Journal articles: 'Voting – Italy'

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KATZ, RICHARD S. "Preference Voting in Italy." Comparative Political Studies 18, no. 2 (July 1985): 229–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414085018002005.

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Intraparty preference voting is a potentially important possibility for voters in many proportional representation systems, especially the Italian system. Three hypotheses—that preference voting is an indicator of traditionalism or the voto di scambio, sophistication or the voto d'opinione, and mobilization or the voto d'appartenenza—are considered using survey data and logistic regression models. All three hypotheses are supported by the data. Although the support for the individual-level traditionalism account is weakest, the data suggest that traditional political culture may contribute to the contextual prerequisites for sophistication or mobilization to lead to preference voting. Overall, it is suggested that the three explanations are complementary rather than contradictory, and that contextual effects must be considered in a full account of preference voting.

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Milesi, Patrizia. "Moral foundations and voting intention in Italy." Europe’s Journal of Psychology 13, no. 4 (November 30, 2017): 667–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/ejop.v13i4.1391.

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Based on the view of morality proposed by the Moral Foundations Theory, this paper investigates whether voting intention is associated with moral foundation endorsement in not perfectly bipolar electoral contexts. Three studies carried out in Italy from 2010 to 2013, showed that controlling for ideological orientation, moral foundation endorsement is associated with voting intention. In Study 1 and 3, in fictitious and real national elections, intention to vote for right-wing political groups rather than for left-wing rivals was associated with Sanctity, confirming previous results obtained in the U.S. Furthermore, as a function of the specific competing political groups in each of the examined contexts other moral foundations predicted voting intention. In Study 1, Care and Authority predicted voting intention for the major political groups rather than for an autonomist party that aimed at decreasing central government’s fiscal power in favor of fiscal regional autonomy. In Study 3, Loyalty predicted the intention to vote for the major parliamentarian parties rather than for a movement that aimed at capturing disaffection towards traditional politics. In Study 2, at real regional elections, Loyalty predicted voting intention for the incumbent right-wing governor rather than for the challengers and Fairness predicted voting intention for left-wing extra-parliamentarian political groups rather than for the major left-wing party. Thus multiple moral concerns can be associated with voting intention. In fragmented and unstable electoral contexts, at each election the context of the competing political groups may elicit specific moral concerns that can contribute to affect voting intention beyond ideological orientation.

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Bull, Anna Cento. "Class, gender and voting in Italy." West European Politics 20, no. 2 (April 1997): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389708425192.

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Sancetta, Giuseppe, Nicola Cucari, and Salvatore Esposito De Falco. "Positive or negative voting premium: What happened to private benefits in Italy?" Corporate Ownership and Control 15, no. 3 (2018): 92–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv15i3art8.

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A large body of research deals with voting premium as a proxy of private benefit of control. Almost all of them find positive voting premium, in particular in Italy. Therefore appears interesting to ask what is the current status of private benefits of control in Italy in the last decade (2007-2017). Surprisingly, we show three major findings: i) reduction of non-voting share in the Italian scenario; ii) prevalence of negative voting rights premium more than positive ones, thus conflicting with the assumption and the observations by other researchers; iii) limits of the voting premium method. Our aim is that this study, despite its limitations, may encourage further researches focused on the analysis of the improvement and the change in the Italian corporate governance. The article points out that interesting evidence already exists, although still much remains to do in the future.

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Lewis-Beck, Michael S. "Comparative Economic Voting: Britain, France, Germany, Italy." American Journal of Political Science 30, no. 2 (May 1986): 315. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2111099.

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Garzia, Diego, and Gianluca Passarelli. "Italy in times of protest and negative voting: An introduction." Quaderni dell Osservatorio elettorale QOE - IJES 84, no. 2 (November 12, 2021): 3–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-12279.

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The classic heuristics of voting behaviour have been eroded overtime especially in well-established democracies. Ideology, party identification, and social class have been gradually replaced by short-period factors. In particular, the personalization has represented an innovative variable that significantly contributes to explain voting behaviour. Cross-pressures between party identification, candidate assessments and issue preferences paved the way to the diffusion of protest voting, both against the élite and the system. In this respect, Italy represents a very interesting case from both a theoretical and an empirical point view considering the presence of protest parties and the important diffusion of anti-system movements which surfed the protest to consolidate their positions. The editors conceived this special issue aiming at analysing and measuring the impact of protest/negative voting in Italy between 2016 and 2020, a period in which protest parties and voters’ discontent have significantly increased. Data presented by the different papers confirm, albeit under different perspectives, the relevance of this peculiar form of political behaviour.

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Legnante, Guido, and Paolo Segatti. "Intermittent abstentionism and multi-level mobilisation in Italy." Modern Italy 14, no. 2 (May 2009): 167–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940902871802.

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This article is focused on one of the most relevant novelties in the Italian electoral market of the past decade: the emerging phenomenon of intermittent abstentionism. Rather than an increase in overall abstentionism rates, aggregate and survey data show a clear increase in the number of floating voters who swing between voting and non-voting. After a description of the characteristics of intermittent abstensionists, the article discusses the relationship between different electoral systems at different levels of government and territorial differentiation as far as voting participation is concerned. It then discusses the impact of intermittent abstentionism on the results of the 2006 general election where the parties’ electoral campaigns appear to have been aimed at mobilising intermittent abstensionists. The article concludes with some considerations of the Italian electoral cycle, particularly in relation to the changes generated by the run-up to the 2008 elections.

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Cerruto, Maurizio, and Francesco Raniolo. "From exchange to voice. Voting in southern Italy." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 23, no. 4 (August 8, 2018): 418–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2018.1500214.

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Rigamonti, Silvia. "Evolution of ownership and control in Italian IPO firms." Corporate Ownership and Control 6, no. 2 (2008): 312–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv6i2c2p6.

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This article examines the evolution of ownership of cash flow rights and control of voting rights of firms that went public in Italy over the period 1985-2005. At the IPO, the ownership structure does not evolve towards a dispersed one. Even 10 years after the flotation, the initial ultimate shareholder retains the majority of voting rights. Though control is valuable, original owners do not systematically set up structures that dissociate cash flow from voting rights.

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Mancosu, Moreno. "Contexts, networks, and voting behavior: the social flow of political communication in Italy." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 46, no. 3 (May 25, 2016): 335–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2016.13.

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Previous research demonstrated that different contextual sources can affect voting behavior. Homogeneous familiar networks affect individual behavior of people embedded in these networks toward voting for certain parties. Moreover, being exposed to higher levels of homogeneity in the geographical place where one lives contributes to developing higher propensities to vote for a certain political object. By means of 2006 National Italian Elections data (and by employing new measures of network political homogeneity), this paper tests, with multilevel models, the hypothesis according to which networks and geographical context interact while affecting individuals’ voting behavior. Results confirm such a hypothesis, showing that familiar networks represent a ‘social bubble’, which limits the likelihood of being affected by the broader context.

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Bellucci, Paolo. "Government accountability and voting choice in Italy, 1990–2008." Electoral Studies 31, no. 3 (September 2012): 491–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2012.02.013.

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Mosca, Chiara. "Should Shareholders Be Rewarded for Loyalty? European Experiments on the Wedge Between Tenured Voting and Takeover Law." Michigan Business & Entrepreneurial Law Review, no. 8.2 (2019): 245. http://dx.doi.org/10.36639/mbelr.8.2.should.

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Corporate law reveals its democratic background when it comes to the general meetings of shareholders, finding, on both sides of the Atlantic, its most tangible expression in the “one share, one vote” principle. While, in the political landscape, the “one person, one vote” standard is absolute dogma and weighting votes according to people’s preferences and interests has never proved feasible, in the corporate scenario the one share, one vote principle is constantly challenged by the incentives of companies and their shareholders to shape corporate rights according to specific needs. In this respect, some legislators (specifically in France and Italy) have provided mechanisms that allow more loyal shareholders to increase their voting power. Tenured voting (or time-phased voting rights) should be analyzed in light of the modern corporate governance debate, which calls for a stronger role for long-term investors. However, the other side of the coin should be considered: the increase in voting rights broadens the range of control-enhancing mechanisms, although specific sunset clauses (whether provided for by law or voluntarily opted in by companies) may restore the one share, one vote rule. The analysis suggests that the mechanism based on tenured voting is more transparent and potentially less stable than other common control-enhancing mechanisms and deserves to be considered in the debate. At the EU level, the possibility left to the Member States of weighting shareholders’ voting power according to their long-term interests, leads to legislative fragmentation across Europe. Specifically, in Italy, the adoption of tenured voting coupled with a tradition of ownership concentration sharply empowers controlling shareholders. At the same time, European takeover regulation plays an exogenous role in indirectly selecting the companies that adopt time-phased voting rights. The final result is completely mistrusted, as tenured voting rights disappoint their expectations and are rarely used to meet a true need of long termism. The paper describes the paradox that emerges when tenured voting rights interact with the core principles of the EU financial market law system, and it offers various ways to alleviate this difficult coexistence.

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Bellucci, Paolo, and Oliver Heath. "The Structure of Party-Organization Linkages and the Electoral Strength of Cleavages in Italy, 1963–2008." British Journal of Political Science 42, no. 1 (July 14, 2011): 107–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123411000226.

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No consensus exists on the causal mechanisms underpinning declining voting based on social cleavages – religion and class – in Europe. Previous research has emphasized two main factors: social change within the electorate (bottom-up) and parties’ policy polarization (top-down). This article presents a third level of analysis that links parties and cleavage-related social organizations, producing a factor capable of reinforcing group identity and interest representation. This hypothesis was tested for Italy in 1968–2008, where changes in the party system provided a natural experiment to assess the impact of changing structural alternatives at the party–organizational level. The level of cleavage voting in Italy then responded primarily to changes in the structure of party–organization linkages, while the impact of policy mobilization and social change was negligible.

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Plescia, Carolina. "Portfolio-specific accountability and retrospective voting: the case of Italy." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 47, no. 3 (June 19, 2017): 313–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2017.11.

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How do voters attribute responsibility for government outcomes when they are the result of a collective decision taken by multiple parties within a coalition government? In this article we test the argument that in a multiparty coalition system, responsibility attribution should vary according to the quantity and quality of portfolios that the coalition partner controls. The article uses data from the Italian National Election Study in Italy, a country usually characterized by governments formed by more than two parties. We find no consistent empirical evidence that coalition parties collectively suffer from perceived negative performance. While the prime minister party is held responsible on average more than the other coalition partners, responsibility attribution decreases by party size in the parliament rather than by the quantity of ministerial portfolios the incumbent party controls. Issue saliency, however, plays an important role in the retrospective voting mechanism. These results have important implications for our understanding of electoral behaviour and democratic accountability.

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Leonardi, Salvo, and Mimmo Carrieri. "Populism and trade union internationalism: the case of Italy." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 26, no. 3 (July 10, 2020): 273–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258920934329.

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Voting analyses have documented how, behind worldwide successes of populist parties, lies growing support from manual workers, even those who are unionised. This reflects changes in political supply and demand, with manual workers frustrated by high costs they have paid in past years and disenchanted by the political vacuum left by traditionally pro-labour parties that had long given voice to their needs. What role do unions play? Can they still influence the voting of their declining but still more or less substantial membership? What are their narratives and organisational strategies on epochal challenges like immigration and EU integration? How can their sense of solidarity, universalism and labour internationalism cope with the growing fears, chauvinism and nationalism of a significant proportion of the working class? This article examines these questions from the perspective of Italy, using empirical data and qualitative insights on the partial success of union action. We conclude that there remains substantial potential for unions, through appropriate political choices, discursive strategies and socialisation with their members, to stem xenophobic and nationalistic inclinations in the world of work.

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Kużelewska, Elżbieta. "Referendum konstytucyjne we Włoszech. Jak głosowanie ludowe wpływa na system polityczny państwa?" Przegląd Europejski, no. 2-2017 (November 29, 2017): 110–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.2.17.6.

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This article analyses the impact of constitutional referendums on the political system in Italy. There were three constitutional referendums conducted in 2001, 2006 and 2016. All of them have been organised by the ruling parties, however, only the first one was successful. In the subsequent referendums, the proposals for amending the constitution have been rejected by voters. The article finds that lack of public support for the government resulted in voting „no” in the referendum.

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Bigelli, Marco, and Ettore Croci. "Dividend privileges and the value of voting rights: Evidence from Italy." Journal of Empirical Finance 24 (December 2013): 94–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jempfin.2013.09.002.

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Salvi, Antonio, Emanuele Teti, Anastasia Giakoumelou, and Felice Petruzzella. "Voting Premium in Italy: An Analysis over a 30-Year Period." International Journal of Business and Management 14, no. 1 (December 31, 2018): 206. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijbm.v14n1p206.

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We investigate the different aspects affecting the control premium by carrying out an empirical analysis on the respective in the Italian stock market since 1987 employing the Voting Premium methodology. We demonstrate how the introduction of new regulations in this field in 2012 has contributed to a substantial premium reduction. The impact of the aforementioned regulations needs to be examined within the macroeconomic setting that has distinguished the period of reference, particularly the last decade, within which the decision to raise the tax rate on financial yields needs to be contextualized.

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Boccagni, Paolo. "Reminiscences, Patriotism, Participation: Approaching External Voting in Ecuadorian Immigration to Italy." International Migration 49, no. 3 (May 19, 2011): 76–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2435.2011.00691.x.

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Carrieri, Luca. "The limited politicization of European integration in Italy: lacking issue clarity and weak voter responses." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 50, no. 1 (June 20, 2019): 52–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2019.16.

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AbstractThis article analyzes the politicization of European integration in Italy. Has the euro crisis catalyzed a new electoral supply, which may have been matched by voters’ responses? After the crisis, Italian parties have increased their entrepreneurial efforts to prime EU issues into the political debate, trying to win over votes. This pattern may have led to a full politicization of European integration. To study the transformations in party strategies and voting behavior, I analyze the fluctuations in EU issue entrepreneurship and EU issue voting between 2009 and 2014. The findings reveal mixed results: parties have actually developed new strategies on EU issues, but without significantly changing voter preferences along the pro/anti-European dimension.

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Tager, Michael. "Expatriates and Elections." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 15, no. 1 (March 2006): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.15.1.35.

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This article offers an analysis of an important aspect of transnational politics: emigrants’ participation by voting in the elections that take place in their countries of origin. In the past few decades, an increasing number of countries have allowed their expatriates to vote in such home state elections. Expatriate voting might be considered a form of transnational politics, or political globalization, or a way to adjust democracy to conditions of greater human mobility. Italy and Mexico recently enfranchised their expatriate citizens, and expatriates fi rst voted in the elections of 2006 in both countries. Tager’s article examines the different electoral mechanisms the two countries established to accommodate expatriate citizens, the procedures they enacted for registration, and the similarities and differences between the expected and actual impact that expatriate voters had on the 2006 elections in Italy and Mexico. Using the Italian and Mexican cases, Tager explores reasons for the trend toward allowing expatriates to vote and also evaluates the implications for democratic practice in having relatively large transnational populations potentially deciding the outcome of elections in countries in which they no longer reside.

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Cavazza, Nicoletta, and Piergiorgio Corbetta. "The political meaning of dining out: testing the link between lifestyle and political choice in Italy." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 46, no. 1 (October 20, 2015): 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2015.24.

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The debate that has arisen around the weakening of the traditional cleavages’ heuristic power in explaining vote suggests considering the role of lifestyles in designing politically meaningful social aggregates. We investigated the relationship between lifestyle and voting behavior, establishing the degree to which this relationship traces the effect of the socio-structural categories (e.g. social class) or is, at least in part, independent of them. Through a k-means clustering, we individuated a typology of four Italian lifestyles; we showed its relation to socio-demographic features and its ability to discriminate participants’ political attitudes. The subscription to each lifestyle was significantly associated with voting behavior, net of the variance accounted for by the traditional cleavages. The theoretical implication and further direction of research are discussed.

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Mascitelli, Bruno, and Simone Battiston. "Challenging the Australian Government Approach Towards Expatriate Voting: The Case of Italy." Australian Journal of Political Science 44, no. 3 (September 2009): 513–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361140903067276.

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Passarelli, Gianluca. "Determinants of Preferential Voting in Italy: General Lessons from a Crucial Case." Representation 53, no. 2 (April 3, 2017): 167–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2017.1354910.

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Parker, Simon. "Introduction: A Tale of Two Italies—Continuities and Change in the Italian Republic, 1994–2006." Modern Italy 12, no. 1 (February 2007): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940601134742.

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The idea for this special issue of Modern Italy emerged from the Association for the Study of Modern Italy's annual conference ‘The Second Italian Republic Ten Years On: Prospect and Retrospect’, which was held at the Italian Cultural Institute, London, in November 2004. The conference afforded an opportunity for scholars and observers of contemporary Italy to reflect on one of the most eventful decades in the history of the Italian Republic and to offer an appraisal of how political, economic, social and cultural life had fared since the first election based on the new majoritarian voting system which first brought Silvio Berlusconi's coalition to power in April 1994.

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Bull, Anna. "An end to Collective Identities? Political Culture and Voting Behaviour in Sesto San Giovanni and Erba." Modern Italy 1, no. 2 (1996): 23–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532949608454767.

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SummaryThis paper addresses the question of the demise or resilience of political subcultures in Italy today, focusing on two areas, Sesto San Giovanni and Erba, characterized until recently by a socialist/communist subculture and a Catholic/interclassist one. The voting behaviour and political values of key social groups, above all industrial workers, in these two towns provides evidence of the persistence and indeed revival of political subcultures in Italy. The paper argues that their function has changed, though. Whereas in the past a political subculture encompassed the whole spatial community, nowadays it appears to represent the interests and needs of specific groups within a territory, thus becoming one of many political instruments and choices open to social actors and voters.

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Bellucci, Paolo. "Changing Models of Electoral Choice in Italy." Modern Italy 12, no. 1 (February 2007): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940601134841.

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Scholars argue that the realignment of the electorate which took place with the transition to the so-called Italian Second Republic followed mainly a traditional partisan pattern, with electors of the former centre ruling parties (the Christian Democrats and the Socialists) turning to vote for the new centre and right parties (Forza Italia and the National Alliance), while left-wing voters continued to hold their traditional allegiance. Behind this apparent electoral turmoil there would appear to be little in the way of voter mobility. Such a reading implies continuity in the motivations of voters who behaved according to their previous ‘personal electoral history’ and in accordance with their sub-cultural political identification. Here an alternative interpretation is proposed in which it is argued that as a result of the 1994 realignment elections voters who deserted the centre (the heirs of the Christian Democrats) did so also according to their class interest and in response to the policy proposal of the centre-right. Since that time a ‘valence model’ of electoral behaviour has begun to emerge where ‘reasoning voters’ react to the performance of the incumbent, and voting also depends on an assessment of leadership, policy performance and issues.

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Cagliero, Roberto, Francesco Bellini, Francesco Marcatto, Silvia Novelli, Alessandro Monteleone, and Giampiero Mazzocchi. "Prioritising CAP Intervention Needs: An Improved Cumulative Voting Approach." Sustainability 13, no. 7 (April 3, 2021): 3997. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13073997.

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The process to define the 2023–2027 Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) is underway. The implementation model governing the process requires each EU Member State to design a National Strategic Plan to deliver operational actions exploiting the synergies under the two pillars of the policy. Each Plan must be built from an evidence-based needs assessment that undergoes rigorous prioritisation and planning to create comprehensive, integrated, and achievable interventions. In Italy, the success of this planning process requires all interested stakeholders to generate options for the regional authorities who plan, manage, and legislate agricultural activities. This research proposes a decision-making technique, based on the cumulative voting approach, that can be used effectively when multiple persons from different backgrounds and perspectives are engaged in problem-solving and needs prioritisation. The results indicate that the model can be applied both theoretically and practically to prioritise Strategic Plan needs that involve national and regional authorities. Validation of the model allows it to be used in the next consultative processes and for expansion to socioeconomic stakeholders.

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Talving, Liisa, and Stefano Braghiroli. "Has economic voting changed? A comparative analysis of Italy and other Southern European countries." Contemporary Italian Politics 9, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 84–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2017.1288361.

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Campus, Donatella, Gianfranco Pasquino, and Cristian Vaccari. "Social Networks, Political Discussion, and Voting in Italy: A Study of the 2006 Election." Political Communication 25, no. 4 (November 18, 2008): 423–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10584600802427039.

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Caprio, Lorenzo, and Ettore Croci. "The determinants of the voting premium in Italy: The evidence from 1974 to 2003." Journal of Banking & Finance 32, no. 11 (November 2008): 2433–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jbankfin.2008.04.001.

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Massafra, Raffaella, Maria Colomba Comes, Samantha Bove, Vittorio Didonna, Sergio Diotaiuti, Francesco Giotta, Agnese Latorre, et al. "A machine learning ensemble approach for 5- and 10-year breast cancer invasive disease event classification." PLOS ONE 17, no. 9 (September 19, 2022): e0274691. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0274691.

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Designing targeted treatments for breast cancer patients after primary tumor removal is necessary to prevent the occurrence of invasive disease events (IDEs), such as recurrence, metastasis, contralateral and second tumors, over time. However, due to the molecular heterogeneity of this disease, predicting the outcome and efficacy of the adjuvant therapy is challenging. A novel ensemble machine learning classification approach was developed to address the task of producing prognostic predictions of the occurrence of breast cancer IDEs at both 5- and 10-years. The method is based on the concept of voting among multiple models to give a final prediction for each individual patient. Promising results were achieved on a cohort of 529 patients, whose data, related to primary breast cancer, were provided by Istituto Tumori “Giovanni Paolo II” in Bari, Italy. Our proposal greatly improves the performances returned by the baseline original model, i.e., without voting, finally reaching a median AUC value of 77.1% and 76.3% for the IDE prediction at 5-and 10-years, respectively. Finally, the proposed approach allows to promote more intelligible decisions and then a greater acceptability in clinical practice since it returns an explanation of the IDE prediction for each individual patient through the voting procedure.

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Caprara, Gian Vittorio, Michele Vecchione, Shalom H. Schwartz, Harald Schoen, Paul G. Bain, Jo Silvester, Jan Cieciuch, et al. "Basic Values, Ideological Self-Placement, and Voting: A Cross-Cultural Study." Cross-Cultural Research 51, no. 4 (June 2, 2017): 388–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1069397117712194.

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The current study examines the contribution of left–right (or liberal–conservative) ideology to voting, as well as the extent to which basic values account for ideological orientation. Analyses were conducted in 16 countries from five continents (Europe, North America, South America, Asia, and Oceania), most of which have been neglected by previous studies. Results showed that left–right (or liberal–conservative) ideology predicted voting in all countries except Ukraine. Basic values exerted a considerable effect in predicting ideology in most countries, especially in established democracies such as Australia, Finland, Italy, United Kingdom, and Germany. Pattern of relations with the whole set of 10 values revealed that the critical trade-off underlying ideology is between values concerned with tolerance and protection for the welfare of all people (universalism) versus values concerned with preserving the social order and status quo (security). A noteworthy exception was found in European postcommunist countries, where relations of values with ideology were small (Poland) or near to zero (Ukraine, Slovakia).

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GALAM, SERGE. "SOCIOPHYSICS: A REVIEW OF GALAM MODELS." International Journal of Modern Physics C 19, no. 03 (March 2008): 409–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0129183108012297.

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We review a series of models of sociophysics introduced by Galam and Galam et al. in the last 25 years. The models are divided into five different classes, which deal respectively with democratic voting in bottom-up hierarchical systems, decision making, fragmentation versus coalitions, terrorism and opinion dynamics. For each class the connexion to the original physical model and techniques are outlined underlining both the similarities and the differences. Emphasis is put on the numerous novel and counterintuitive results obtained with respect to the associated social and political framework. Using these models several major real political events were successfully predicted including the victory of the French extreme right party in the 2000 first round of French presidential elections, the voting at fifty–fifty in several democratic countries (Germany, Italy, Mexico), and the victory of the "no" to the 2005 French referendum on the European constitution. The perspectives and the challenges to make sociophysics a predictive solid field of science are discussed.

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Gianluca Bianchi, Davide. "‘I missed a penalty’: the constitutional referendum and Matteo Renzi’s mistakes." Modern Italy 22, no. 3 (July 24, 2017): 315–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2017.35.

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This paper provides an empirical analysis of the result of the referendum on constitutional reform held in Italy on 4 December 2016. The votes against (59.1%) won by a significant margin, with an unexpectedly high turnout at the polls and more than 33 million citizens voting. Using as a point of departure the polls carried out prior to and following the referendum, in which Italians said they were essentially in favour of the reform proposed by the prime minister, the essay focuses on the mistakes made by Matteo Renzi that discouraged Italians from voting Yes. These touch on all aspects of the referendum: 1) the parliamentary process, 2) its combination with electoral law, 3) institutional communication, and 4) his political analysis and strategic approach. The final section evaluates the effects of the referendum result on the Italian political system, emphasising the setback to reformism and the strengthening of the anti-system parties that support leaving the Euro (in particular the Movimento 5 Stelle).

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Fertő, Imre, László Á. Kóczy, Attila Kovács, and Balázs R. Sziklai. "The power ranking of the members of the Agricultural Committee of the European Parliament." European Review of Agricultural Economics 47, no. 5 (July 30, 2020): 1897–919. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/erae/jbaa011.

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Abstract We aim to identify the most influential members of the Agricultural Committee of the European Parliament (COMAGRI). Unlike previous studies that were based on case studies or interviews with stakeholders, we analyse the voting power of MEPs using a spatial Banzhaf power index. We identify critical members: members whose votes are necessary to form winning coalitions. We found that rapporteurs, EP group coordinators and MEPs from countries with high relative Committee representations, such as Ireland, Poland or Romania are powerful actors. Italy emerges as the most influential member state, while France seems surprisingly weak.

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Bigelli, Marco, Vikas Mehrotra, and P. Raghavendra Rau. "Why are shareholders not paid to give up their voting privileges? Unique evidence from Italy." Journal of Corporate Finance 17, no. 5 (December 2011): 1619–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jcorpfin.2011.09.005.

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Pinto, Luca. "The 2018 Italian general election: a ‘new Italy’ or a ‘dead end’?" Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 50, no. 2 (January 6, 2020): 298–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2019.37.

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AbstractTo what extent can the 2018 Italian general election be considered as critical? This article examines how the contributors of six volumes published in the aftermath of the election answer this question by focusing on three major dimensions of change in comparison with the 2013 election: changes in the patterns of party competition; changing patterns of voting behaviour in terms of socio-economic characteristics of the electorate; changes in the salience of issue cleavages and in the way new issues affected the electoral outcomes. The picture originating from the volumes under review is not so sharp as that emerging from the literature that flourished after the 2013 election, whereas several contributions stressed the revolutionary traits of that electoral contest. Despite the important changes observed in comparison to 2013, defining the 2018 general election as critical is adequate only to a certain extent.

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Coticchia, Fabrizio, and Valerio Vignoli. "Italian Political Parties and Military Operations: An Empirical Analysis on Voting Patterns." Government and Opposition 55, no. 3 (November 5, 2018): 456–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2018.35.

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AbstractSince the end of the bipolar era, the military activism of several Western powers has raised questions about parliamentary control, fostering growing research and analyses on the features, drivers and consequences of the different kinds of oversight exercised by legislative assemblies. Within this scholarly debate, this article focuses on the under-studied case of Italy. How did Italian parties vote on military operations abroad in the post-Cold War era? In order to answer this question, the article presents the first detailed and comprehensive set of data on parliamentary votes over the deployment of the Italian armed forces in the post-Cold War era (i.e. from the beginning of the 1990s to the recent operation against ISIL). Thanks to this extensive new empirical material, the article assesses selected arguments developed by the literature on political parties and foreign policy, paving the way for further research.

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Sozzi, Fabio. "Asking territories: the constituency orientation of Italian and French members of the European Parliament." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 46, no. 2 (May 10, 2016): 199–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2016.9.

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In this article, we explore how electoral systems influence attitudes and behavior of elected representatives. Focusing on constituency representation, we consider how variation in electoral systems may shape forms of political representation. An analysis of written parliamentary questions (PQs) is an important instrument to look at the role of parliamentarians even where, as in the European Parliament, political parties enforce discipline in roll-call voting. This kind of investigation offers the opportunity to partially resolve empirical and theoretical problems related to other methods of research. Unlike voting and speeches, PQs face fewer constrains from party leaders. This article analyses the constituency focus of members of European Parliament from France and Italy. These countries differ with regard to two main dimensions of electoral systems: ballot structure and district magnitude. The study is conducted through a content analysis of 5343 written PQs during the sixth term (2004–09). The results suggest that, despite the lack of strong electoral connection, electoral institutions shape the legislative behavior of the Italian and French parliamentarians providing incentives to cultivate personal reputation and constituency-orientation.

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Perocco, Fabio. "The potential and limitations of the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration: A comment." Torture Journal 29, no. 1 (May 22, 2019): 127–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/torture.v29i1.112217.

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On 19 December 2018 the UN General Assembly approved the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration (GCM), with 152 votes in favor, five against (Czech Republic, Hungary, Israel, Poland, United States), 12 abstentions (Algeria, Australia, Austria, Bulgaria, Chile, Italy, Latvia, Libya, Liechtenstein, Romania, Singapore, Switzerland), and 24 countries not voting (UN, 2018). The GCM builds on the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (UN, 2015) and on the New York Declaration for Refugees and Migrants 2016 (of which it aims to implement Annex II) (UN, 2016). The article discusses the Global compact for migration, highlighting its potential and limits, supporters and detractors.

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Bagues, Manuel, Mauro Sylos-Labini, and Natalia Zinovyeva. "Does the Gender Composition of Scientific Committees Matter?" American Economic Review 107, no. 4 (April 1, 2017): 1207–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.20151211.

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We analyze how a larger presence of female evaluators affects committee decision-making using information on 100,000 applications to associate and full professorships in Italy and Spain. These applications were assessed by 8,000 randomly selected evaluators. A larger number of women in evaluation committees does not increase either the quantity or the quality of female candidates who qualify. Information from individual voting reports suggests that female evaluators are not significantly more favorable toward female candidates. At the same time, male evaluators become less favorable toward female candidates as soon as a female evaluator joins the committee. (JEL I23, J16, J71)

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Ratto Trabucco, Fabio. "Gerrymandering Hypothesis in the Italian Constituencies: the Case of Genoa’s District." Oñati Socio-legal Series 9, no. 6 (June 12, 2019): 1097–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl/0000-0000-0000-1039.

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Gerrymandering is a practice intended to establish a political advantage for a particular party or group by manipulating district boundaries. The term gerrymandering has negative connotations. Two principal tactics are used in gerrymandering: “cracking” (i.e. diluting the voting power of the opposing party’s supporters across many districts) and “packing” (concentrating the opposing party’s voting power in one district to reduce their voting power in other districts). Partisan gerrymandering to increase the power of a political party has been practiced since the beginning of the US. What’s happening in Italy? The paper examines a hypothesis of Italian gerrymandering: the uninominal constituencies of the Genoa’s District where typically progressive voting areas are united with conservative suburbs and municipalities. Last but not least the initiatives against the gerrymandering in American history to understand how to identify and contrast the techniques of gerrymandering. El gerrymandering es una práctica destinada a establecer una ventaja política para un partido o grupo en particular mediante la manipulación de los límites del distrito electoral. El término gerrymandering tiene connotaciones negativas. Se utilizan dos tácticas principales para manipular: “romper” (es decir, diluir el poder de voto de los partidarios de la parte opuesta en muchos distritos) y “empacar” (concentrar el poder de voto de la parte contraria en un distrito para reducir su poder de voto en otros distritos). La práctica partidaria de aumentar el poder de un partido político se ha practicado desde el comienzo de los EEUU. ¿Qué está pasando en Italia? El artículo examina una hipótesis del gran albedrío italiano: las circunscripciones uninominales de la Provincia de Génova donde las áreas de votación típicamente progresivas se unen con los suburbios y municipios conservadores. Por último, pero no menos importante, las iniciativas contra el gerrymandering en la historia de EEUU para comprender cómo identificar y contrastar las técnicas del gerrymandering.

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Wildgen, John K. "Preference Voting and Intraparty Competition in Italy: Some New Evidence on the Communist-Christian Democrat Stalemate." Journal of Politics 47, no. 3 (August 1985): 947–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2131220.

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Mancosu, Moreno. "Geographical context, interest in politics and voting behaviour: the case of the Northern League in Italy." Contemporary Italian Politics 6, no. 2 (May 4, 2014): 131–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2014.927193.

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Forcina, A., M. Gnaldi, and B. Bracalente. "A revised Brown and Payne model of voting behaviour applied to the 2009 elections in Italy." Statistical Methods & Applications 21, no. 1 (November 20, 2011): 109–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10260-011-0184-x.

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47

Pinto, Luca. "Candidacy rules and party unity: The impact of multiple candidacies on legislative voting behaviour in Italy." Acta Politica 52, no. 1 (January 2017): 43–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ap.2015.24.

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Gemenis, Kostas. "The Impact of Voting Advice Applications on Electoral Turnout: Evidence from Greece." Statistics, Politics and Policy 9, no. 2 (December 19, 2018): 161–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/spp-2018-0011.

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AbstractA new aspect of electoral campaigns in Europe, and increasingly elsewhere as well, has been the proliferation of the online voter information tools, widely known in the political science community as Voting Advice Applications (VAAs). By accessing VAAs, users are provided with information about the degree of congruence between their policy preferences and those of different parties or candidates. Although the exact mechanisms have not been rigorously investigated, a series of studies across European countries, such as Finland, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, and Switzerland have demonstrated a link between the use of VAAs and electoral turnout. The aim of this paper is to contribute to this growing literature by analyzing previously untapped data from Greece, extending the empirical literature to a country where VAA effects have not been investigated before. The analysis indicates that the effect of VAAs in Greece is marginal to non-existent while there seems to be no evidence of the hypothesized information mechanism which purportedly drives such effects. The paper concludes with suggestions that future studies of VAA effects on turnout can address in their design.

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Manzato, Agostino. "Hail in Northeast Italy: A Neural Network Ensemble Forecast Using Sounding-Derived Indices." Weather and Forecasting 28, no. 1 (February 1, 2013): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1175/waf-d-12-00034.1.

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Abstract In a previous work, the hailpad data collected over the plain of the Friuli Venezia Giulia region in northeast Italy during the April–September 1992–2009 period were studied through a bivariate analysis with 52 sounding-derived indices from the Udine–Campoformido station (WMO code 16044). The results showed statistically significant relations but, nevertheless, were not completely satisfactory from a practical point of view. In the current work, a prognostic multivariate analysis is performed, using linear and nonlinear approaches, finding the best results with an ensemble of neural networks. For the hail occurrence–classification problem, a novel method for combining binary classifiers (a variant of the Mojirsheibani major voting algorithm) is introduced. For the hail extension–regression problem the ensemble is built by choosing the members with a bagging algorithm, but combining them with a linear multiregression, in order to increase the forecast variability.

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Malet, Giorgio. "Una nuova frattura in Europa?" Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale. QOE - IJES 74, no. 2 (December 30, 2015): 57–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-9257.

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In the enduring debate regarding the structure of political competition, substantial evidence has been accumulated on the emergence of a new European dimension and on its relevance in some national elections. Yet, there have been few attempts to match the supply side with the demand side of electoral politics through cross-national studies. To fill the gap, this article adopts a two-step procedure. On the one hand, it investigates the political potential of Euroscepticism tracing back the fault lines of a new cleavage to processes of economic competition, cultural diversity and political integration. On the other, it showcases the uneven process of politicization of the EU issues in Italy, France, and United Kingdom. In these countries the growing difficulties of mainstream parties to deal with issues that crosscut the traditional left-right dimension have paved the way to the success of new anti-establishment parties. These challengers have exploited conflicts and issues generated by the integration process thus undermining the conventional dynamics of party competition. Nonetheless, preferences on the integration process affect voting behaviour only in Great Britain and, partially, in France, while in the Italian case there is still little evidence of EU issue voting.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Voting – Italy'

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