Relevant bibliographies by topics / Voting – Netherlands

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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Academic literature on the topic 'Voting – Netherlands'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Voting – Netherlands"

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MIDDENDORP, C. P., and P. R. KOLKHUIS TANKE. "Economic voting in the Netherlands." European Journal of Political Research 18, no. 5 (September 1990): 535–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1990.tb00247.x.

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de Jong, Abe, Gerard Mertens, and Peter Roosenboom. "Shareholders’ Voting at General Meetings: Evidence from the Netherlands." Journal of Management & Governance 10, no. 4 (November 2006): 353–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10997-006-9006-1.

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Lemmink, Jacques. "‘Op proef doeltreffend gebleken, kunnen we spreken van een bereikt ideaal’." De Moderne Tijd 5, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 35–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/dmt2021.1.002.lemm.

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Abstract ‘Proved effective on trial, we can speak of an achieved ideal’ Abraham Kuyper and the mechanical voting machine, c. 1895-1905 During the latest presidential elections in the United States, unfounded conspiracy theories sprung up concerning alleged ballot box fraud by compromised voting machines. Although different voting machines had been used in the Netherlands since 1966, concerns over their reliability ended this in 2007. This article investigates the forgotten but ultimately failed attempt to introduce mechanical voting machines a century earlier. It focuses on the role played by prominent politician Abraham Kuyper, who personally visited the Standard Voting Machine Company in Rochester in 1898. The article illustrates how Kuyper’s transatlantic political and religious networks facilitated the voting machine’s transfer, rather than scientific connections. Paradoxically, the introduction of proportional representation in 1917 marked the end of tentative attempts to develop a Dutch version of the American mechanical voting machine. The implementation in the voting process turned out be too expensive, too early, and too complicated for the Dutch electoral system at the dawn of the twentieth century.
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van Manen, Mirjam J. G., Michael Kreuter, Bernt van den Blink, Ute Oltmanns, Karin Palmowski, Eva Brunnemer, Simone Hummler, et al. "What patients with pulmonary fibrosis and their partners think: a live, educative survey in the Netherlands and Germany." ERJ Open Research 3, no. 1 (January 2017): 00065–2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1183/23120541.00065-2016.

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Pulmonary fibrosis greatly impacts patients and their partners. Unmet needs of patients are increasingly acknowledged; the needs of partners often remain unnoticed. Little is known about the best way to educate patients and partners. We investigated pulmonary fibrosis patients' and partners' perspectives and preferences in care, and the differences in these between the Netherlands and Germany. Additionally, we evaluated whether interactive interviewing could be a novel education method in this population.Patients and partners were interviewed during pulmonary fibrosis patient information meetings. In the Netherlands, voting boxes were used and results were projected directly. In Germany, questionnaires were used.In the Netherlands, 278 patients and partners participated; in Germany, 51. Many participants experienced anxiety. Almost all experienced misunderstanding, because people do not know what pulmonary fibrosis is. All expressed a need for information, psychological support and care for partners. Use of the interactive voting system was found to be pleasant (70%) and informative (94%).This study improves the knowledge of care needs of patients with pulmonary fibrosis and their partners. There were no major differences between the Netherlands and Germany. Interactive interviewing could be an attractive method to acquire insights into the needs and preferences of patients and partners, while providing them with information at the same time.
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Dorussen, Han, and Michaell Taylor. "The political context of issue-priority voting: coalitions and economic voting in the Netherlands, 1970–1999." Electoral Studies 20, no. 3 (September 2001): 399–426. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0261-3794(00)00026-3.

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Oostveen, Anne-Marie. "Outsourcing Democracy: Losing Control of e-Voting in the Netherlands." Policy & Internet 2, no. 4 (January 22, 2010): 196–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1944-2866.1065.

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van der Waal, Jeroen, and Willem de Koster. "Populism and Support for Protectionism: The Relevance of Opposition to Trade Openness for Leftist and Rightist Populist Voting in The Netherlands." Political Studies 66, no. 3 (November 10, 2017): 560–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321717723505.

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Leftist and rightist populist parties in Western Europe both oppose trade openness. Is support for economic protectionism also relevant for their electorates? We assess this in the Netherlands, where both types of populist parties have seats in parliament. Analyses of representative survey data ( n = 1,296) demonstrate that support for protectionism drives voting for such parties, as do the well-established determinants of political distrust (both populist constituencies), economic egalitarianism (leftist populist constituency) and ethnocentrism (rightist populist constituency). Surprisingly, support for protectionism does not mediate the relationship between economic egalitarianism and voting for left-wing populists, or the link between political distrust and voting for either left-wing or right-wing populist parties. In contrast, support for protectionism partly mediates the association between ethnocentrism and voting for right-wing populists. We discuss the largely independent role of protectionism in populist voting in relation to the cultural cleavage in politics and electoral competition, and also provide suggestions for future research.
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Louwerse, Tom, Simon Otjes, David M. Willumsen, and Patrik Öhberg. "Reaching across the aisle." Party Politics 23, no. 6 (January 12, 2016): 746–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068815626000.

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The divide between government and opposition is clearly visible in the way members of parliament vote, but the variation in government–opposition voting has been left relatively unexplored. This is particularly the case for contextual variation in the extent to which parliamentary voting behaviour follows the government–opposition divide. This article attempts to explain levels of government–opposition voting by looking at three factors: first, the majority status of cabinets (differentiating between majority and minority cabinets), cabinet ideology (differentiating between more centrist and more extremist cabinets) and norms about cabinet formation (differentiating between wholesale and partial alternation in government). The study includes variation at the level of the country, the government and the vote. The article examines voting in the Netherlands (with a history of partial alternation) and Sweden (with a history of wholesale alternation). We find strong support for the effect of cabinet majority status, cabinet ideology and norms about cabinet formation on government–opposition voting.
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Jansen, Giedo, Nan Dirk De Graaf, and Ariana Need. "Class voting, social changes and political changes in the Netherlands 1971–2006." Electoral Studies 30, no. 3 (September 2011): 510–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2011.02.005.

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Myeoun-Hoei Kim. "Current Status and future prospect of E-voting: Germany and the Netherlands." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 25, no. 2 (August 2007): 39–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17052/jces.2007.25.2.39.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Voting – Netherlands"

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Pauwels, Teun. "The populist voter: explaining electoral support for populist parties in The Netherlands, Belgium and Germany." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209745.

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Since the 1980s a growing number of populist parties have made a breakthrough in European party systems. Examples of these are the Belgian Vlaams Belang (VB), the Lijst Pim Fortuyn (LPF) in the Netherlands or the German Die Linke (DL). All of these parties can considered to be populist because they share a thin centred ideology “that considers society ultimately separated into two homogeneous and antagonistic groups, ‘the pure people’ versus ‘the corrupt elite’, and which argues that politics should be an expression of the volonté générale (general will) of the people” (Mudde, 2004: 543). This thin centred ideology can be combined with other full ideologies such as the radical right but also democratic socialism. The main objective of this study is to explain why people vote for populist parties. Such a question is difficult to answer, however, because populism is mostly attached to other ideologies. To address this problem, this study draws on a comparative research design. By studying the electorates of a wide range of different populist parties, it is disentangled what is exactly the populist element, rather than elements related to the host ideology, that drives voters towards these parties.

The study begins with a careful investigation of all parties in Belgium, The Netherlands and Germany by means of both qualitative and quantitative methods to explore which of them could be labelled populist. Support was found for at least the following cases: LPF, the Belgian Lijst Dedecker (LDD), the Dutch Partij Voor de Vrijheid (PVV), VB, the Dutch Socialistische Partij (SP) and DL. In a next step, the voters of these parties were analyzed by means of election survey data (Dutch Parliamentary Election Study, Partirep Survey and German Longitudinal Election Study).

The main finding of is that dissatisfaction with the functioning of democracy and a desire for more decision making through referendums are important and unique drivers for populist voting in general. On the demand side it is argued that a process of cartelization, i.e. increased reliance of parties on state subventions, more cooperation between government and opposition, and ideological moderation, combined with the growth of critical citizens has led to the questioning of political authority. On the supply side, an increasing group of well-organized populist parties have begun challenging mainstream parties by depicting them as a group of self-serving elites depriving the ordinary people of their sovereignty. Moreover, populist parties claim to restore the voice of the people through the introduction of direct democracy. Accordingly, a growing group of voters who share these concerns are attracted to the populist appeal.

Another important finding of this study is that populist parties generally attract social groups that feel themselves deprived. In Eastern Germany of the 1990s these were the ‘losers of unification’, i.e. highly educated civil servants who had lost the social prestige that they enjoyed during the heydays of the DDR. Yet in contemporary ‘diploma democracies’ it appears that populist parties, regardless of their host ideology, are increasingly attracting the ‘losers of globalization’, which are the lower educated and lower social classes. While populism has mostly been considered a threat for democracy, the ability of populist parties to integrate excluded social groups into the political system certainly deserves notice.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Karlsson, Anton. "The Left-Right Scale : An analysis of its connection to preferences on economic issues." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-165611.

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This thesis deals with the nature of the Left-Right scale. Theories and ideas about the Left-Right scale have been tested by a mixture of quantitative and qualitative methods. The research questions are, in short, firstly if voters’ preferences on political issues, where economic issues are tested in this specific thesis, can consistently explain voters’ Left-Right self-placement, secondly if this level of explanation can vary depending on changes in national political discourse, and finally if a high level of correlation between issue and Left-Right self-placement facilitates the matching process of parties and voters of similar ideological conviction. A regression is run on data from the World Values Survey and the European Values Study, data which consists of survey questions about attitudes towards economic preferences and self-placement on the Left-Right scale. The selection is restricted to old democracies, as there is some discrepancy between new and old democracies with regards to the capacity of the electorate to relate to the Left-Right scale. The independent variable in this regression is attitudes toward different economic issues, while the dependent variable is self-placement on the Left-Right scale. The first question is answered by the regression, which is if preferences regarding issues can explain self-placement on the Left-Right scale. The answer that is given is that there is indeed a consistent relationship between preferences on economic issues and self-placement on the Left-Right scale, over time. Albeit it is higher for some countries, like Scandinavia, and lower for other countries, like Japan and Ireland. The two remaining questions are answered by case studies, selected through the method of least likely and most likely cases. These are Netherlands, Sweden, Japan and France. In essence, these cases show that the Left-Right scale is indeed flexible, and can adapt to the current political discourse, and that a high relationship between preferences on political issues and self-placement on the Left-Right scale facilitates the matching of voters and parties of similar ideological conviction.
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Ulrici, Mark. "Bioenergy adoption barriers across 7 EU countries : A comparison of Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, and the United Kingdom." Thesis, KTH, Hållbar utveckling, miljövetenskap och teknik, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-254803.

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Europe is trying to switch away from fossil fuels towards renewable energy. Bioenergy is well positioned to play a large role in this. However, bioenergy as a share of total energy used differs substantially between European countries. What causes these differences and what the barriers are to bioenergy implementation is researched in this thesis for seven EU countries: Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, and the UK. The systemic barriers to bioenergy implementation are categorised in the five categories, infrastructure, market problems, interactions, institutions, and capabilities. A literature review gives the first insight into the barriers, which is then followed by ananalysis of current policy in the seven countries. Afterwards, industry specialists are interviewed from five of the seven countries. The interviews mainly took place by email. However, one was over the phone. A semi-structured approach was used in the interviews. Lastly, voting behaviour of MEPs and the influence of the oil industry are analysed. This was done by using the Forbes most valuable companies list and ranking the biggest European oil and gas companies. These were then compared to the voting behaviour by members of the EU parliament of the countries where the companies are domiciled. The results show no systemic barriers for Denmark and Sweden. In every country a different set of problems was in the way of bioenergy. Negative public opinion may start playing an increasing role in the implementation of bioenergy in western European countries, such as the Netherlands and Germany. Currently, the UK and Belgium have policy barriers to bioenergy implementation, while France’s bioenergy sector struggles with infrastructure, market and capability problems. Germany also suffers from market problems. The oil industry does not seem to influence the behaviour of politicians significantly concerning bioenergy. Politicians from countries with large oil industry did not vote morenegatively on bioenergy directives in the EU parliament than those from countries without a large oil industry. Moreover, the public opinion towards bioenergy can have large effects on the implementation, as was observed in the Netherlands. Where this negative public opinion on bioenergy comes from is not clear. No final conclusion can be drawn on what causes the difference in bioenergy adoption in the seven countries. More research is needed into what influences the public opinion in these countries concerning bioenergy.
Europa försöker göra en omställning från fossila bränslen till förnybar energi. Bioenergi är väl positionerat för att spela en viktig roll i detta. Bioenergi är en mindre intermittent energikälla än vind och solenergi och kan därmed komplettera dessa. Bioenergi som andel av den totala energianvändningen skiljer sig emellertid väsentligt mellan europeiska länder. Vad som orsakar dessa skillnader och vilka hinder som finns för implementering av bioenergi undersöks i denna rapport för sju EU-länder: Belgien, Danmark, Frankrike, Tyskland, Nederländerna, Sverige och Storbritannien. Hindren på systemnivå för implementering av bioenergi kategoriseras i de fem kategorierna, infrastruktur, marknadsproblem, interaktioner, institutioner och kapacitet. En litteraturöversikt ger den första insikten om hinder, som sedan följs av en utläggning gällande den nuvarande lagstiftningen i de sju länderna. Efter det intervjuas branschspecialister från fem av de sju länderna. Slutligen analyseras röstbeteende i Europaparlamentet och oljeindustrins inflytande. Resultaten visar att oljebranschen inte verkar påverka politikernas beteende i betydande utsträckning beträffande bioenergi. Politiker från länder med stor oljeindustri röstade inte mer negativt gällande bioenergidirektiv i EU-parlamentet än de från länder utan stor oljebransch. Däremot kan den allmänna opinionen mot bioenergi få stora effekter på genomförandet, vilket observerades i Nederländerna. Ingen slutsats kan dras gällande varför utbredningen av bioenergi skiljer sig åt mellan de sju länderna. I varje land fanns det en rad olika hinder i vägen för implementering av bioenergi. Sverige och Danmark har inga systemproblem för implementering av bioenergi. Om den allmänna opinionen är negativt inställd till bioenergi kan det börja spela en större roll för utbredningen av bioenergi i västeuropeiska länder, som Nederländerna och Tyskland.
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STRÖBELE, Maarit Felicitas. "What does suburbia vote for? : changed settlement patterns and political preference in three European countries." Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/28055.

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Defence date: 11 June 2013
Examining Board: Professor Alexander H. Trechsel, EUI (Supervisor); Professor Martin Kohli, EUI; Professor R. Alan Walks, University of Toronto; Professor Richard Rose FBA, University of Stratchclyde.
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Is there such a thing as suburban political preference in Western Europe, and if so, how is this related to political cleavages associated with geographically bound interests? What is the role of the classic urban-rural cleavage today? To answer these questions, the dissertation combines approaches from urban geography and political science to explain how the political preferences between core city and suburban voters differ in a cross-national comparative perspective. Suburbanisation has radically changed the European landscape in the 20th century: A significant share of the population now lives in places that could be defined as suburbs instead of inner cities, small towns and villages, or the countryside. However, when it comes to questions concerning the built environment and the political sphere, a large part of political research only distinguishes between urban and rural, even though metropolitan regions now include a multitude of different places with their own characteristics and associated political beliefs and interests. Urban-suburban divergences in political preference are examined considering the close relationship between the built environment and patterns of daily life. The dissertation incorporates the idea of the social construction of spaces into an explanation of suburban electoral preferences. The study demonstrates that urban-suburban divergences are substantially based on diverging patterns of daily use of spaces, as well as to different lifestyles within the middle class. Two key aspects are relevant: the family pattern and the use of public services. First, family patterns are clearly related to the building density of the place of residence. It is postulated that in less densely constructed and populated municipalities, the organisation of daily life is easier in a breadwinner-housekeeper pattern, which is in turn linked to conservative political preferences. Second, urban inhabitants tend to rely more on public services than suburbanites, while right-wing conservative parties tend to favour the limitation of public services. The hypotheses are examined in three country case studies (Germany, Netherlands, Switzerland) that begin with an overview of the national histories of suburbanisation, showing how suburbanisation and metropolitanisation are related to political discourses and policy-making. In a second step, statistical analyses take into account different aspects of suburban and urban inhabitants' daily life routine related to the use public services as well as to the family pattern. The findings of the statistical analyses are interpreted in relation to the history of suburbanisation and evidence that political preferences are indeed related to daily life and the place of residence. The analyses mostly result in a suburban tendency towards the conservative side of the political spectrum as compared to inner city inhabitants, and show that suburban political preference patterns are closer to rural than to core city patterns. In a further context, the study aims to broaden the understanding of political cleavages in European democracies, particularly the urban-rural cleavage, highlighting the relationship between one of the largest changes in the European landscape over the 20th century and the inhabitants' political preferences.
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Books on the topic "Voting – Netherlands"

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Need, Ariana. The kindred vote: Individual and family effects of social class and religion on electoral change in the Netherlands, 1956-1994. [Groningen]: Interuniversity Center for Social Science Theory and Methodology, 1997.

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Mochmann, Ekkehard. Inventory of national election studies in Europe, 1945-1995: Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Great Britain, Hungary, the Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden. Bergisch Gladbach: E. Ferger, 1998.

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Voter behavior in economics [i.e. economic] perspective. Berlin: Springer-Verlag, 1991.

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Influencing mass political behavior: Elites and political subcultures in the Netherlands and Austria. [Berkeley]: Institute of International Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1985.

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Tambouris, Efthimios. Electronic Participation: Third IFIP WG 8.5 International Conference, ePart 2011, Delft, The Netherlands, August 29 – September 1, 2011. Proceedings. Berlin, Heidelberg: IFIP International Federation for Information Processing, 2011.

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Lodewijk, Blok. Stemmen en kiezen: Het kiesstelsel in Nederland in de periode 1814-1850 = On indirect voting : the electoral system in the Netherlands, 1814-1850. Groningen: Wolters-Noordhoff/Forsten, 1987.

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Dennis, Faber, and Vermunt Niels. 12 National Report for the Netherlands. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198727293.003.0012.

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This chapter discusses the law on creditor claims in the Netherlands. It deals with insolvency claims, administration claims, and non-enforceable claims in turn. Each section covers: the definition and scope of the claim; rules for submission, verification, and satisfaction or admission of claims; ranking of claims; and voting and other participation rights in insolvency proceedings. In essence, holders of insolvency claims (‘insolvency creditors’) are entitled to the liquidation proceeds of the debtor’s insolvency estate after the full discharge of the administration claims. Insolvency creditors (except secured creditors) can only pursue payment by submitting their claims for admission in the proceedings. Administration claims have to be satisfied in priority to insolvency claims and need not be submitted in the claims verification procedure. Holders of such claims (‘administration creditors’) can take recourse against assets comprised in the insolvency estate. Holders of non-enforceable claims can only seek recourse after the insolvency proceedings are terminated (provided that the debtor continues to exist).
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Populism in Western Europe: Belgium, Germany, the Netherlands. Taylor & Francis Group, 2014.

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Pauwels, Teun. Populism in Western Europe: Comparing Belgium, Germany and the Netherlands. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.

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Roads to the Radical Right: Understanding Different Forms of Electoral Support for Radical Right-Wing Parties in France and the Netherlands. Oxford University Press, 2020.

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Book chapters on the topic "Voting – Netherlands"

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Loeber, Leontine. "The E-voting Readiness Index and the Netherlands." In Electronic Voting, 146–59. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-00419-4_10.

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van der Kolk, Henk. "The Netherlands." In The Routledge Handbook of Local Elections and Voting in Europe, 161–73. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003009672-18.

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de Vreese, Claes, Rachid Azrout, and Judith Moeller. "Netherlands 2014 EP Voting Patterns: From Euphile to Eurosceptic." In The Eurosceptic 2014 European Parliament Elections, 149–69. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-58696-4_8.

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Jacobs, Bart, and Wolter Pieters. "Electronic Voting in the Netherlands: From Early Adoption to Early Abolishment." In Foundations of Security Analysis and Design V, 121–44. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-03829-7_4.

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Kleinnijenhuis, Jan, and Jan A. De Ridder. "Effects of Issue Priorities in the News on Voting Preferences; The 1994 Election Campaign in the Netherlands." In Public Priority Setting: Rules and Costs, 275–305. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-1487-2_15.

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Lafarre, Anne. "Shareholder Voting and Engagement in the Netherlands: The Dutch Institutional Approach." In The Cambridge Handbook of Shareholder Engagement and Voting, 403–26. Cambridge University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108914383.020.

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"The bells toll no more: the declining influence of religion on voting behaviour in the Netherlands." In Religion and Mass Electoral Behaviour in Europe, 97–118. Routledge, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203991831-14.

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