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1
Gherghina, Sergiu, and Mihail Chiru. "Voting after Watching: The Strategic Role of Election Polls." European Review 20, no. 2 (March 30, 2012): 210–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798711000548.
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The November 2009 Romanian presidential elections illustrate the process through which media exposure to exit polls during the election day allows strategic voting in the least expected situations (i.e. in the first round of a two-ballot setting). Organized in a two-round system in which the first two competitors qualify for the second round, these elections display one unsolved dilemma. The difference registered in elections between the two challengers is twice as large as the average support in the pre-election polls (a comparable difference was never registered in post-communist Romania). Our quantitative analysis uses election results from the past two decades and aggregated poll data from 2009 and reveals that a large share of the Romanian electorate avoids wasting votes and casts them for candidates with real winning chances. This article argues that polls presented to the voters, by the media during the elections, made the difference. They were used as electoral strategies to trigger strategic voting and thus promote specific candidates.
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Stroschein, Sherrill. "Demography in ethnic party fragmentation: Hungarian local voting in Romania." Party Politics 17, no. 2 (February 24, 2011): 189–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068810391161.
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When and where might ethnic party outbidding occur? This article examines potential outbidding dynamics via a study of local elections in Romania, where the dominant Hungarian UDMR/RMDSz (Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania) was recently challenged by a rival party, the MPP (Hungarian Citizens’ Party). A comparison of election results is made across cities and counties that differ according to demographic characteristics. Two primary findings emerge. First, Hungarian unity in the form of the RMDSz remained strong except under enclave conditions — where the ethnic minority is the local majority. Outbidding is more likely to be a luxury of enclave regions, where fragmentation will not involve a loss of power to another ethnic group, as could happen to a local minority or with ‘split’ demographics. Second, when majority-minority demographics are clear, cross-ethnic formal or informal coalitions are more likely to emerge. Cross-ethnic coalitions are rare under conditions of ‘split’ demographics, which exhibit a logic of ethnic polarization.
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Mares, Isabela, and Giancarlo Visconti. "Voting for the lesser evil: evidence from a conjoint experiment in Romania." Political Science Research and Methods 8, no. 2 (June 10, 2019): 315–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2019.12.
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AbstractIn many elections around the world, voters choose between politicians who differ not only in personal background and policy promises, but also in their history of dishonest electoral conduct. While recent literature has begun to investigate the conditions under which voters punish electoral malfeasance, we know relatively little about whether they penalize different forms of illicit activities carried out by politicians differently. In this paper, we present the results of a candidate choice experiment embedded in a survey fielded prior to the 2016 Romanian local election. We asked voters to choose between two hypothetical candidates, randomly varying several attributes, including different illicit electoral activities. We find that citizens tolerate some forms of political malfeasance less than others depending on how much that malfeasance infringes on voters' autonomy. Informational campaigns carried out by prosecutorial agencies also affect how much voters punish different illicit exchanges.
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Gherghina, Sergiu, and Mihail Chiru. "Determinants of legislative voting loyalty under different electoral systems: Evidence from Romania." International Political Science Review 35, no. 5 (September 2, 2013): 523–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512113501242.
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Gheorghiţă, Andrei. "Vote Transfers, Thwarted Voters and Newcomers in the 2009 Presidential Runoff in Romania." Social Change Review 9, no. 2 (December 1, 2011): 135–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/scr-2016-0020.
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Abstract This article investigates the role of thwarted voters and newcomers in setting the result of the December 6th, 2009 presidential runoff in Romania. For this purpose it employs panel survey data from the Romanian Election Studies, collected across three waves: pre-election, between the two rounds, post-election. Initially, it draws a picture of the main evolutions in turnout and vote between the first and the second round, with a special emphasis on vote transfers and risks associated to turnout and pro-winner overreporting. Then it analyzes the thwarted voters and their rationalities of making second-order electoral choices in the presidential runoff. The influence of campaign developments and long-term party/candidate preferences is assessed. Finally, the article investigates the profile of newcomers (people only voting in the runoff) and the mechanisms of political mobilisation in their case. A special attention is given to how newcomers make the electoral choice in the presidential runoff and to the influence of the campaign developments on that choice.
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Zamfira, Andreea. "Cross-Cutting Cleavages, Political Representation and Voting Behaviour of Interacting Linguistic Groups in Romania." Der Donauraum 49, no. 1-2 (December 2009): 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/dnrm.2009.49.12.83.
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Dubicki, Andrzej. "The Influence of Austrian Voting Right of 1907 on the First Electoral Law of the Successor States (Poland, Romania [Bukovina], Czechoslovakia)." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 1, no. 1 (May 1, 2014): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v1i1.p56-64.
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As a result of collapse of the Central Powers in 1918 in Central Europe have emerged new national states e.g. Poland, Czechoslowakia, Hungaria, SHS Kingdom some of states that have existed before the Great War have changed their boundaries e.g. Romania, Bulgaria. But what is most important newly created states have a need to create their constituencies, so they needed a electoral law. There is a question in what manner they have used the solutions that have been used before the war in the elections held to the respective Parliaments (mostly to the Austrian or Hungarian parliament) and in case of Poland to the Tzarist Duma or Prussian and German Parliament. In the paper author will try to compare Electoral Laws that were used in Poland Czechoslowakia, and Romania [Bukowina]. The first object will be connected with the question in what matter the Austrian electoral law have inspired the solutions used in respective countries after the Great War. The second object will be connected with showing similarities between electoral law used in so called opening elections held mainly in 1919 in Austria-Hungary successor states. The third and final question will be connected with development of the electoral rules in respective countries and with explaining the reasons for such changes and its influence on the party system in respective country: multiparty in Czechoslovakia, hybrid in Romania.
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Fertő, Imre, László Á. Kóczy, Attila Kovács, and Balázs R. Sziklai. "The power ranking of the members of the Agricultural Committee of the European Parliament." European Review of Agricultural Economics 47, no. 5 (July 30, 2020): 1897–919. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/erae/jbaa011.
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Abstract We aim to identify the most influential members of the Agricultural Committee of the European Parliament (COMAGRI). Unlike previous studies that were based on case studies or interviews with stakeholders, we analyse the voting power of MEPs using a spatial Banzhaf power index. We identify critical members: members whose votes are necessary to form winning coalitions. We found that rapporteurs, EP group coordinators and MEPs from countries with high relative Committee representations, such as Ireland, Poland or Romania are powerful actors. Italy emerges as the most influential member state, while France seems surprisingly weak.
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Kiss, Tamás, and István Gergő Székely. "Shifting linkages in ethnic mobilization: The case of RMDSZ and the Hungarians in Transylvania." Nationalities Papers 44, no. 4 (July 2016): 591–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2016.1149157.
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The Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (RMDSZ) has been the most stable actor in the Romanian party system over the past two decades. However, in this article, we argue that beyond this apparent stability, the linkages between RMDSZ and its voters have undergone a gradual, yet significant shift. The ethnic block voting of Transylvanian Hungarians was closely connected to the concept of a self-standing and parallel “Minority Society,” and to the practices of institution building that the minority elites engaged in in the early 1990s. However, since its first participation in the Romanian government in 1996, RMDSZ has gradually departed from this strategy, a phenomenon that was also closely connected to a process of elite change within the organization. The present RMDSZ leadership puts less and less emphasis on policy programs that could reinforce the institutional system of the minority; consequently, it is unable (and unwilling) to organizationally integrate the community activists of the minority society who previously had played a key role in the process of (electoral) mobilization. At the rhetorical level, RMDSZ did not abandon the goal of building a parallel Hungarian minority society, but in its linkages to the Hungarian electorate, clientelistic exchanges have become predominant.
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Perocco, Fabio. "The potential and limitations of the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration: A comment." Torture Journal 29, no. 1 (May 22, 2019): 127–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/torture.v29i1.112217.
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On 19 December 2018 the UN General Assembly approved the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration (GCM), with 152 votes in favor, five against (Czech Republic, Hungary, Israel, Poland, United States), 12 abstentions (Algeria, Australia, Austria, Bulgaria, Chile, Italy, Latvia, Libya, Liechtenstein, Romania, Singapore, Switzerland), and 24 countries not voting (UN, 2018). The GCM builds on the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (UN, 2015) and on the New York Declaration for Refugees and Migrants 2016 (of which it aims to implement Annex II) (UN, 2016). The article discusses the Global compact for migration, highlighting its potential and limits, supporters and detractors.
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Ćetković, Stefan, and Aron Buzogány. "The Political Economy of EU Climate and Energy Policies in Central and Eastern Europe Revisited: Shifting Coalitions and Prospects for Clean Energy Transitions." Politics and Governance 7, no. 1 (March 28, 2019): 124–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v7i1.1786.
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The countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) have commonly been regarded as climate and energy policy laggards blocking more ambitious EU decarbonization targets. Although recent literature has increasingly acknowledged the differences in national positions on energy and climate issues among these states, there has been little comprehensive evidence about their positioning on EU climate and energy policies and the domestic interests which shape government preferences. The article addresses this gap by tracing the voting behavior of six CEE countries (Poland, Hungary, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Bulgaria, and Romania) on EU energy-related legislation in the Council of Ministers between 2007–2018. The article shows that the contestation of energy policies, particularly of climate-related legislation, in the Council of Ministers has increased over time and that these six CEE countries have indeed most often objected to the adoption of EU legislation. The CEE states do not, however, have a common regional positioning on all EU energy policies. Voting coalitions among the six CEE countries differ substantially across energy policy areas. The lack of a common regional position and changing national preferences have enabled the adoption of a relatively ambitious EU Energy and Climate Package for 2030. The differences in national voting patterns are explained by the evolving interests and the ability of key domestic political and economic actors to adapt to and explore benefits from the ever-expanding EU energy and climate policies.
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Barbu, Claudiu. "The Romanian Pension System Reforms: Evidences from Legislative Roll Call Analysis." Studia Universitatis Babes-Bolyai Sociologia 61, no. 1 (June 1, 2016): 109–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/subbs-2016-0005.
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AbstractThere are important differences between all Eastern European countries regarding the implementation of pension system privatization. The differences regarding the political configuration between the countries from Eastern Europe might be a possible explanation for the amount of diversity in this area. The ideology of political parties that form or sustain the government that implements the reform can also be an explanation, but this influence must be studied beyond the cliché that stipulates that the right-wing parties will support the public pension system reform and the left-wing parties will oppose it. Armeanu (2010a) showed that there are countries where privatization was supported by the centre-left coalitions that needed to overpass a strong opposition made by the right-wing parties. Using the Ideal Point Estimation technique within the voting sessions related to pension reform during the last three Romanian legislatures, we will explain the formation of pro and against coalitions regarding the pension reform from Romania during the privatization process of public pension system. We also test the hypotheses of the model presented by Armeanu (2010a, 2010b), model that predicts the behaviour of political parties based on the position they have on a two-dimensional space related to the costs of pension reform.
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Gherghina, Sergiu, and Aurelian Plopeanu. "Who Wishes to Return? Ties to Home Country among the Romanian Migrants." Nationalities Papers 48, no. 5 (April 17, 2020): 876–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2019.72.
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AbstractThe research focusing on return migration from the perspective of migrants’ relationship with the country of origin has emphasized the emotional and economic ties. Quite often, these ties have been examined separately and there is little indication of what counts more. This article addresses this gap in the literature and analyzes the extent to which the sense of belonging, media consumption, networks of friends, and regular visits in the country of origin could affect the intention to return. It controls for remittances, voting in the elections of their home country, and age. The empirical analysis uses an original dataset including individual level data. This was collected through an online survey in January 2018 on a sample of 1,839 first generation migrants from Romania.
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Tasente, Tanase. "Facebook's power to mobilize fans in the electoral campaign. Case Study: 2019 European Parliamentary Elections in Romania." Technium Social Sciences Journal 4 (January 27, 2020): 55–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v4i1.100.
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Since 2008, when Barack Obama won the United States election thanks to Facebook, that success model has been improved year by year, and at present Social Media has become the main channel of communication in electoral campaigns, ahead of traditional media (TV, radio, newspapers). The novelty of this communication mechanism can be described by decentralizing the communication to social groups of online opinion leaders and eliminating the horizontal dimension, in which mass-media and political actors played fundamental roles in disseminating the political message to the public. In Social Media, the message is decentralized from source (political actor's Facebook page) by some ordinary users, which in time become influential leaders in the virtual environment. Moreover, political parties that managed to mobilize most fans to disseminate political information in their social groups (strong and weak links) managed to achieve better electoral scores. Our study focused on analyzing the campaign on Facebook in the electoral campaign of the main three parties in Romania, which won the most mandates in the European Parliament: the National Liberal Party (yellow), the Social Democratic Party (red) and the Union "Save Romania" (blue). The election campaign took place from 27 April 2019 to 25 May 2019 and the voting day was on 26 May 2019.
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McGauvran, Ronald J., and Brandon Stewart. "Turning discontent into votes: Economic inequality and ethnic outbidding." Research & Politics 8, no. 4 (October 2021): 205316802110678. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20531680211067881.
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Ethnic outbidding, where parties adopt ever more extreme positions to capture electoral advantage, has become an increasingly common practice among ethnic parties. As economic issues have often served as a catalyst for ethnic tension, increasing levels of economic inequality should lead parties to adopt more extreme positions in an attempt to outbid one another. Furthermore, as their economic and ethnic platforms will appeal to the same ethnically defined constituency, ethnic outbidding should be more effective where inequality is high. Using a sample of over 150 ethnonational parties in Europe between 2011 and 2017, this paper finds that inequality is linked to increasing ideological extremism along a number of policy dimensions. Employing local-level voting data for Romania and Slovakia, we show that higher inequality makes adopting a more ideological extreme position a more successful electoral strategy, especially where economic issues are ethnically salient.
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Strohmeier, Dagmar, Martyn Barrett, Carmen Bora, Simona C. S. Caravita, Elisa Donghi, Edmond Dragoti, Chris Fife-Schaw, et al. "Young People’s Engagement With the European Union." Zeitschrift für Psychologie 225, no. 4 (December 2017): 313–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/2151-2604/a000314.
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Abstract. This study investigated whether demographic variables, efficacy beliefs, visions, and worries are associated with four different forms of (dis)engagement with the European Union (EU): intended voting in the 2019 EU elections, nonconventional political engagement, psychological engagement, and the wish that one’s own country should leave the EU. The sample comprised 3,764 young people aged 16–25 years living in seven European countries: Albania, Austria, Germany, Italy, Romania, Spain, and the UK. Economic challenges, human rights, and the environment were the most important future visions; unemployment and poverty, climate change, civil unrests, and collapse of the EU were the most important future worries. The four forms of (dis)engagement with the EU were differentially associated with predictors, although internal efficacy and future vision of economic challenges predicted all forms. Implications for future EU policy are discussed.
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Zamfira, Andreea. "Methodological limitations in studying the effect of (inter)ethnicity on voting behaviour, with examples from Bulgaria, Romania, and Slovakia." Erdkunde 69, no. 2 (June 30, 2015): 161–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3112/erdkunde.2015.02.06.
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Stănescu, Iulian. "The curious story of the 2018 Romanian traditional family referendum: buck-passing and the failure to mobilise voters." Sociologie Romaneasca 18, no. 2 (November 11, 2020): 74–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.33788/sr.18.2.3.
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In 2018, a referendum to revise the Constitution took place in Romania. Just one article was in contention for revision. The goal was to make gay marriage unconstitutional. In the end, the referendum failed due to a low turnout of just 21.1%, below the 30% threshold required for validation. This paper looks into the causes of the low turnout. First, there is an overview of knowns and unknowns, such as lack of exit poll data and issues with the voting population numbers. The bulk of the paper deals with two overlapping narratives about the causes of low turnout - first, a boycott campaign and second, a combination of factors, especially low mobilisation. Using precinct level results, supplemented by pre and post referendum polling data, an examination of evidence for both narratives is put forward. The results provide a case for failure of mobilisation by main political parties and religious organisations, especially the Orthodox Church, despite public statements of support for a “Yes” vote in the referendum. In turn, this was based on a buck-passing strategy by political parties and religious organisations.
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WITCZAK-ROSZKOWSKA, Danuta. "The virtual dimension of socio-economic relations in european countries." Scientific Papers of Silesian University of Technology. Organization and Management Series 2020, no. 146 (2020): 509–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.29119/1641-3466.2020.146.36.
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Purpose: The purpose of the article is to assess the level of use of information technologies by households in selected European countries and the resulting transformations in socio-economic relations. Design/methodology/approach: The article uses one of the taxonomic methods – the Hellwig’s development pattern method. 20 diagnostic features were adopted to develop Hellwig’s synthetic measure. They reflect the access and use of the Internet by households in five areas: networking and formal activities in the fields of e-government, e-banking, e-education, e-health; carrying out political and civic activities online (consulting, voting, expressing opinions); making informal contacts and participating in social networks (e.g. Facebook, Twitter, etc.); e-commerce; using instant messaging and e-mail. Findings: In the light of the characteristics adopted for the survey, the highest level of use of information technology by households is characteristic of Iceland, Norway, Denmark, Sweden, the Netherlands, Great Britain and Finland. The countries with the lowest rates are Romania and Bulgaria. Research limitations/implications: The studies presented may contribute to further in-depth analyses of the links between the use of information technologies in individual countries and their level of economic development in the long term. Originality/value: The results are addressed to public authorities in 30 European countries. On their basis, leaders in the use of information technologies by households in various areas of economic and social life were identified. The distance between the other countries was also diagnosed. The results of the research can guide public authorities in developing strategies for the development and dissemination of information technologies in their countries.
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Giurcanu, Magda. "Assessing the Role of European Attitudes in Cross-National Research." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 29, no. 2 (May 2015): 504–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325415581897.
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How does Eastern Europe contribute to the debate over EU’s democratic deficit from an electoral perspective? Does Eastern Europe challenge our theoretical understanding of what motivates European citizens to participate and express their opinions in European Parliamentary elections? While there is no overarching consensus in the academic community regarding these questions, this essay aims to illustrate how a deeper understanding of one post-communist case and a bottom-up perspective on attitudes and political behavior in one locale, Romania, allowed the researcher to delve deeper into the taken-for-granted dynamics that European citizens from the South, East, and West engage in when voting in European Parliamentary elections. The approach of “ethnographic sensibility” mentioned in the workshop’s discussions and illustrated in several contributions to this volume (see e.g. Kubik 2013; Knott 2015) constitutes then a useful starting point in deconstructing conventional knowledge. Moreover, during the process of moving up the ladder of generality and building inferences from one case study to a region, Eastern Europe still shares enough characteristics to deserve its own dummy variable, so to speak, in large- N continent-wide analyses covering the 2004 and 2009 European Parliamentary (EP) elections. Yet, as Joshua Tucker (2015) mentions in his contribution, it is unclear whether the historical legacies discussed at the workshop and further elaborated on by Grigore Pop-Eleches (2015) will continue to play a role in a priori distinguishing Eastern Europeans’ political attitudes and behaviors from other EU citizens in the South or West in future EP elections.
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DELICOTE, Radu. "From Agenda Setting to Melding: How Individuals Part of Certain On-line Groups Change Their Electoral Behavior amid the COVID-19 Pandemic." Journal of Media Research 13, no. 3 (38) (November 25, 2020): 95–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/jmr.38.6.
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Do certain on-line groups influence the individual’s behavior? Moreover, do certain on-line groups tend to influence his or her electoral behavior amid the COVID-19 pandemic? This article aims to assess how or whether being a specific on-line group member (Facebook, WhatsApp, or the equivalent) could hold any influence regarding the individual’s trust in authorities, voting behavior, and if these groups can be a catalyst in this sense. The theoretical part of the article begins with explaining how public perception and its emotional-based elements work, proceeds with analyz- ing throughout agenda setting, priming, framing, second-level agenda-set- ting to agenda melding theories. The practical part of the article consists of explaining how the on-line groups influence the individual throughout sev- eral focus groups involving young politicians and people involved in daily politics. The overall context focuses on local elections in Romania. This ar- ticle proposes an explanation via aforementioned communication theories, on how mass media manages to shape the individuals’ set of opinions and eventually their behavior and how some individuals tend to change their beliefs influenced by certain groups. Mass media holds the ability to stir the public perception by using various techniques such as agenda-setting – by emphasizing different effects of the Corona crisis, priming – by setting several topics’ evaluation frameworks such as infection rates, hospitals’ situation, framing – by using specifics frames and filters to picture the cur- rent pandemic and even pushing individuals to meld their own sets of val- ues and doxies with the ones from familiar social groups. In other words, making them question whether it is safe to go and vote.
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STASIUK, OLEKSANDRA. "POLITICAL SENTIMENTS OF WESTERN UKRAINIANS DURING ELECTION CAMPAIGNS OF THE POST-WAR PERIOD." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 32 (2019): 113–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2019-32-113-124.
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The article considers the main manifestations of political sentiments of the population of Western oblasts of Ukraine concerning election campaigns of the post-war period. The factors determining the voting behavior of voters and causes of social deviations are analyzed. It is emphasized that the attitude of the Western Ukrainians to the Soviet election campaigns was primarily determined by the electoral experience they gained while participating in parliamentary structures of Austria-Hungary, interwar Poland, Romania, and Czechoslovakia. The scheme of stratification of electoral sentiments of the local population by quantitative, social, and political, gender, and other indicators are presented. The dominant anti-Soviet views that were caused by the rejection of Soviet totalitarianism by Western Ukrainians, the predatory economic policy of the government, and activities of the national liberation movement are noted. The specific facts of dissatisfaction of the population with the Soviet electoral legislation, forms and methods of its implementation as well as some measures of the Soviet government aimed at the forced Sovietization of the region are stated. It is determined that the largest group of protest voters was the peasantry, which in the postwar period was in difficult material and living conditions and actively supported the participants of OUN (Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists) and UPA (Ukrainian Insurgent Army). The geography of critical rhetoric suggests the similarity of electoral sentiments in different regions of the republic. However, if Western Ukrainians were not afraid to protest in public, the residents of Greater Ukraine hid their true attitude towards Soviet democracy because of fear of repression. It is claimed that the study of political attitudes of the population in regions where the Soviet regime has not yet been established, and peoplе’s consciousness was free of the Soviet ideological stamps allows reflecting their real state. Keywords: Western regions of the Ukrainian SSR, post-war period, Sovietization, elections to the Supreme Soviets of the USSR and the Ukrainian SSR, political behavior of the population.
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Oliveira, Julio Cesar Magalhães de. "Quando as eleições e o voto nos desafiam? Reflexões a partir da República Romana Tardia." Revista Brasileira de História 42, no. 90 (May 2022): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1806-93472022v42n90-05.
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RESUMO O objetivo do autor neste artigo é comparar as críticas antigas e modernas às eleições e ao voto partindo do caso específico da República Romana em seu último século. Após uma breve reflexão sobre as origens do vocabulário moderno a respeito das eleições e do voto, o autor discute as razões das críticas de autores como Cícero e seu irmão Quinto à introdução do voto secreto e os esforços que um candidato a uma eleição romana precisava empreender para se eleger. Conclui observando o quanto essa incursão pela política romana do primeiro século a.C. nos ajuda a refletir sobre as limitações das democracias atuais, mas também a questionar a atitude daqueles e daquelas que parecem se contentar mais em condenar os eleitores por não saberem votar do que em lutar pela superação das limitações de nosso sistema à participação popular.
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CLEMENT, Claudiu. "BALANCED BAGGING WITH EXPECTATION MAXIMIZATION IMPUTATION IN BANKRUPTCY PREDICTION – APPLICATION ON ROMANIAN COMPANIES." Revista Economica 74, no. 1 (April 1, 2022): 40–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.56043/reveco-2022-0003.
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Bankruptcy prediction models are widely used by lending institutions, policy makers or investors. Despite the large volume of international research, limited studies have addressed the particularities of Romanian companies. Balanced Bagging is an Ensemble Method that uses a voting mechanism for a classification task. Expectation Maximization Imputation helps replacing the missing data. In this study we report a promising accuracy performance of 90.03% for the model of Balanced Bagging with Expectation Maximization Imputation on a dataset of more than 20,000 Romanian companies.
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Racu, Alexandru, Aurelian Giugăl, Ron Johnston, and Alexandru Gavriş. "When cultural strength means political weakness: Romania’s marriage referendum and the paradox of conservative mobilisation." Moravian Geographical Reports 28, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 70–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mgr-2020-0006.
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AbstractHeld on 6–7 October 2018, the Romanian referendum on the topic of gay marriage was the fourth referendum of this kind organised in East Central Europe over a five-year period. Because turnout was low in all of them and demands explanation, this paper: i) discusses the common characteristics of these Eastern European marriage referendums, contextualising the Romanian referendum; ii) overviews the history of the Romanian referendum, emphasising the legal, political, ideological and societal aspects; iii) quantitatively examines the electoral geography of the voting patterns; and iv) interprets qualitative data seeking to understand the voters’ choices and why conservative mobilisation was so weak.
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Delcea, Caterina, Camelia Badea, Ciprian Jurcut, Adrian Purcarea, Silvia Sovaila, Emma Weiss, Elena Alistar, Horia Balan, and Cristian Baicus. "The Romanian Society of Internal Medicine’s Choosing Wisely Campaign." Romanian Journal of Internal Medicine 57, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 181–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/rjim-2019-0001.
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Abstract Quality of care in medicine is not necessarily proportional to quantity of care and excess is often useless or even more, potentially detrimental to our patients. Adhering to the European Federation of Internal Medicine’s initiative, the Romanian Society of Internal Medicine (SRMI) launched the Choosing Wisely in Internal Medicine Campaign, aiming to cut down diagnostic procedures or therapeutics overused in our country. A Working Group was formed and from 200 published recommendations from previous international campaigns, 36 were voted as most important. These were submitted for voting to the members of the SRMI and posted on a social media platform. After the two voting rounds, the top six recommendations were established. These were: 1. Stop medicines when no further benefit is achieved or the potential harms outweigh the potential benefits for the individual patient. 2. Don’t use antibiotics in patients with recent C. difficile without convincing evidence of need. 3. Don’t regularly prescribe bed rest and inactivity following injury and/or illness unless there is scientific evidence that harm will result from activity. Promote early mobilization. 4. Don’t initiate an antibiotic without an identified indication and a predetermined length of treatment or review date. 5. Don’t prescribe opioids for treatment of chronic or acute pain for sensitive jobs such as operating motor vehicles, forklifts, cranes or other heavy equipment. 6. Transfuse red cells for anemia only if the hemoglobin concentration is less than 7 g/dL or if the patient is hemodynamically unstable or has significant cardiovascular or respiratory comorbidity. Don’t transfuse more units of blood than absolutely necessary.
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MacLennan, Luis Jenaro. "Nota sobre la inscripción latina del ara votiva a «Erudino» de la Cantabria romana." Archivo Español de Arqueología 69, no. 173-174 (December 30, 1996): 311–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/aespa.1996.v69.249.
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Drug, Vasile Liviu, Sabina Antoniu, Barboi Bogdana Oana, Oana Cristina Arghir, Ion Bancila, Simona Bataga, Ciprian Brisc, et al. "Romanian Guidelines for the Diagnosis and Treatment of GERD-induced Respiratory Manifestations." Journal of Gastrointestinal and Liver Diseases 31, no. 1 (March 19, 2022): 119–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15403/jgld-4196.
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Background and Aims: Gastroesophageal reflux disease (GERD) is a common condition present in daily practice with a wide range of clinical phenotypes. In this line, respiratory conditions may be associated with GERD. The Romanian Societies of Gastroenterology and Neurogastroenterology, in association with the Romanian Society of Pneumology, aimed to create a guideline regarding the epidemiology, diagnosis and treatment of respiratory conditions associated with GERD.Methods: Delphi methodology was used and eleven common working groups of experts were created. The experts reviewed the literature according to GRADE criteria and formulated 34 statements and recommendations. Consensus (>80% agreement) was reached for some of the statements after all participants voted.Results: All the statements and the literature review are presented in the paper, together with their correspondent grade of evidence and the voting results. Based on >80% voting agreement, a number of 22 recommendations were postulated regarding the diagnosis and treatment of GERD-induced respiratory symptoms. The experts considered that GERD may cause bronchial asthma and chronic cough in an important number of patients through micro-aspiration and vagal-mediated tracheobronchial reflex. GERD should be suspected in patients with asthma with suboptimal controlled or after exclusion of other causes, also in nocturnal refractory cough which needs gastroenterological investigations to confirm the diagnosis. Therapeutic test with double dose proton pump inhibitors (PPI) for 3 months is also useful. GERD induced respiratory conditions are difficult to treat; however,proton pump inhibitors and laparoscopic Nissen fundoplication are endorsed for therapy.Conclusions: This guideline could be useful for the multidisciplinary management of GERD with respiratory symptoms in current practice.
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Drumea, Cristina, Bogdan Băcanu, Carmen Elena Anton, Adriana Veronica Litra, Steliana Busuioceanu, and Alexandra Doroș. "Gender Parity within the Gender—Sustainability Paradigm: A Case Study on Management Structures of the Romanian Academia." Sustainability 12, no. 3 (January 31, 2020): 1032. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12031032.
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Our study proposes a Romanian national perspective of the gender–sustainability paradigm in higher education under the Sustainable Development Goal 5 (SDG5) approach. The starting point is the interlinkage of the two concepts, gender parity and sustainability, depicted on a fundamental societal domain. Data collection was completed following a census approach, resulting in staffing data on 47 Romanian state-owned universities. Data collected envisaged the tenure teaching staff, divided into two gender groups; the count was focused on executive roles and collective managerial elected bodies for the 2015–2019 mandate. The gender situation was analyzed quantitatively by the number of teaching staff, their gender structure, and their representation in the executive functions and collective decision-making bodies. We calculated gender indexes and used statistical correlation coefficients to explain the relations between the different categories of personnel and their influence on establishing the management structures. The results of the gender configuration analysis were further associated with the latest national meta-ranking of Romanian universities. Our findings show that Romanian universities demonstrate sustainability under SDG5 through their institutional capacity to use either feminine majorities or a statistically detected pro-female voting propensity in order to construct optimally gendered management structures through vote only.
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López Gómez, José Carlos. "Manifestaciones religiosas de los cultores de los Dii Selecti en Carpetania romana." REVISTA DE HISTORIOGRAFÍA (RevHisto) 28 (May 18, 2018): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/revhisto.2018.4215.
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Resumen: En este trabajo se aborda, a partir del análisis de la epigrafía votiva, el estudio de los cultores en Carpetania romana y sus inquietudes religiosas. En ausencia de una información más precisa que permita abordar con éxito el análisis social de los cultores, este trabajo pretende contribuir a la reflexión sobre el significado de las manifestaciones religiosas de estos individuos, contextualizándolas dentro del marco socio-religioso en el que fueron concebidas, esto es, en un momento en el que las formas culturales y religiosas más propiamente romanas se hallaban ya plenamente instauradas. Se analiza, para sostener la hipótesis, la documentación correspondiente a los cultores de los dii selecti.Palabras clave: Carpetania romana, cultores, dedicantes, dii selecti, religión romana, Júpiter, Minerva, Diana, Marte.Abstract: This paper addresses the study of cultores of Roman Carpetania and their religious concerns through votive epigraphic data. Given the absence of more precise information that would allow for a social analysis of the cultores, this work aims to contribute to the reflection on the meaning of the religious manifestations of these individuals by contextualizing them in the socio-religious framework in which they were conceived, in other words, at a time when the more Roman cultural and religious forms were already fully established. In order to support this hypothesis, the analysis here relies upon the documentation related to the cultores of dii selecti.Key words: roman Carpetania, cultores, devoted, dii selecti, roman religion, Jupiter, Minerva, Diana, Mars.
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Dragotă, Ingrid-Mihaela, Andreea Curmei-Semenescu, and Raluca Moscu. "CEO Diversity, Political Influences, and CEO Turnover in Unstable Environments: The Romanian Case." Journal of Risk and Financial Management 13, no. 3 (March 18, 2020): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jrfm13030059.
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This work expands the literature on a less studied topic, the Chief Executive Officer (CEO) turnover in post-communist economies, analyzed during an unstable and ambiguous economic and financial environment. For the period 2005–2010, the results indicate the political inference in CEO turnover decision for the Romanian listed companies. In this period, with great turmoil in the economy determined by the financial crisis of 2008, we also find that CEO gender helps to explain the probability of changing the CEO. Moreover, this paper empirically tests if the financial and corporate governance determinants that are validated in the existing literature work for the Romanian listed companies. We reinforce that CEO turnover decision is negatively related to accounting-based performance. We find evidence of the “voting with their feet” behavior of institutional investors, and of the lack of Board of Directors monitoring. The CEO–Chairman duality and the controlling power of the largest shareholder act as entrenchment mechanisms.
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Gherghina, Sergiu, Alexandru Racu, Aurelian Giugăl, Alexandru Gavriș, Nanuli Silagadze, and Ron Johnston. "Non-voting in the 2018 Romanian referendum: the importance of initiators, campaigning and issue saliency." Political Science 71, no. 3 (September 2, 2019): 193–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2020.1781541.
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Fegyveresi, Zsolt. "Shareholders' Right to Information − A Comparative Analysis of Hungarian and Romanian Company Law." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae Legal Studies 9, no. 1 (December 2, 2020): 39–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.47745/ausleg.2020.9.1.03.
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"This study examines one of the basic rights of shareholders, the right to information in Hungarian and Romanian company law. The right to information is a non-property, organizational right originating from the shareholder’s membership right, which is related to the convening of the general meeting of the company limited by shares and the voting right that can be exercised there. The right to information is the individual right of the shareholder and the individual obligation of the company. The right to information belongs to all shareholders, regardless of the extent of their fi nancial contribution. The exercise of the right to information is a fundamental principle and serves the protection of the shareholder, but, in addition to its protective nature, it stands at the basis of the preparation of the decisions of the company’s shareholders."
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Rabanal Alonso, Manuel Abilio, Sonia María García Martínez, and Liborio Hernández Guerra. "La religión y la religiosidad indígeno-romana en el conventus lucensis." Estudios humanísticos. Geografía, historia y arte, no. 18 (February 8, 2021): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/ehgha.v0i18.6714.
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<span>In this article we are going to analyse, through existing votive monuments and scultural remains, religion and religiosity of the population who was establiseh in the Conventus Lucensis.</span>
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Chemakin, Anton A. "Elections to the Ukrainian Constituent Assembly (December 1917 - January 1918): campaign progress, lists of candidates, and voting results by districts." Rusin, no. 67 (2022): 226–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/67/13.
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The paper discusses the elections to the Ukrainian Constituent Assembly in December 1917 - January 1918, when 400 - 425 candidates were to be elected in 23 districts. However, the armed conflict between Central Rada and the Council of People's Commissars allowed elections only in 11 districts (Volhynia, Yekaterinoslav, Kiev, Poltava, Podolia, Kherson, and Chernigov Governorates, Romanian and Southwestern fronts, the Black Sea and Baltic fleets). The elections were won by the Ukrainian Socialists-Revolutionaries (SRs), with the Bolsheviks being second. For the first time in Russian and foreign historiography, the article provides full voting results for all 11 districts based on the protocols of the Main and District Election Commission from the Central State Archives of Supreme Bodies of Power and Government of Ukraine (TsDAVO of Ukraine). In some cases, the materials of uezd and local commissions are also used. Each district has a corresponding table that shows official names of party lists, the number and percentage of votes gained, and the number of mandates. The paper ends with a summary table with the results of voting throughout Ukraine, as well as the distribution of mandates between the lists that passed to the Constituent Assembly. The author examines the electoral geography of Ukraine and suggests why the voters of the Ukrainian Social Revolutionaries, who won the elections by a huge margin, did not support their representatives in January-February 1918 and made no resistance to the Bolshevik troops advancing on Ukraine.
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Gherghina, Sergiu, and Huan-Kai Tseng. "Voting home or abroad? Comparing migrants' electoral participation in countries of origin and of residence." Nationalities Papers 44, no. 3 (May 2016): 456–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2015.1132690.
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The political participation of immigrants has received increased scholarly attention over recent decades. However, comparisons between the electoral behavior of immigrants in their countries of origin and of residence are still limited. This article addresses this gap in the literature and seeks to identify the determinants of Romanian immigrants' electoral participation in the local elections of four West European countries (Germany, France, Italy, and Spain) as compared to their turnout in their home country's legislative elections. Looking through the lenses of exposure theory, we hypothesize that contact with institutions, people, and values from the countries of residence are likely to have different effects in the two types of elections. We test the explanatory power of four main variables - time spent in the host country, social networks, degree of involvement in the local community, and the type of relationship with citizens of their host countries - to which we add a series of individual-level controls such as age, education, gender, and media exposure. To assess our claim, we employ binary logistic regression to analyze original web survey data collected in the summer of 2013. The result supports the empirical implications of exposure theory.
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Sánchez Alguacil, Jesús. "La epigrafía votiva romana de Caldas de Montbui (Vallés Oriental, Barcelona) (ss. I-II d. C.). Un ejemplo de promoción de las élites provinciales de la tarraconensis en centros de aguas minero- medicinales." Panta Rei. 14, no. 1 (September 30, 2020): 61–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/pantarei.444331.
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En el presente artículo estudiamos en profundidad las inscripciones votivas de Caldas de Montbui. Para ello, nos vamos a centrar en el estudio epigráfico con una metodología basada en el registro material consultado de primera mano, las publicaciones científicas relacionadas con nuestra investigación y las fuentes primarias. Según la información recopilada, proponemos la importancia de la segunda mitad del siglo I d. C. e inicios del siglo II d. C. en la manifestación del hábito epigráfico, claro síntoma de una fase de popularidad con la presencia de personajes de las élites provinciales procedentes de ciudades como Barcino, Iluro o Tarraco. Con la investigación realizada, observamos la gran evolución e impulso que adquiere este enclave durante todo el siglo I d. C., siendo un aspecto determinante en este proceso el patrocinio imperial de Tiberio y la dinastía flavia. In this paper we study the votive inscriptions of Caldas de Montbui in depth. To do this we focus, mainly, on epigraphic study following a methodology based on the material record personally consulted, the scientific publications linked to our research and the primary sources. According to the information gathered, we propose the importance of the second half of the 1st century AD and the beginning of the 2nd century AD in the manifestation of the epigraphic habit. It happens as a clear symptom regarding the popularity of relevant figures from provincial elites established in cities like Barcino, Iluro or Tarraco. Along with the research carried out, we observe the great evolution and impulse that this enclave acquires during the 1st century AD, being the imperial patronage of Tiberius a decisive aspect in this process, and later the Flavian dynasty.
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Drinkwater, J. F. "M.-T. Raepsaet-Charlier: Diis deabusque sacrum: formulaire votif et datation dans les trois Gaules et les deux Germanies. (Gallia Romana, 1.) Pp. vi+95. Paris: De Boccard, 1993. Paper, 115FF." Classical Review 45, no. 1 (April 1995): 185–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00293086.
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Vlaskin, Mikhail, and Aleksandr Symonenko. "Ritual Deposit of the Sarmatian Age from the Barrow on the Lower Don Basin." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 4 (October 2020): 151–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2020.4.10.
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Introduction. In 2007 the archaeological expedition of the State Autonomic Cultural Facility of Rostov Region “The Don Heritage” excavated burial ground Krasny IV in Aksay district of Rostov Region. In the mound of barrow No. 13 a bronze rod-shaped frontlet plate with a hook, a bronze lunula-shaped harness pendant, six bronze bridle roundels, a bone cheek-piece, and iron fragments of the, most likely, bits have been discovered. Methods and materials. In the study the standard methods of archaeological analysis are used: comparative-typological, the method of analogies, chronological, and cartographic ones. The materials are the discovered artifacts. Analysis. According to the conditions of location and composition, the assemblage from barrow No. 13 can be identified as a ritual deposit. Such assemblages are known in special literature as “hoards”, “strange assemblages” or “votive hoards”. They have been found in mounds of barrows or in natural hills without traces of human burials. Usually they consist of cauldrons or situlae (often the rest items are put into them), bridle sets with peculiar frontlet plate with a hook, silver and bronze phalerae, helmets of Western types, weapons (most often spear- and arrowheads), expensive and socially prestigious items (silver and glassware, jewelry). The presence of all these items in the ritual deposit is not necessary. These sites are concentrated in geographically opposite regions: the basins of the Southern Bug, Dniester and Prut and in the east of European Sarmatia – in the AzovDonbass, Don and Kuban basins, the Lower Volga basin and North Caucasus. Results. Close parallels to the frontlet plate, bronze lunula-shaped pendant, and bridle roundels were found in the South Bug basin (Marievka), the Dniester and Prut interfluve (Brãviceni), Romania (Zimnicea), the North Caucasus (Prochnookopskaya, Geymanovsky, Giaginskaya), the Don and Volga interfluve (Kachalinskaya). All of these sites are identified as ritual deposits of the late 2nd – 1st centuries BC. The assemblage from barrow No. 13 should be dated to the same time. The ritual deposits of Eastern Europe could be divided into two chronologically different groups. The sites of the early group (3rd – early 2nd century BC) have appeared in the North Caucasus and concentrated in the North-Western Pontic region. It is assumed that they belong to the Хsaiai, Saudaratai and Thissamatai mentioned in the Olbian decree in honor of Protogenes. The sites of the late group (the late 2nd – 1st centuries BC) in the Northern Pontic Region, the Don basin, the North Caucasus and adjacent territories belong, most likely, to the Sarmatians.
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Butnaru, Andrei-Mădălin. "Machine learning applied in natural language processing." ACM SIGIR Forum 54, no. 1 (June 2020): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3451964.3451979.
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Machine Learning is present in our lives now more than ever. One of the most researched areas in machine learning is focused on creating systems that are able to understand natural language. Natural language processing is a broad domain, having a vast number of applications with a significant impact in society. In our current era, we rely on tools that can ease our lives. We can search through thousands of documents to find something that we need, but this can take a lot of time. Having a system that can understand a simple query and return only relevant documents is more efficient. Although current approaches are well capable of understanding natural language, there is still space for improvement. This thesis studies multiple natural language processing tasks, presenting approaches on applications such as information retrieval, polarity detection, dialect identification [Butnaru and Ionescu, 2018], automatic essay scoring [Cozma et al., 2018], and methods that can help other systems to understand documents better. Part of the described approaches from this thesis are employing kernel methods, especially string kernels. A method based on string kernels that can determine in what dialect a document is written is presented in this thesis. The approach is treating texts at the character level, extracting features in the form of p -grams of characters, and combining several kernels, including presence bits kernel and intersection kernel. Kernel methods are also presented as a solution for defining the complexity of a specific word. By combining multiple low-level features and high-level semantic features, the approach can find if a non-native speaker of a language can see a word as complicated or not. With one focus on string kernels, this thesis proposes two transductive methods that can improve the results obtained by employing string kernels. One approach suggests using the pairwise string kernel similarities between samples from the training and test sets as features. The other method defines a simple self-training algorithm composed of two iterations. As usual, a classifier is trained over the training data, then is it used to predict the labels of the test samples. In the second iteration, the algorithm adds a predefined number of test samples to the training set for another round of training. These two transductive methods work by adapting the learning method to the test set. A novel cross-dialectal corpus is shown in this thesis. The Moldavian versus Romanian Corpus (MOROCO) [Butnaru and Ionescu, 2019a] contains over 30.000 samples collected from the news domain, split across six categories. Several studies can be employed over this corpus such as binary classification between Romanian and Moldavian samples, intra-dialect multi-class categorization by topic, and cross-dialect multi-class classification by topic. Two baseline approaches are presented for this collection of texts. One method is based on a simple string kernel model. The second approach consists of a character-level deep neural network, which includes several Squeeze-and-Excitation Blocks (SE-blocks). As known at this moment, this is the first time when a SE-block is employed in a natural language processing context. This thesis also presents a method for German Dialect Identification composed on a voting scheme that combines a Character-level Convolutional Neural Network, a Long Short-Term Memory Network, and a model based on String Kernels. Word sense disambiguation is still one of the challenges of the NLP domain. In this context, this thesis tackles this challenge and presents a novel disambiguation algorithm, known as ShowtgunWSD [Butnaru and Ionescu, 2019b]. By treating the global disambiguation problem as multiple local disambiguation problems, ShotgunWSD is capable of determining the sense of the words in an unsupervised and deterministic way, using WordNet as a resource. For this method to work, three functions that can compute the similarity between two words senses are defined. The disambiguation algorithm works as follows. The document is split into multiple windows of words of a specific size for each window. After that, a brute-force algorithm that computes every combination of senses for each word within that window is employed. For every window combination, a score is calculated using one of the three similarity functions. The last step merges the windows using a prefix and suffix matching to form more significant and relevant windows. In the end, the formed windows are ranked by the length and score, and the top ones, based on a voting scheme, will determine the sense for each word. Documents can contain a variable number of words, therefore employing them in machine learning may be hard at times. This thesis presents two novel approaches [Ionescu and Butnaru, 2019] that can represent documents using a finite number of features. Both methods are inspired by computer vision, and they work by first transforming the words within documents to a word representation, such as word2vec. Having words represented in this way, a k-means clustering algorithm can be applied over the words. The centroids of the formed clusters are gathered into a vocabulary. Each word from a document is then represented by the closest centroid from the previously formed vocabulary. To this point, both methods share the same steps. One approach is designed to compute the final representation of a document by calculating the frequency of each centroid found inside it. This method is named Bag of Super Word Embeddings (BOSWE) because each centroid can be viewed as a super word. The second approach presented in this thesis, known as Vector of Locally-Aggregated Word Embeddings (VLAWE), computes the document representation by accumulating the differences between each centroid and each word vector associated with the respective centroid. This thesis also describes a new way to score essays automatically by combining a low-level string kernel model with a high-level semantic feature representation, namely the BOSWE representation. The methods described in this thesis exhibit state-of-the-art performance levels over multiple tasks. One fact to support this claim is that the string kernel method employed for Arabic Dialect Identification obtained the first place, two years in a row at the Fourth and Fifth Workshop on NLP for Similar Languages, Varieties, and Dialects (VarDial). The same string kernel model obtained the fifth place at the German Dialect Identification Closed Shared Task at VarDial Workshop of EACL 2017. Second of all, the Complex Word Identification model scored a third-place at the CWI Shared Task of the BEA-13 of NAACL 2018. Third of all, it is worth to mention that the ShotgunWSD algorithm surpassed the MCS baseline on several datasets. Lastly, the model that combines string kernel and bag of super word embeddings obtained state-of-the-art performance over the Automated Student Assessment Prize dataset.
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Vafopoulou-Richardson, C. E. "Britt Marie Fridh-Haneson: Le Manteau symbolique. Étude sur les couples votifs en terre cuite assis sous un même manteau. (Acta Instituti Romani Regni Sueciae, Series in 4°, 40.) Pp. 89; 24 plates. Stockholm, 1983, distributed by Paul Åström, Lund. Paper, Sw.kr. 150." Classical Review 36, no. 2 (October 1986): 340–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00106857.
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Toader, Tudorel, and Marieta Safta. "Constitutional Court of Romania: Postal Voting." ICL Journal 10, no. 2 (January 1, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/icl-2016-0207.
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Burean, Toma, and Raluca Popp. "Migrant Political Participation and Voting Behavior in Romania." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2652423.
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"Romania—Between Continuity and Change." Common Knowledge 25, no. 1-3 (April 1, 2019): 525–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-7579437.
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This essay presents a critical account of the social and political history of postcommunist Romania from the time of the violent overthrow of Nicolae Ceauşescu’s communist dictatorial regime in 1989 to the writing of the essay in 1995. King Michael chronicles the processes through which power in Romania following 1989 was quickly seized by representatives of the former Communist Party and the communist secret police (Departamentul Securităţii Statului or Securitate). Led by Ion Iliescu, a former communist leader and one-time protégé of Ceauşescu, a powerful group of politicians came to dominate the National Salvation Front, an originally anticommunist political organization that held power following the coup. Through manipulation of the media and voting processes and imposition of a flawed new constitution, Iliescu ensured the ascendancy of his Party of Social Democracy during the first half of the 1990s. The essay critiques the course of events and laments the faltering pace of both economic and political reform resulting from the stagnant Romanian political situation and the persistence of former communist leaders in government. Additionally, although not as its central focus, King Michael argues that a restoration of the Romanian monarchy could help to stabilize and improve the country’s political fortunes.
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Prihoanca, Diana. "THE IMPACT OF THE LEGISLATIVE ENVIRONMENT ON THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN ROMANIA." STUDIES AND SCIENTIFIC RESEARCHES. ECONOMICS EDITION, no. 19 (July 30, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.29358/sceco.v0i19.252.
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The accession of Romania to the European Union on the 1st of January, 2007, after the Accession Treaty, signed on the 25th of April, 2005, was ratified by all the Member States of the Union, led to changes in the legislative environment governing the electoral market. Our country organized in May 2014, for the third time, elections for the European Parliament. The election system practiced in Romania does not provide incentives for candidates to develop a competitive election bid, explained in detail to the electorate, so the performance during the mandate can be assessed. The Romanian representatives in the European Parliament are elected under a system of closed national list vote, which reduces the power of voters to distinguish the candidates in the vote. At the European Union level, there is not a unique voting system adopted, in the context that most Member States practice competitive electoral systems, in which candidates have the opportunity to differentiate themselves by an electoral offer.
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"Romania: Civic Education Program for Informed Voting in Rural Areas (DOS)." Federal Grants & Contracts 43, no. 14 (June 18, 2019): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/fgc.30486.
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Murtishcheva, Alina, Anna Plotnikova, and Kateryna Dubyna. "TO THE QUESTION OF FORMS OF VOTING IN MODERN FOREIGN COUNTRIES." International scientific journal "Internauka". Series: "Juridical Sciences", no. 4(38) (2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.25313/2520-2308-2021-4-7161.
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The article is devoted to the study of different voting forms in foreign countries. The work identifies the reasons for the voting diversity forms: reducing the electorate to voting attention, the introduction of information technologies. It was found that the most widespread voting form is personal voting at the electoral address place, which can take place with the help of ballots and electoral machines. It was noted that the main disadvantage of this expressing will option is the decrease in the number of voters, and more recently, the inability of the authorities to ensure the citizens safety at polling stations due to the coronavirus pandemic. The paper describes the absentee voting essence (by mail, Internet, etc.). The disadvantage of this expression of will option is the possibility of administrative influence from the authorities. Absentee voting is classified into general and individual voting. Using the polish example, the introduction of mail-order voting in the 2020 presidential elections is shown. It is indicated that voting by post is classified into permissive and notification, internal and external. The voting essence procedure by mail is demonstrated by the example of Austria, USA, Switzerland, Great Britain, Australia. It has been established that in the American doctrine the concepts of «absentee voting» and «voting by mail» are synonymous. The article reveals the essence of voting abroad as one of the options for expression of will, which is used when communication between countries is limited or terminated. This type of voting is considered on the example of Brazil, Portugal, Romania, USA. The work also examines early voting, which is spreading in connection with migration processes and the pandemic, on the example of Finland, Japan, Canada. The essence of a rare form of expression of will — voting by proxy is determined. This type of voting is considered on the example of Monaco, Nauru, Vanuatu. The place of electronic voting in the system of voting forms is outlined. It is noted that its appearance is due to the low political activity of voters. The evoting procedure is analyzed in Estonia, where it still exists, and in the UK and the Netherlands, where this form of expression of will has already been abandoned. The disadvantages of electronic voting have been identified: distrust of voters, risks of interference in the work of the system, and others.
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Radean, Marius. "Perfect timing: Leveraging the timing of defection to assess the effect of electoral rules on party switching." Party Politics, March 25, 2021, 135406882199372. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068821993727.
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When legislators switch parties between elections this may be viewed as undemocratic since, bypassing voters, they are changing the outcomes of elections. Do electoral institutions affect the likelihood of party switching? I argue that legislators are less likely to switch in candidate-centered electoral systems where, because of personal voting, parties cannot insulate defectors from voter retribution. When they switch though, legislators do so early in the term to exploit voters’ short retrospective time horizon. These expectations are tested using a quasi experimental research design that estimates the effect of the 2008 Romanian electoral reform on party switching. In 2008 Romania changed its electoral system from a closed-list PR to a candidate-centered electoral system, where all candidates compete in single-member districts. Both hypotheses are supported by empirics. This helps weed out competing explanations which now have to account for both the decrease in and the different timing of party switching.
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Gherghina, Sergiu, and Paul Tap. "Buying loyalty: Volatile voters and electoral clientelism." Politics, November 4, 2022, 026339572211327. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02633957221132707.
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Electoral volatility and clientelism were traditionally analysed through the lenses of clientelistic behaviour by political actors. However, we know very little about the importance of volatility for the formation of attitudes towards clientelism within the electorate. This article addresses that gap by analysing the extent to which volatile voters are more likely to accept electoral clientelism as a political practice. We bring evidence from Romania, which is a crucial case due to its extensive use of clientelism in elections over time and high electoral volatility. The analysis uses individual-level data from a survey conducted on a national representative sample of 4316 respondents in 2021. Contrary to the theoretical expectations, the findings illustrate that loyal voters accept clientelism easier, which holds when controlling for variables such as targeting awareness, political interest, income, or education. These results have important implications for the study of elections and voting behaviour.
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VASILIU, Roxana-Mihaela. "TRUST IN INSTITUTIONS AND POLITICAL ENGAGEMENT AMONG STUDENTS: A QUANTITATIVE RESEARCH." Scientific Annals of the “Alexandru Ioan Cuza” University, Iaşi. New Series SOCIOLOGY AND SOCIAL WORK Section 13, no. 1 (July 31, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.47743/asas-2020-1-601.
Full textAbstract:
Establishing a relation based on trust between citizens and institutions leads to a good functioning of society and a legitimation of the political system. According to previous research (IRES, 2010, 2012, 2016, IMAS, 2011), Romanians– particularly youth, show low confidence in institutions, especially in politics. Why does this generate negative effects? If citizens have confidence in institutions, they can give a meaning to their civic and political involvement. When level of trust tends to be negative, the motivations to engage in civic or political actions will decrease based on the presumption that even if change is desired, the institutions will not allow it to happen. Thus, the paper aims to analyse the degree of students’ trust in public institutions and their civic/ political behaviour, in the context in which these indicators can influence – on medium and long term -, the type of political culture and the relationship between government and citizens. The study is based on a quantitative research conducted between December 2019 – January 2020 among students from three specializations within the Faculty of Philosophy and Social-Political Sciences, “Alexandru Ioan Cuza” University of Iasi, Romania on a sample of 433 subjects, and had as main directions of analysis: the level of trust in public institutions, the forms of civic/ political involvement practiced by students, the ability to effect changes at high level. The results bring into attention that youth have limited trust in institutions and this fact can justify an apathy condition and insecurity regarding social and political change. At the same time, most students are unsatisfied by the Romanian democracy regime. The most common forms of civic and political involvement over the last year have been voting, signing petitions and participating in volunteer oriented work.