Journal articles: 'Voting – Netherlands'

1

MIDDENDORP, C. P., and P. R. KOLKHUIS TANKE. "Economic voting in the Netherlands." European Journal of Political Research 18, no. 5 (September 1990): 535–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1990.tb00247.x.

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de Jong, Abe, Gerard Mertens, and Peter Roosenboom. "Shareholders’ Voting at General Meetings: Evidence from the Netherlands." Journal of Management & Governance 10, no. 4 (November 2006): 353–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10997-006-9006-1.

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Lemmink, Jacques. "‘Op proef doeltreffend gebleken, kunnen we spreken van een bereikt ideaal’." De Moderne Tijd 5, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 35–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/dmt2021.1.002.lemm.

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Abstract ‘Proved effective on trial, we can speak of an achieved ideal’ Abraham Kuyper and the mechanical voting machine, c. 1895-1905 During the latest presidential elections in the United States, unfounded conspiracy theories sprung up concerning alleged ballot box fraud by compromised voting machines. Although different voting machines had been used in the Netherlands since 1966, concerns over their reliability ended this in 2007. This article investigates the forgotten but ultimately failed attempt to introduce mechanical voting machines a century earlier. It focuses on the role played by prominent politician Abraham Kuyper, who personally visited the Standard Voting Machine Company in Rochester in 1898. The article illustrates how Kuyper’s transatlantic political and religious networks facilitated the voting machine’s transfer, rather than scientific connections. Paradoxically, the introduction of proportional representation in 1917 marked the end of tentative attempts to develop a Dutch version of the American mechanical voting machine. The implementation in the voting process turned out be too expensive, too early, and too complicated for the Dutch electoral system at the dawn of the twentieth century.

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van Manen, Mirjam J. G., Michael Kreuter, Bernt van den Blink, Ute Oltmanns, Karin Palmowski, Eva Brunnemer, Simone Hummler, et al. "What patients with pulmonary fibrosis and their partners think: a live, educative survey in the Netherlands and Germany." ERJ Open Research 3, no. 1 (January 2017): 00065–2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1183/23120541.00065-2016.

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Pulmonary fibrosis greatly impacts patients and their partners. Unmet needs of patients are increasingly acknowledged; the needs of partners often remain unnoticed. Little is known about the best way to educate patients and partners. We investigated pulmonary fibrosis patients' and partners' perspectives and preferences in care, and the differences in these between the Netherlands and Germany. Additionally, we evaluated whether interactive interviewing could be a novel education method in this population.Patients and partners were interviewed during pulmonary fibrosis patient information meetings. In the Netherlands, voting boxes were used and results were projected directly. In Germany, questionnaires were used.In the Netherlands, 278 patients and partners participated; in Germany, 51. Many participants experienced anxiety. Almost all experienced misunderstanding, because people do not know what pulmonary fibrosis is. All expressed a need for information, psychological support and care for partners. Use of the interactive voting system was found to be pleasant (70%) and informative (94%).This study improves the knowledge of care needs of patients with pulmonary fibrosis and their partners. There were no major differences between the Netherlands and Germany. Interactive interviewing could be an attractive method to acquire insights into the needs and preferences of patients and partners, while providing them with information at the same time.

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Dorussen, Han, and Michaell Taylor. "The political context of issue-priority voting: coalitions and economic voting in the Netherlands, 1970–1999." Electoral Studies 20, no. 3 (September 2001): 399–426. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0261-3794(00)00026-3.

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Oostveen, Anne-Marie. "Outsourcing Democracy: Losing Control of e-Voting in the Netherlands." Policy & Internet 2, no. 4 (January 22, 2010): 196–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1944-2866.1065.

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van der Waal, Jeroen, and Willem de Koster. "Populism and Support for Protectionism: The Relevance of Opposition to Trade Openness for Leftist and Rightist Populist Voting in The Netherlands." Political Studies 66, no. 3 (November 10, 2017): 560–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321717723505.

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Leftist and rightist populist parties in Western Europe both oppose trade openness. Is support for economic protectionism also relevant for their electorates? We assess this in the Netherlands, where both types of populist parties have seats in parliament. Analyses of representative survey data ( n = 1,296) demonstrate that support for protectionism drives voting for such parties, as do the well-established determinants of political distrust (both populist constituencies), economic egalitarianism (leftist populist constituency) and ethnocentrism (rightist populist constituency). Surprisingly, support for protectionism does not mediate the relationship between economic egalitarianism and voting for left-wing populists, or the link between political distrust and voting for either left-wing or right-wing populist parties. In contrast, support for protectionism partly mediates the association between ethnocentrism and voting for right-wing populists. We discuss the largely independent role of protectionism in populist voting in relation to the cultural cleavage in politics and electoral competition, and also provide suggestions for future research.

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Louwerse, Tom, Simon Otjes, David M. Willumsen, and Patrik Öhberg. "Reaching across the aisle." Party Politics 23, no. 6 (January 12, 2016): 746–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068815626000.

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The divide between government and opposition is clearly visible in the way members of parliament vote, but the variation in government–opposition voting has been left relatively unexplored. This is particularly the case for contextual variation in the extent to which parliamentary voting behaviour follows the government–opposition divide. This article attempts to explain levels of government–opposition voting by looking at three factors: first, the majority status of cabinets (differentiating between majority and minority cabinets), cabinet ideology (differentiating between more centrist and more extremist cabinets) and norms about cabinet formation (differentiating between wholesale and partial alternation in government). The study includes variation at the level of the country, the government and the vote. The article examines voting in the Netherlands (with a history of partial alternation) and Sweden (with a history of wholesale alternation). We find strong support for the effect of cabinet majority status, cabinet ideology and norms about cabinet formation on government–opposition voting.

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Jansen, Giedo, Nan Dirk De Graaf, and Ariana Need. "Class voting, social changes and political changes in the Netherlands 1971–2006." Electoral Studies 30, no. 3 (September 2011): 510–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2011.02.005.

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Myeoun-Hoei Kim. "Current Status and future prospect of E-voting: Germany and the Netherlands." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 25, no. 2 (August 2007): 39–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17052/jces.2007.25.2.39.

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Myeoun-Hoei Kim. "Study on the Factors Suspending E-Voting in Germany and the Netherlands." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 27, no. 2 (August 2009): 25–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17052/jces.2009.27.2.25.

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Otjes, Simon. "Going Local. Voting for independent local Parties in the Netherlands 1986-2010." Local Government Studies 46, no. 1 (May 19, 2019): 91–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03003930.2019.1619555.

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Jacobs, Dirk. "Discourse, Politics and Policy: The Dutch Parliamentary Debate about Voting Rights for Foreign Residents." International Migration Review 32, no. 2 (June 1998): 350–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839803200203.

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This article contains the results of research concerning parliamentary debate about voting rights for foreign residents in the Netherlands (1970–1996) using a discourse analytical framework. Due to the characteristics of the Dutch political field, a large majority of the political actors has to be willing and able to combine political interests and ideological narratives into one story line propagating franchise for foreign residents in order to grant voting rights to nonnationals. It is claimed that the success and failure of policy changes regarding the political participation of nonnationals is foremost determined by the extent of the discursive affinity of argumentative clusters used by parties of the “center-right” with the (leftist) discourse which propagates enfranchisement.

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AARTS, KEES, STUART ELAINE MACDONALD, and GEORGE RABINOWITZ. "Issues and Party Competition in the Netherlands." Comparative Political Studies 32, no. 1 (February 1999): 63–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414099032001003.

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The Netherlands represents the prototypic case of a consociational democracy; in addition, the Dutch system has an extremely low threshold for obtaining representation in the legislature, making it open to challengers of any political persuasion. This article has two explicit goals: to compare two models of issue-based party choice, the directional and proximity models; and to understand the changing nature of electoral competition in the Netherlands. The article's analytic focus is the elections of 1971, 1986, and 1994. These elections, the only ones for which appropriate data are available for testing the issue theories, represent important points in the historical sequence. Tests of the alternate issue voting models generally favor directional over proximity theory. The broader analysis suggests substantial change in Dutch politics, away from the tight structuring of subcultural allegiances to a more politically homogeneous culture in which party strength appears rather fluid.

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Abou-Chadi, Tarik, and Marc Helbling. "How Immigration Reforms Affect Voting Behavior." Political Studies 66, no. 3 (October 4, 2017): 687–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321717725485.

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This article investigates how changes in immigration policies affect migration as a vote-defining issue at upcoming elections. So far, the literature on issue voting has mostly focused on the role of issue entrepreneurs in politicizing new issues. In this article, however, we introduce policy change as a new potential determinant in the process of issue evolution. Moreover, in contrast to most of the literature that investigates the role of policy outcomes (such as economic growth or unemployment) on voting decisions, we analyze the effect of laws which can be directly attributed to governments and political parties. We focus on within-country variation and analyze national election surveys from the Netherlands, Denmark, and Germany between 1994 and 2011. These surveys include information on both self- and party-placements regarding immigration issues. To measure policy changes, we use data on immigration policies from the newly built Immigration Policies in Comparison dataset. While we expect a general reform effect, we investigate in more detail whether liberal and restrictive reforms have a similar effect on votes for left/right, government/opposition parties. It is shown that both liberal and restrictive reforms lead to increasing issue voting. While we show that government parties are not more affected than opposition parties, we see that party ideology partly plays a role.

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16

Seidle, F. Leslie. "Local Voting Rights for Non-Nationals: Experience in Sweden, the Netherlands and Belgium." Journal of International Migration and Integration 16, no. 1 (April 4, 2014): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12134-014-0335-7.

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17

Pieters, Wolter. "Reve{a,i}ling the Risks." Techné: Research in Philosophy and Technology 14, no. 3 (2010): 194–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/techne201014321.

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In information security research, perceived security usually has a negative meaning, when it is used in contrast to actual security. From a phenomenological perspective, however, perceived security is all we have. This paper develops a phenomenological account of information security, in which a distinction is made between revealed and reveiled security instead. Linking these notions with the concepts of confidence and trust, the paper provides a phenomenological explanation of the electronic voting controversy in the Netherlands.

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Whitten, Guy D., and Harvey D. Palmer. "Heightening Comparativists' Concern for Model Choice: Voting Behavior in Great Britain and the Netherlands." American Journal of Political Science 40, no. 1 (February 1996): 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2111701.

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Gschwend, Thomas, and Henk van der Kolk. "Split Ticket Voting in Mixed Member Proportional Systems: The Hypothetical Case of The Netherlands." Acta Politica 41, no. 2 (June 20, 2006): 163–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.ap.5500150.

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20

Geurkink, Bram, Andrej Zaslove, Roderick Sluiter, and Kristof Jacobs. "Populist Attitudes, Political Trust, and External Political Efficacy: Old Wine in New Bottles?" Political Studies 68, no. 1 (April 23, 2019): 247–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321719842768.

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Substantial scholarly attention has been devoted to explaining why voters support populist parties. Recently, a new concept has been introduced to gauge populism among voters and to explain voting for populist parties: populist attitudes. However, some researchers regard populist attitudes as simply another measurement of existing and established concepts such as political trust and external political efficacy. Using data from the Netherlands (2018), this article addresses the relationship between these concepts, both theoretically and empirically. This article examines whether political trust, external political efficacy, and populist attitudes tap into different latent dimensions. Using a confirmatory factor analysis, we show that populist attitudes are not old wine in new bottles and that they tap into different underlying attitudes than political trust and external political efficacy. Furthermore, we show that the three measures are not only different constructs but also relate differently to populist voting preferences.

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Kleinnijenhuis, Jan, Tilo Hartmann, Martin Tanis, and Anita M. J. van Hoof. "Hostile Media Perceptions of Friendly Media Do Reinforce Partisanship." Communication Research 47, no. 2 (May 22, 2019): 276–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0093650219836059.

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The hostile media effect (HME) entails that partisanship incites hostile perceptions of media content. However, other research underscores that partisans selectively turn to like-minded media, resulting in a friendly media phenomenon (FMP). The present study suggests that the HME and FMP co-exist, and, furthermore, jointly affect people’s voting behavior. More specifically, based on a media content analysis and a long-term panel survey surrounding the 2014 election for the European Parliament in the Netherlands, we find that people selectively turn to like-minded friendly media (FMP), but perceive coverage about the EU (European Union) in these media as relatively unsupportive of their own position (HME). In this context, the FMP and HME appear to jointly influence voting behavior. People cast votes in line with the objectively partisan-friendly media tone of their self-selected media. However, to a certain extent they do so, because they seem motivated to counteract the seemingly unfair or insufficient coverage about the EU.

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Mudde, C. E., and J. J. M. van Holsteyn. "Over the Top: Dutch Right-Wing Extremist Parties in the Elections of 1994." Politics 14, no. 3 (December 1994): 127–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1994.tb00011.x.

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In 1994 three elections were held in the Netherlands. For a time it seemed that the right-wing extremist parties were destined to break out of their marginal position. However, after these three elections, in terms of electoral support they ended up where they had started. The variation in electoral support for these parties can only in part be attributed to developments within the parties and the (negative) publicity these developments incited in the media. An alternative explanation based upon protest voting and the theory of first and second-order elections appears more promising.

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Umpierrez de Reguero, Sebastián, and Régis Dandoy. "Compulsory Voting and Electoral Participation of Latin American Migrants in Belgium, Luxemburg and the Netherlands." Politics of the Low Countries 4, no. 2 (October 2022): 136–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5553/plc/.000032.

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BAKKER, BERT N., MATTHIJS ROODUIJN, and GIJS SCHUMACHER. "The psychological roots of populist voting: Evidence from the United States, the Netherlands and Germany." European Journal of Political Research 55, no. 2 (October 18, 2015): 302–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12121.

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Helfer, Luzia, and Peter Van Aelst. "Why politicians react to media coverage." Mass Media Effects and the Political Agenda 4, no. 1 (April 10, 2020): 88–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/asj.19002.hel.

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Abstract Why do politicians react to some stories in the news and ignore others? We attempt to answer this question by integrating the micro-level politician perspective with a macro-level country approach. Using a unique experimental approach, we test when politicians in the Netherlands and Switzerland (N = 80) take political action based on a (fictional) news report. We find that all politicians react more to negative coverage, but not if the information is merely presented as investigative reporting. Results also reveal a systematic variation that we ascribe to two key differences in the electoral systems. In The Netherlands, with its large single voting district, politicians react to news reports covering issues they are specialized in. In Switzerland, where between-party competition is more important, politicians are more likely to capitalize on the party’s profile. Overall, this study shows when and how politicians react to news coverage also depends on the institutional context.

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Otjes, Simon. "Pushed by national politics or pulled by localism? Voting for independent local parties in the Netherlands." Local Government Studies 44, no. 3 (January 15, 2018): 305–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03003930.2018.1427072.

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Gemenis, Kostas. "The Impact of Voting Advice Applications on Electoral Turnout: Evidence from Greece." Statistics, Politics and Policy 9, no. 2 (December 19, 2018): 161–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/spp-2018-0011.

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AbstractA new aspect of electoral campaigns in Europe, and increasingly elsewhere as well, has been the proliferation of the online voter information tools, widely known in the political science community as Voting Advice Applications (VAAs). By accessing VAAs, users are provided with information about the degree of congruence between their policy preferences and those of different parties or candidates. Although the exact mechanisms have not been rigorously investigated, a series of studies across European countries, such as Finland, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, and Switzerland have demonstrated a link between the use of VAAs and electoral turnout. The aim of this paper is to contribute to this growing literature by analyzing previously untapped data from Greece, extending the empirical literature to a country where VAA effects have not been investigated before. The analysis indicates that the effect of VAAs in Greece is marginal to non-existent while there seems to be no evidence of the hypothesized information mechanism which purportedly drives such effects. The paper concludes with suggestions that future studies of VAA effects on turnout can address in their design.

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Sook-Ran Yoo. "Policies between Germany and the Netherlands: Focusing on the extension of Local Voting Rights to Resident Aliens." 21st centry Political Science Review 20, no. 1 (May 2010): 239–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17937/topsr.20.1.201005.239.

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Miller, Peter, and Ruth Dassonneville. "High turnout in the Low Countries: Partisan effects of the abolition of compulsory voting in the Netherlands." Electoral Studies 44 (December 2016): 132–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2016.07.009.

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Gligorić, Vukašin, Allard Feddes, and Bertjan Doosje. "Political bullshit receptivity and its correlates: A cross-country validation of the concept." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 10, no. 2 (August 26, 2022): 411–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.6565.

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Philosophers conceptualized bullshit as persuasive communication that has no regard for truth, knowledge, or evidence. In psychology, research mostly investigated pseudo-profound bullshit, but no study has examined bullshit in the political context. In the present research, we operationalized political bullshit receptivity as endorsing vague political statements, slogans, and political bullshit programs. We investigated the relationship of these three measures with pseudo-profound bullshit, ideology (political ideology, support for neoliberalism), populism, and voting behavior. Three pre-registered studies conducted in early 2020 in the U.S., Serbia, and the Netherlands (total N = 534) yielded medium to high intercorrelations between political bullshit measures and pseudo-profound bullshit, and acceptable construct validity (hypothesized one-factor solution). A meta-analysis on these three studies showed that all political bullshit measures positively correlated with support for the free market, while only some positively correlated with social (political statements and programs) and economic conservatism (programs), and populism (programs). In the U.S., the Netherlands, and all countries combined, increased receptivity to political bullshit was associated with a higher probability to vote for right-wing candidates/parties (e.g., Trump in the U.S.). Overall, political bullshit receptivity showed to be a useful construct that opens avenues for research in broad and meaningless political communication.

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Frandsen, Annie Gaardsted. "Size and Electoral Participation in Local Elections." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 20, no. 6 (December 2002): 853–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c0228.

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This paper reviews local election turnout for the period since the 1970s in five European countries: Denmark, the Netherlands, Norway, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom. It explores especially the relationship between size of municipality and turnout in local elections. The author seeks to explore this issue in the light of Dahl and Tufte's 1973 classic study Size and Democracy (Stanford University Press) which claimed that citizens' motivation to participate is greater in small governmental units than in large ones. This study confirms the Dahl and Tufte hypothesis, in that turnout is consistently higher over time in small municipalities in all the countries reviewed, although the strength of the relationship varies between the different countries. The paper also shows that other factors, such as the type of electoral system used or whether voting is compulsory or not, also have an effect on turnout.

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Hinne, Max, David Leeftink, Marcel A. J. van Gerven, and Luca Ambrogioni. "Bayesian model averaging for nonparametric discontinuity design." PLOS ONE 17, no. 6 (June 30, 2022): e0270310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0270310.

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Quasi-experimental research designs, such as regression discontinuity and interrupted time series, allow for causal inference in the absence of a randomized controlled trial, at the cost of additional assumptions. In this paper, we provide a framework for discontinuity-based designs using Bayesian model averaging and Gaussian process regression, which we refer to as ‘Bayesian nonparametric discontinuity design’, or BNDD for short. BNDD addresses the two major shortcomings in most implementations of such designs: overconfidence due to implicit conditioning on the alleged effect, and model misspecification due to reliance on overly simplistic regression models. With the appropriate Gaussian process covariance function, our approach can detect discontinuities of any order, and in spectral features. We demonstrate the usage of BNDD in simulations, and apply the framework to determine the effect of running for political positions on longevity, of the effect of an alleged historical phantom border in the Netherlands on Dutch voting behaviour, and of Kundalini Yoga meditation on heart rate.

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Rekker, Roderik, Loes Keijsers, Susan Branje, and Wim Meeus. "The Formation of Party Preference in Adolescence and Early Adulthood: How and When Does It Occur in the Multiparty Context of the Netherlands?" YOUNG 27, no. 1 (March 25, 2018): 48–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1103308818757037.

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This cohort-sequential panel study on Dutch youths ( N = 3394) and their parents examined the formation of party preference between age 12 and 25. Specifically, it aimed to pinpoint the most formative component and age in a multiparty context. Opinionation, stability and correlates were examined for three components of party preference: party identification, voting intention and left-right identification. Results revealed that most youths formed a preference at some point during their early life. The 6-year stability of party preference was already substantial during early adolescence and increased until early adulthood. Party preference became increasingly related to youths’ social characteristics and issue attitudes with age, but parents remained important. Whereas studies from two-party systems emphasized the importance of party identification, this study suggested that left-right identification may instead predominate the early formation, intergenerational transmission and life-course stability of party preference in the Netherlands. The most formative period was around age 18.

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Janssen, Heleen J., Maarten van Ham, Tom Kleinepier, and Jaap Nieuwenhuis. "A Micro-Scale Approach to Ethnic Minority Concentration in the Residential Environment and Voting for the Radical Right in The Netherlands." European Sociological Review 35, no. 4 (April 26, 2019): 552–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcz018.

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Abstract Existing empirical research on the link between ethnic minority concentration in residential environments and voting for the radical right is inconclusive, mainly due to major differences between studies in the spatial scale at which minority concentration is measured. We examined whether the presence of non-western ethnic minorities in the residential environment, measured at four spatial scales, is related to individuals’ intention to vote for the Dutch Party for Freedom (Dutch acronym PVV). We combined individual level survey data and register data, and we used multi-level structural equation models to examine possible mediation by anti-immigrant attitudes and political dissatisfaction. The models show different effects at different scales. At the micro scale (100 by 100 meter grids) we find a curvilinear effect: individuals with 30–50 per cent non-western minorities in their direct living environment are most likely to report to vote for the PVV. At higher spatial scales (up to municipal level) we find that the higher the proportion of non-western minorities, the more likely individuals are to report to vote for the PVV. These effects can however not be explained by anti-immigrant attitudes or political dissatisfaction. We even find that at the micro scale the presence of non-western minorities is related to less anti-immigrant attitudes.

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Van Lange, Paul A. M., René Bekkers, Antonio Chirumbolo, and Luigi Leone. "Are Conservatives Less Likely to be Prosocial than Liberals? From Games to Ideology, Political Preferences and Votingg." European Journal of Personality 26, no. 5 (September 2012): 461–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/per.845.

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Do political preferences reflect individual differences in interpersonal orientations? Are conservatives less other–regarding than liberals? On the basis of past theorising, we hypothesised that, relative to individuals with prosocial orientations, those with individualistic and competitive orientations should be more likely to endorse conservative political preferences and vote for conservative parties. This hypothesis was supported in three independent studies conducted in Italy (Studies 1 and 2) and the Netherlands (Study 3). Consistent with hypotheses, a cross–sectional study revealed that individualists and competitors endorsed stronger conservative political preferences than did prosocials; moreover, this effect was independent of the association between need for structure and conservative political preferences (Study 1). The predicted association of social value orientation and voting was observed in both a four–week (Study 2) and an eight–month (Study 3) longitudinal study. Taken together, the findings provide novel support for the claim that interpersonal orientations, as measured with experimental games rooted in game theory, are important to understanding differences in ideology at the societal level. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

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Stevens, Vidar. "Managing Uncertainties in Digital Democracy Experiments: A Case Study of the Management of the Stem Van West Experiment in Amsterdam-West, the Netherlands." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 10, no. 1 (March 2, 2020): 218. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v10i1.16252.

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Can we use digital tools to increase and deepen citizen participation in open and democratic policy-making processes? That is the main question this article aims to address. Today, there is a global effort to foster democracies through online digital tools. However, for many governmental officials and scholars it is still a challenge to decipher how online digital tools technically function and operate, what effects such tools have on the users of the platforms, and how it impacts the practices of governmental organizations and politics. In our view, practices of digital democracy deserve more governmental attention. Anno 2018, we already do our banking, tax-payment, and data sharing online. Nonetheless, our democracy remains decidedly analogue; the activity of casting a vote requires citizens to go the local polling booth, queue up, and tick a box on a paper voting slip. As such, the aim of this article is to shed more light on this new way of thinking about democracy in the digital era. Furthermore, we want to show the readership how in a time where there is growing disillusionment with the political institutions of advanced Western democracies, online tools provide new ways of involving citizens in political decision-making. Therefore, in this article we explore the possibilities of digital tools regarding citizen participation and democracy, and particularly, focus on how to manage these political experiments.

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CERUTTI, FURIO. "Europe's Deep Crisis." European Review 13, no. 4 (October 2005): 525–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798705000773.

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The rejection of the symbolically rather than institutionally innovative Constitutional Treaty in France and the Netherlands as well as the show of disunity in the European Council of mid June 2005 signal the end of a long cycle, culminating in the 1990s, in which the transformation of the European Union into a full-fledged political actor seemed to be possible. For decades ahead there will be no European polity capable of powerfully co-determining the governance of globalization. This was made possible by the rarely debated democratic deficit that makes one people or government decide on issues of general European interest and uncritically glorifies direct democracy, thus opening the door to populism.The comedy of errors which saw a majority of French citizens voting for domestic motivations, instead of focusing on the actual European issues go back to underlying troubles in contemporary democracy, but also to the contradiction inherent to the attempt to give the functional-bureaucratic EU of ‘Brussels’ a broad democratic legitimization. Rather than the now dead Constitution, it is the experience of the Europeans with common high-political acts of economic and security policy that may in the future foster their political identity in the framework of cultural diversity.

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Alvarez, R. Michael, and Jonathan Nagler. "Party System Compactness: Measurement and Consequences." Political Analysis 12, no. 1 (2004): 46–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mph003.

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An important property of any party system is the set of choices it presents to the electorate. In this paper we analyze the distribution of parties relative to voters in the multidimensional issue space and introduce two measures of the dispersion of the parties in the issue space relative to the voters, which we call measures of the compactness of the parties in the issue space. We show how compactness is easily computed using standard survey items found on national election surveys. Because we study the spacing of the parties relative to the distribution of the voters, we produce metric-free measures of compactness of the party system. The measures can be used to compare party systems across issues, over time within countries, and across countries. Comparing the compactness of party systems across countries allows us to determine the relative amount of issue choice afforded voters in different polities. We examine the compactness of the issue space and test the impact it has on voter choice in four countries: the United States, the Netherlands, Canada, and Great Britain. We demonstrate that the more compact the distribution of the parties in the issue space on any given issue, the less voters weight that issue in their vote decision. Thus we provide evidence supporting theories suggesting that the greater the choice offered by the parties in an election, the more likely it is that issue voting will play a major role in that election.

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Bartlett, Susan J., Skye P. Barbic, Vivian P. Bykerk, Ernest H. Choy, Rieke Alten, Robin Christensen, Alfons den Broeder, et al. "Content and Construct Validity, Reliability, and Responsiveness of the Rheumatoid Arthritis Flare Questionnaire: OMERACT 2016 Workshop Report." Journal of Rheumatology 44, no. 10 (August 15, 2017): 1536–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3899/jrheum.161145.

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Objective.The Outcome Measures in Rheumatology (OMERACT) Rheumatoid Arthritis (RA) Flare Group was established to develop a reliable way to identify and measure RA flares in randomized controlled trials (RCT). Here, we summarized the development and field testing of the RA Flare Questionnaire (RA-FQ), and the voting results at OMERACT 2016.Methods.Classic and modern psychometric methods were used to assess reliability, validity, sensitivity, factor structure, scoring, and thresholds. Interviews with patients and clinicians also assessed content validity, utility, and meaningfulness of RA-FQ scores.Results.People with RA in observational trials in Canada (n = 896) and France (n = 138), and an RCT in the Netherlands (n = 178) completed 5 items (11-point numerical rating scale) representing RA Flare core domains. There was moderate to high evidence of reliability, content and construct validity, and responsiveness. Factor analysis supported unidimensionality. Rasch analysis showed acceptable fit to the Rasch model, with items and people covering a broad measurement continuum and evidence of appropriate targeting of items to people, ordered thresholds, minimal differential item functioning by language, sex, or age. A summative score across items is defensible, yielding an interval score (0–50) where higher scores reflect worsening flare. The RA-FQ received endorsement from 88% of attendees that it passed the OMERACT Filter 2.0 “Eyeball Test” for instrument selection.Conclusion.The RA-FQ has been developed to identify and measure RA flares. Its review through OMERACT Filter 2.0 shows evidence of reliability, content and construct validity, and responsiveness. These properties merit its further validation as an outcome for clinical trials.

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WITCZAK-ROSZKOWSKA, Danuta. "The virtual dimension of socio-economic relations in european countries." Scientific Papers of Silesian University of Technology. Organization and Management Series 2020, no. 146 (2020): 509–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.29119/1641-3466.2020.146.36.

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Purpose: The purpose of the article is to assess the level of use of information technologies by households in selected European countries and the resulting transformations in socio-economic relations. Design/methodology/approach: The article uses one of the taxonomic methods – the Hellwig’s development pattern method. 20 diagnostic features were adopted to develop Hellwig’s synthetic measure. They reflect the access and use of the Internet by households in five areas: networking and formal activities in the fields of e-government, e-banking, e-education, e-health; carrying out political and civic activities online (consulting, voting, expressing opinions); making informal contacts and participating in social networks (e.g. Facebook, Twitter, etc.); e-commerce; using instant messaging and e-mail. Findings: In the light of the characteristics adopted for the survey, the highest level of use of information technology by households is characteristic of Iceland, Norway, Denmark, Sweden, the Netherlands, Great Britain and Finland. The countries with the lowest rates are Romania and Bulgaria. Research limitations/implications: The studies presented may contribute to further in-depth analyses of the links between the use of information technologies in individual countries and their level of economic development in the long term. Originality/value: The results are addressed to public authorities in 30 European countries. On their basis, leaders in the use of information technologies by households in various areas of economic and social life were identified. The distance between the other countries was also diagnosed. The results of the research can guide public authorities in developing strategies for the development and dissemination of information technologies in their countries.

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Taverne, B. G. "The concession Groningen: A lawyer’s view." Netherlands Journal of Geosciences - Geologie en Mijnbouw 80, no. 1 (April 2001): 113–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0016774600022228.

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AbstractThe discovery in 1959 of natural gas in a well drilled by the Nederlandse Aardolie Maatschappij (NAM) near Hoogezand, Gemeente Slochteren, a town in the Province of Groningen, led to the development and establishment of major natural gas production in the Netherlands. This important industrial development could not have started and the necessary investments would not have been made by the industry, if not in accordance with the then applicable Napoleonic Mining Law of 1810 a concession had been applied for and granted allowing to exploit this discovery. From this point of view, admittedly a lawyer’s view, the award of the concession, which was named Groningen, should be considered to be the actual starting point for the aforesaid development.On 1 July 1961 NAM submitted its application for a concession based on its Slochteren discovery and with this submission the negotiations started between the Netherlands government on the one side and NAM and its two shareholders, viz. Shell and Exxon, on the other side, on the terms and conditions to be incorporated in the applied for concession. On the government’s side attention was focused on two aspects: how to integrate the natural gas discovered into the economy of the country and how to involve the State in the production and disposal thereof. From the outset the government intended, that the State’s interests should be represented by the Staatsmijnen in Limburg (State Mines) in order to give this coal mining enterprise a future outside and independent from its ailing coal mining business in the Province of Limburg. To this end the government arranged for State Mines to enter into a maatschap (partnership) with NAM. In this partnership State Mines would get a 40% participating interest, leaving 60% for NAM. The concession would be granted to NAM, but the latter would be obliged to produce the natural gas reserves contained within the concession for the account and responsibility of the partnership. The partnership would be managed by State Mines with a 50% voting right and by NAM’s two shareholders each with a 25% voting right.In the deed of concession, which was granted on 30 May 1963, it is stipulated, that any natural gas not needed by the concessionaire for its own operations should be sold to a corporation to be designated by the Minister and the articles of association of which would require the latter’s approval. This corporation, named the NV Nederlandse Gasunie (the Gasunie), was established on 6 April 1963. Its shareholders were (and still are) State Mines (now Energie Beheer Nederland (EBN)) with a 40% shareholding interest, the two shareholders of NAM, each with a 25% interest, and the State itself with a 10% interest. The Gasunie is allowed to realise from its business of buying, transporting and selling natural gas an after tax profit of NGL 80 million per year. Any surplus revenues are transferred to NAM (the transfer sum) in payment of the gas delivered by NAM.The concession area comprises about 2,970 square km, covering the territory of the Province of Groningen and the territorial waters adjacent to the Province. The concession area includes part of the Waddenzee, an area in respect of which special environmental/zoning rules and regulations are in force. As a matter of fact any exploitation of the gas reserves situated in that area is ruled out, at least for the foreseeable future.The concession area also includes an area described as the Common Area in the Supplementary Eems I Dollard Agreement of 14 May 1962. Under the terms of this Agreement natural gas produced from the gas reserves situated in the Common Area had to be shared with German concessionaires. NAM was appointed the operator for implementing the provisions of the Agreement.A certain varying amount of subsidence is experienced throughout the concession area. In this matter the partnership agreed to compensate, up to a certain financial limit, third parties which incurred costs or suffered damage in connection with said subsidence.

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Smitiukh, Andrii. "The exercise of the corporate rights certified by the corporate shares (stocks) encumbered with the usufruct." Law Review of Kyiv University of Law, no. 2 (August 10, 2020): 223–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.36695/2219-5521.2.2020.39.

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The article presents the result of comparative legal studies of the distribution of the exercise of corporate rights certified by corporateshares (stocks) encumbered with the usufruct between a company’s shareholder and a fructuary in the legislations of a numberof civil law legal system countries (namely Belgium, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Spain, Switzerland and Turkey). It is concludedthat the legislative approach varies significantly in this issue in different countries. The author elaborates an optimal legislativemodel to be introduced into the domestic legislation of Ukraine for the distribution of the corporate rights (for dividends, for corporateproperty quotas, for acquisition of corporate shares issued by the company or alienated by other shareholders, for voting and other rightsconstituting jointly the right to participate in management of the company as well as a right to access the information about the activitiesof the company’s activity) between the fructuary and a shareholder who owns the share encumbered with the usufruct on a dispositivebasis mainly. The dispositive nature of the rules elaborated by the author makes the usufruct multivariate as a result of the possibilityto change balance of distribution of the corporate rights certified by the shares encumbered with the usufruct between a shareholder anda fructuary by an agreement or by a will (testamentary renunication or legatum) within limits provided by law and company’s charter.It allows to implement various models of usufruct: a «passive» one, which endows a fructuary with a dividend right only leaving theexercise of the rest of the corporate rights to the company’s shareholder, an usufruct established in order to optimize tax relations on acorporate share and property management of minors or as a transfer of a corporate share to a minor heir and finally as a mean of managementof a corporate share (stock) on a paid basis. It was concluded also that all the cases the fructuary is obliged to do not makeobstacles for exercise of corporate rights by the shareholder.

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König, Thomas, and Jonathan B. Slapin. "From Unanimity to Consensus: An Analysis of the Negotiations at the EU's Constitutional Convention." World Politics 58, no. 3 (April 2006): 413–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2007.0002.

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In spite of the recent failure of two referendums, the drafting of a constitution for the second biggest economic power in the world, the European Union (EU), remains a major event in the history of European integration. Whether the constitution or a revised version of it will come into force or not, several important questions emerge. How did an increased number of twentyfive member states reach a conclusion, whereas a lower number of fifteen had failed at previous intergovernmental attempts? In particular, how did the constitutional convention differ from previous intergovernmental conferences (iGCs) at which the EU exclusively bargained its treaty documents in the past? How can one explain the outcomes of the convention, which proposes redistribution of power and resources among twenty-five or more member states? This article uses the positions of the delegates of the EU's constitutional convention to examine bargaining in a setting with few formal rules. The authors use theoretical insights from a spatial model and new survey data to determine the implicit voting rule used at the convention. They find that the convention differed from previous IGCs because the convention was governed by consensus, whereas previous EU bargains on treaties had always required unanimous support. The level of consensus was higher than simple majority rule but lower than unanimity. Since this threshold impacted who won and who lost at the convention, the authors also examine the sources of bargaining power, such as delegates' distance to the status quo, distance to the median, population size, and domestic constraints. The results confirm several findings in the EU bargaining and two-level game literature, for example, that actors closer to the status quo hold a stronger bargaining position and that actors from larger member states are neither more likely nor less likely to win at the negotiating table than are actors from smaller states. The findings on the irrelevance of domestic constraints also indicate why the popular votes in France and the Netherlands failed.

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Parlyk, Vladislav. "The search of ways out of crisis of the Social Democratic Movement of Austria." Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 22, no. 2 (April 22, 2019): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/171924.

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The article is devoted to the crisis of social democratic movements in Western Europe in the XXI century. Emphasis is placed on the evolution of the Social Democratic Party of Austria. Of great importance are the developments of such scientists who dealt with this problem, as K. Kholodkovsky, N. Rabotyazhev, A. Vilkov, G. Nidermyulbihler, G. Sidl, G. Moschonas. The structure of the article is as follows. The first part shows a tendency to reduce electoral support for socialist and social democratic parties in countries such as France, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Germany, Sweden, Austria and Greece. The general causes of the crisis of the Social Democrats are highlighted. Firstly, in the conditions of depopulation of the population and globalization of production, the working class is being eroded, conditions which supported decades social democrats across the whole Europe disappear. Secondly, social democrats, addressing target audience ceased to consider its specifics. Thirdly, owing to the crisis phenomena in the EU, migration crisis, deepening of inequality there is a radicalization as right and left electorate.The analysis of researches of the Austrian Institute of social researches and consulting of SORA indicates that the Social Democratic Party of Austria has ceased to be a «party of workers», its support base is currently voting more for the Austrian Freedom Party. Also the analysis of flows of voters between parliamentary parties (NET) of the last four electoral cycles in Austria states a steady trend of transition of bigger number of votes from social democrats to the right populists.In the second part in a chronological order four stages of modernization of ideology and complex organizational reform of the Social Democratic Party of Austria which captured the period from May, 2014 to November, 2018 are allocated and analysed. The main provisions of the new political program of the party, in which the Social Democratic Party of Austria offers voters their vision of solving the problems of the 21st century, as well as the structure and important points of the new organizational Statute, are considered. The key points of the new program are the digital revolution, the fair distribution of work and working time, resources and opportunities, as well as education, social security, a dignified old age, the expansion of non-commercial housing construction, forced migration, environmental problems, in particular global warming. Important points of the new Statute include the strengthening of the role of ordinary members of the party, the possibility of obtaining guest member status for one year with the right to become a permanent member of the party, the expansion of thematic and project initiatives.In conclusions major factors which acted as the trigger to fundamental updating of the Social Democratic Party of Austria, feature of this process are allocated. Results of a research can have a certain value for the scientists researching the social democratic movement and also subjects of party and political life.

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Cuenca Rodríguez, María Elena. "A Spanish composite Rex Virginum Mass and the Beata Virgine Maria Mass tradition in Europe." Early Music 47, no. 3 (August 2019): 291–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/em/caz047.

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Abstract Concepts of ‘centre’ and ‘periphery’ in Renaissance music studies have sometimes been the cause of oversights concerning points of contact and cultural exchange between the musical ‘mainstream’—represented by the northern European and Italian circles—and the Spanish kingdoms. Musicians from the Iberian Peninsula—among them, Francisco de Peñalosa—were well aware of musical developments in the Franco-Netherlandish polyphonic tradition, and incorporated some of these into their Mass composition throughout the 16th century. This article presents a case study of the Rex Virginum composite Mass, with sections by Pedro de Escobar, Francisco de Peñalosa, Pedro Hernández [de Castilleja] and Alonso Pérez de Alba. This Mass is directly connected with the popularity of votive Beata Virgine Maria Masses composed by Franco-Netherlandish and later Spanish composers. In order to shed more light on the significance of this work, the different musical styles of each composer involved in its creation are examined, and the Mass compared with other Beata Virgine Maria models. Through this analysis, the distinct musical contribution of this Mass in the context of European Renaissance music, and its influence on later generations of Spanish composers—especially Francisco Guerrero—are examined.

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Jagt, J. W. M., and J. W. F. Reumer. "Geo(Im)pulse An unexpected fossil crinoid from the ‘Kor en Bot’ trawling trips on the Oosterschelde (Zeeland, the Netherlands)." Netherlands Journal of Geosciences - Geologie en Mijnbouw 89, no. 2 (September 2010): 169–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0016774600000767.

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AbstractDuring the 2007 ‘Kor en Bot’ collecting trip across the Oosterschelde (province of Zeeland, southwest Netherlands), on board trawler cutter ZZ10, a stem fragment of a fossil isocrinid was recognised amongst the contents of the nets pulled on deck. This specimen is here interpreted to be of Early Jurassic age and assignable to the genus Isocrinus. However, because only internodals are preserved in this pluricolumnal, specific identification cannot be but approximate (Isocrinus (Chladocrinus) cf. tuberculatus). In the absence of any outcrop of Jurassic deposits in Zeeland and adjacent Dutch and Belgian territory, the most likely explanation is that this crinoid represents erratic material transported by precursors of the present-day River Maas (Meuse). Between the Langres Plateau and Sedan (northeast France), this river cuts through several occurrences of Lower Jurassic strata from which the present isocrinid might have originated. A less likely explanation is that it stems from boulders used for coastal reinforcement or from a Roman limestone votive altarpiece put up at the temple complex for the goddess Nehalennia, formerly present at Colijnsplaat, near Domburg (Noord-Beveland, Zeeland). Transportation from either northwest France or the southern or eastern United Kingdom, where there are coastal exposures of Jurassic strata, via the North Sea, is another option which, however, is also considered less feasible in view of the good state of preservation of the crinoid.

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Antonucci, Lorenza, Carlo D’Ippoliti, Laszlo Horvath, and André Krouwel. "What’s Work Got to Do with It? How Precarity Influences Radical Party Support in France and the Netherlands." Sociological Research Online, July 28, 2021, 136078042110203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13607804211020321.

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The rising support for radical parties in Europe has triggered a new interest in the political sociology of voting and how voters with socio-economic insecurity are moving away from establishment politics. In this article, we apply Standing’s concept of ‘precarity’ to capture insecurity among ordinary voters and thereby expand the individual socio-economic explanations behind the vote for radical populist right (RPR) and radical left (RL) parties. We develop a multidimensional measure of precarity to capture subjective labour market insecurity in its different manifestations. The article examines the influence of precarity on voting in two countries – France and the Netherlands – that, in the 2017 elections, saw the culmination of a decline in support for establishment parties and a rise in support for both RPR and RL parties. We use panels of voters collected during these elections through online Voting Advice Applications, weighted against national census benchmarks. We identify and assess the role of two dimensions of precarity: ‘precarity of tenure’ and ‘precarity at work’. We find that in both France and the Netherlands precarity is, overall, negatively correlated with voting for established parties and positively correlated with voting for RPR and RL parties. Furthermore, our investigation shows that ‘precarity at work’ is more significant in explaining voting support than the more widely investigated ‘precarity of tenure’. Our results stress the importance of assessing how subjective work insecurity explains voting and support for RPR and RL parties.

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Rakitskaya, Inna. "Electronic Voting: The Experience of the Netherlands and Norway." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.4290769.

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Risnanto, Slamet, Yahaya Abd Rahim, Othman Mohd, and Abdurrohman Abdurrohman. "E-Voting: Technology Requirements Mapping." TEM Journal, August 29, 2022, 1282–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.18421/tem113-37.

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Technology is the most important component in the implementation of e-voting, although technology is not the only one that contributes to the successful implementation of e-voting. However, in several countries that have successfully implemented evoting such as India, Brazil, the Philippines and Estonia, technology plays an important role in the success of these countries in its implementation. Likewise in countries that are not successful, such as America, Brazil, the Netherlands, England and others, technology has contributed to the failure of the implementation. In this study, a mapping of the requirements and details of technology for the implementation of e-voting was made. As a result, the technology required for preparation / pre-registration, registration, voting and counting activities is divided into two models of e-voting implementation, namely kiosk (machines stored in the public room / polling station) and remote voting. These technologies must meet the aspects of security and public perception, which is: easy to use by voters and committees, as well as transparency. The contribution of this research is a map of the requirements for e-voting technology to increase the number of voters and positive perceptions / public trust in e-voting technology and the development of e-voting technology.

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Данько, Ю. А., and Н. Г. Білоцерківська Білоцерківська. "ЕЛЕКТРОННЕ ГОЛОСУВАННЯ: МОЖЛИВОСТІ УКРАЇНСЬКОЇ РЕЦЕПЦІЇ." Сучасне суспільство: політичні науки, соціологічні науки, культурологічні науки, 2019, 60–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.34142/24130060.2019.17.1.06.

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The article considers the advantages and disadvantages of implementing and applying the electronic voting system in different countries of the world and the prospects for the introduction of electronic voting in Ukraine. It is noted that e-democracy is a direct tool of democratization and development of the society in the information direction. One of the mechanisms of e-democracy is e-voting. Electronic voting is considered as a procedure for the implementation of the expression of will with the use of electronic means and as an automated process of counting votes, which simplifies the voting procedure and contributes to raising the level of electoral activity. It has been determined that e-voting, although it is one of the most complex forms of e-democracy, can still increase the interest of citizens, namely, the young people in the political life of the country, reduce the cost of the election process, enable citizens with disabilities to carry out a process of expression of will, improve the reliability of the procedure for counting election results. The author also examines the forms of e-voting that are used in world practice, namely: voting through the Internet, voting in the booth using "electronic ballot boxes" and e-voting with the help of a mobile phone. The experience of using e-voting system in different countries of the world, such as USA, Brazil, Estonia, Austria, Finland, Switzerland, France, Great Britain, the Netherlands, Germany, Norway, etc., is analyzed. Identified problems faced by countries in elections when using the e-voting system. The author also considers the measures that Ukraine is developing to implement the e-voting system. In particular, it was noted that the first attempts to establish on the legislative level the introduction of electronic voting in Ukraine were recorded as early as 2011. At present, the use of electronic voting in Ukraine is only in the stage of active discussion. Based on the experience of other countries, it has been determined that electronic voting should be used in parallel with the traditional expression of will.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Voting – Netherlands'

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