has a great deal of experience with how the misinterpretation of finds creates a false image of the past. The main reason for this is down to ideologically-conditioned stereotypes. The paper describes one such case involving hundreds of thousands of finds of one type of artefact, commonly classified as whetstones, pendants, amulets, etc., from the Chalcolithic up to the Early Middle Ages. The article emphasises that although touchstones from ancient burials had already been identified using an electron microscopy half a century ago, the interpretation of these finds corresponding to the paradigm from the early 19th century remains popular to this day. For the chemical microanalysis of metal traces preserved on the surface of these stone artefacts, samples were selected from Russian, Slovakian, Swedish and Ukrainian sites, from the Hallstatt period up to the Early Middle Ages, with special regard for their previous interpretation history. However, the main aim is to point out the symbolic role of tools used to test the value of precious metals outside the grave context. Finds from wet environments in particular reveal the continuity of the behaviour of European over the millennia, regardless of the current ideology or cult, and the diversity of artefacts that were, and still are, chosen as a medium for votive behaviour.
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Malovecká, Ivona, Daniela Mináriková, and Viliam Foltán. "PATIENT SATISFACTION WITH ORTHOPEDIC AND PROSTHETIC MEDICAL DEVICES." CBU International Conference Proceedings 3 (September 19, 2015): 419–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.12955/cbup.v3.632.
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Collecting information about patient satisfaction with orthopedic and prosthetic medical devices in terms of utility, tolerance, and compliance is essential for verifying and improving the quality of these devices. In addition, such information is useful for improving the patients’ quality of life, and the quality management systems of health care providers. This study assessed patient satisfaction with these devices from a sample of patients with orthopedic, neurologic, and rheumatic diseases at the Specialized Hospital for Orthopedic Prosthetics and at the premises of the Dispenser of Orthopedic and Prosthetic Medical Devices, both in Bratislava in the Slovak Republic. The assessment involved a translated and validated questionnaire about patient satisfaction with orthopedic and prosthetic medical devices to evaluate key factors of weight, fit, appearance, comfort, pain free, free of abrasiveness, ease of application, and durability of each device. The study samples consisted of patients with lower limb problems (42.5%), spine problems (26.9%), and a combination of leg and spine issues (25.9%). Orthopedic disease occurred in 73.6% of these patients, a combination of orthopedic and neurologic disease in 13.5%, and neurologic disease in 7.3%. Orthopedic insoles (36.3%), hip belts (17.6%), and the corset on the spine (5.2%) were the most used devices. Overall, the medical devices rated highly, with a high proportion of patients voting “strongly satisfied” in five of the eight key factors (range 51.8 to 63.2%), followed by a moderately lower proportion for durability (43.5%), comfort (37.3%), and appearance (31.1%). The comfort in wearing the device received the greatest patient dissatisfaction (22.8% of patients), followed by appearance (12.4%), and then fit (7.3%).
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Beblavy, Miroslav, and Marcela Veselkova. "Preferential Voting and Party-Electorate Relationship in Slovakia." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1863949.
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Mikuš, Dalibor, Richard Brix, and Daniel Šmatlánek. "Specifications of Participatory Budgeting in Visegrad Group States and Possible Implementations for Slovakia." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences, December 31, 2021, 161–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.34135/sjps.210203.
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Participatory budget is an innovative tool for public policymaking, which is characterized by the particpation of residents of territorial administrative units. In the paper, authors focus on the evaluation of the participatory budget within the Visegrad Group, which is linked by specific ties due to the special development of this geopolitical area after the political and social changes in the late 1980s. Identifying the specifics of participatory budgeting in Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Slovakia is set as the main goal of the article, specifically evaluating the pilot project model, analysing the legislative framework, which regulates participatory budgeting, and extending this tool at the local level in terms of current statistics. As for the pilot projects, the authors identified differences in the following indicators: initiator of its implementation; participation of citizens and their position and powers in project design; participation in the decision-making on projects in terms of voting; whether a direct physical vote or online form was used. In addition, the authors evaluate the legal framework of the selected states in terms of presence of the primary or secondary regulation. Finally, the quantitative development of participatory budgets is monitored, while the potential impact of the COVID-19 pandemic is also reflected in the paper. Based on the data from other states of the Visegrad Group, in the final chapter the authors present optimization proposals, which they consider applicable in Slovakia. The authors identified at least three possible ways of amending the current Slovak legislation in order to improve the implementation of the participatory budget. The paper specifies the shortcomings in the form of low citizen participation in the drafting phase and in the voting process. The paper also identifies the same bottom-up implementation process in all V4 member countries. Poland is the only V4 country that has enshrined primary legislation on participatory budgets in its legal system.
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Yoder, Jennifer A. "Regional Economic Voting: Russia, Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic, 1990–1999." Perspectives on Politics 5, no. 01 (February 27, 2007). http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592707070600.
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Bustikova, Lenka. "Policy Hostility, Group Hostility and Voting for Radical Right: Micro-Level Evidence from Slovakia." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2487718.
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Marjan, Attila. "THE NEW EU VOTING SYSTEM - THE OLD WEST-EAST NORTH-SOUTH DIVISION." AKTUELNOSTI 2, no. 29 (December 5, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.7251/akt1429en008m.
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Economic governance reforms and Eurozone consolidation has significant institutional and political consequences: a multiple-tier integration is ever more realistic. „Out” countries seek to mitigate the negative impact of these developments. In this respect V4 - Visegrad countries differ a lot: Slovakia, a relative latecomer in economic reforms is part of the currency union. Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic are not Euro-members. But even this sub-group is divided: Poland intends to join whenever requirements are fulfilled while the Hungarian and the Czech governments are cool on accession. At the same time, further economic federalisation in the Eurozone is to come. Against this background, the question whether a long-term "great divide” among V4 group countries in relation to their EU policies and consequently their future situation in the rapidly altering EU will be maintained, is of key importance.
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"Regional Economic Voting: Russia, Poland, Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic, 1990-1999 by Joshua A. Tucker." Journal of Regional Science 48, no. 4 (October 2008): 851–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9787.2008.00591_13.x.
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Viteková, Lucia, and Ivana Václaviková. "Psychological Aspects of Political Choices: Focus on Cognition, Decision-Making Styles, and Emotions in Voting Behaviour." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences, July 1, 2022, 25–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.34135/sjps.220102.
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The presented paper focuses on the issue of voting behaviour. It aims to determine the importance of selected cognitive factors, decision-making styles and emotional factors in electoral decision-making and behaviour in voters with different political preferences and voters of specific Slovak political parties. The cognitive style was evaluated using the Cognitive Reflection Test - Version 2. Decision-making styles were explored using the General Decision Making Styles Questionnaire and emotion preferences in information processing were evaluated using the following affective states test. Within the research sample (N = 308, average age 36.2 years), distinct groups of Slovak voters were created: 1. based on parties with different ideological orientations, and 2. based on specific Slovak political parties. The predictive significance of the observed characteristics for the choice of a political subject with a particular ideology and the choice of a specific Slovak political party was explored. All the variables monitored – cognitive style, decision-making style, and emotion preferences in information processing – proved to be significant.