Relevant bibliographies by topics / Voting – Germany

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Voting – Germany'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Voting – Germany"

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Patton, David F. "Protest Voting in Eastern Germany." German Politics and Society 37, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 72–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370306.

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In 1989-1990, peaceful protests shook the German Democratic Republic (GDR), ushered in unification, and provided a powerful narrative of people power that would shape protest movements for decades to come. This article surveys eastern German protest across three decades, exploring the interplay of protest voting, demonstrations, and protest parties since the Wende. It finds that protest voting in the east has had a significant political impact, benefiting and shaping parties on both the left and the right of the party spectrum. To understand this potential, it examines how economic and political factors, although changing, have continued to provide favorable conditions for political protest in the east. At particular junctures, waves of protest occurred in each of the three decades after unification, shaping the party landscape in Germany.
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Viatkin, Ilia. "Spatial Realignment of German Voters and Germany’s Regional Cleavage." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 45 (June 29, 2020): 31–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.45.2.

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This article seeks to explain the increase in the German Green party votes in 2019 European elections through the East-West cleavage. Using the 2018 German General Social Survey data, it identifies and compares the Green Party electorate in both regions in terms of conventional and supposed determinants of Green voting. Results of the multivariate analysis equally support both models, indicating left-wing voters as the main source of the Greens’ electoral gains across Germany. However, while in the East the Greens were supported primarily by the electorate of the Social Democratic party dissatisfied with the activity of this party, Western Germans exhibited a trend of left-leaning voters’ backlash against the rise of the radical right party Alternative for Germany through Green voting. This realignment is explicated by the persistent specifics of German regional party politics combined with intrinsic value distinctions of their dwellers, and recent shifts in party-voters ties.
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Wuhs, Steven, and Eric McLaughlin. "EXPLAINING GERMANY’S ELECTORAL GEOGRAPHY." German Politics and Society 37, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370101.

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Partisan attachments and voting behavior in Germany today are more volatile than in the past. This article tests the enduring influence of social cleavages on voting relative to two other factors that account for party performance: path dependent forces and spatial dependence. Drawing on original data from the eastern German states, we explain support for Germany’s main parties in the 2017 federal election. We find relatively weak evidence for continued influence of social divisions for the major parties, but that support for the radical right Alternative for Germany (AfD) did reflect underlying cleavage structures. Additionally, we identify reliable effects of the historical immigrant population on contemporary voting. We also see weak evidence of lock-in political effects associated with German reunification, limited only to the CDU. Most interestingly, we observe powerful and robust effects of spatial dependence for three of the four parties we examine. We conclude that the effects presented here should signal to scholars of parties and electoral politics the need to incorporate history and geography into their analytical frameworks alongside more traditional approaches, since eastern Germany may in fact be less spatialized than western Germany or other country cases because of the homogenizing efforts of the SED regime.
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Wuhs, Steven, and Eric McLaughlin. "Explaining Germany's Electoral Geography." German Politics and Society 37, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2018.370101.

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Partisan attachments and voting behavior in Germany today are more volatile than in the past. This article tests the enduring influence of social cleavages on voting relative to two other factors that account for party performance: path dependent forces and spatial dependence. Drawing on original data from the eastern German states, we explain support for Germany’s main parties in the 2017 federal election. We find relatively weak evidence for continued influence of social divisions for the major parties, but that support for the radical right Alternative for Germany (AfD) did reflect underlying cleavage structures. Additionally, we identify reliable effects of the historical immigrant population on contemporary voting. We also see weak evidence of lock-in political effects associated with German reunification, limited only to the CDU. Most interestingly, we observe powerful and robust effects of spatial dependence for three of the four parties we examine. We conclude that the effects presented here should signal to scholars of parties and electoral politics the need to incorporate history and geography into their analytical frameworks alongside more traditional approaches, since eastern Germany may in fact be less spatialized than western Germany or other country cases because of the homogenizing efforts of the SED regime.
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Maurer, Stephan E. "Voting Behavior and Public Employment in Nazi Germany." Journal of Economic History 78, no. 1 (March 2018): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050718000037.

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This article analyzes whether the German National Socialists used economic policies to reward their voters after coming to power in 1933. Using newly-collected data on public employment from the German censuses in 1925, 1933, and 1939 and addressing the potential endogeneity of the NSDAP vote share in 1933 by way of an instrumental variables strategy based on a similar party in Imperial Germany, I find that cities with higher NSDAP vote shares experienced a relative increase in public employment: for every additional percentage point in the vote share, the number of public employment jobs increased by around 2.5 percent.
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Hansen, Michael A., and Jonathan Olsen. "Pulling up the Drawbridge." German Politics and Society 38, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 109–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2020.380205.

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The most recent scholarship on the Alternative for Germany (AfD) indicates that citizens primarily cast a vote for the party based on anti-immigrant or xenophobic attitudes. Nevertheless, prominent figures from the AfD suggest that many Germany citizens with immigrant backgrounds vote for it—an argument that has been picked up by the media. In this article, we investigate the most likely potential constituency of immigrants that might support the AfD: ethnic German migrants from the former Soviet Union, so-called Russian-Germans. Using the 2017 Immigrant German Election Study (imges), we find that these ethnic German migrants from the former Soviet Union indeed voted for the AfD in relatively large numbers when compared to the overall population. Furthermore, when predicting vote choice, we find that the main predictor of voting for the AfD among Russian-Germans is not political ideology but rather a simple hostility towards new refugees. Crucially, migrants with a Soviet background are more likely to vote for the AfD if they hold the position that there should be no economic or political refugees allowed into the country.
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Davidson-Schmich, Louise K. "The Origins of Party Discipline: Evidence from Eastern Germany." German Politics and Society 24, no. 2 (June 1, 2006): 23–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503006780681894.

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In Germany, the Bundestag and the Landtage (state parliaments) in the old Länder (states) have such consistently high levels of party discipline that there is not enough variance to determine the cause of this behavior. The creation of five new democratic state legislatures after the fall of the German Democratic Republic, however, provides a unique opportunity to investigate the origins of party voting. I test which of three hypothesized institutional mechanisms for this practice—the need to keep an executive in office, efficiency incentives, or electoral concerns—was primarily responsible for the emergence of party discipline in the new Länder. The evidence indicates that the need to support the executive branch is the primary cause of party voting. This finding helps explain both the unexpected rise of western German-style party discipline in the eastern states following unification, well as the persistence of the seemingly outdated practice of party discipline in contemporary Germany as a whole.
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Lewis-Beck, Michael S. "Comparative Economic Voting: Britain, France, Germany, Italy." American Journal of Political Science 30, no. 2 (May 1986): 315. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2111099.

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Eith, Ulrich. "New Patterns in the East? Differences in Voting Behavior and Consequences for Party Politics in Germany." German Politics and Society 18, no. 3 (September 1, 2000): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503000782486516.

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On 9 November 1989, the government of the German DemocraticRepublic decided to open the Berlin Wall, effectively signaling thecollapse of the socialist system in East Germany. The subsequenttransformation of the country’s political structures, and in particularthat of its political parties, took place in two phases. In the firstphase, directly after the fall of the wall, the GDR’s political systemunderwent a radical democratic and pluralistic overhaul withoutWest German involvement—although the existence of a second Germanstate, the Federal Republic of Germany, naturally influencedthe goals, strategies, and scope of action of the actors concerned.
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Debus, Marc, Mary Stegmaier, and Jale Tosun. "Economic Voting under Coalition Governments: Evidence from Germany." Political Science Research and Methods 2, no. 1 (October 8, 2013): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2013.16.

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This article analyzes the impact of economic voting in federal elections for the German parliament. It combines theories of coalition politics and cabinet decision making—like prime ministerial government, collective cabinet decision making and ministerial discretion—with theoretical approaches on voting behavior to test which cabinet actor voters reward for improved economic conditions. The empirical results, which are based on data from German national election studies from 1987–2009, show that the party of the chancellor (and, thus, the strongest coalition party) benefits most from a positive evaluation of economic policy outcomes. There is, however, no consistent empirical evidence that the coalition parties collectively benefit from perceived positive economic performance. Therefore the findings demonstrate that economic voting occurs in German parliamentary elections, but is targeted specifically toward the chancellor's party.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Voting – Germany"

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Kellermann, Charlotte. "Trends and Constellations klassische Bestimmungsfaktoren des Wahlverhaltens bei den Bundestagswahlen 1990-2005 /." Baden-Baden : Nomos, 2008. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/192081208.html.

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Kersting, Norbert. "Electronic voting : globaler Trend oder Utopie?" Universität Potsdam, 2005. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4800/.

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The author discusses the issue whether the internet and other electronic sources should be used for elections. Online-elections can make the electoral process not only less complex but also cheaper, thus the analysis faster and more reliable. The lower costs could, in turn, lead to a new impulse on direct-democracy-instruments. Comparing the USA, Great Britain, Germany and Switzerland the article provides information about national strategies, discourses and problems, and shows the different political and cultural settings.
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Lilya, Everett C. "Blood versus land the comparative foundations for citizenship and voting rights in Germany and Sweden /." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Mar/10Mar%5FLilya.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe, Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2010.
Thesis Advisor(s): Siegel, Scott ; Shore, Zachary. "March 2010." Author(s) subject terms: Germany, Sweden, European Union, voting rights, franchise, citizenship, immigration, immigrant, migration, Nationalism. Includes bibliographical references (p. 55-60). Also available in print.
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Wittig, Caroline Elisabeth. "Ideological Values and their Impact on the Voting Behavior of Justices of the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1241129650.

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Hofmann, Lukas. "The Effect of Extreme Weather on Voting Behaviour : Evidence from the Record Summers 2018 and 2019 in Germany." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Nationalekonomiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-445780.

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This paper investigates how exposure to extreme weather affects public support for climate policies. I use temperature data from the extreme heatwaves during the summers of 2018 and 2019 and examine whether temperature anomalies affected the results of five German state elections held in the autumn of these years. Using the vote share change of the Green Party as a measure of public support for climate policies, I do not find a general baseline effect of extreme temperatures. When considering possible heterogeneities however, I find that there is a positive effect of temperatures in electoral districts with more employed in the agricultural sector and in electoral districts with more informed voters. The estimated interaction effects are large compared to the mean vote share of the Green Party and the estimates obtained for other parties.
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Pauwels, Teun. "The populist voter: explaining electoral support for populist parties in The Netherlands, Belgium and Germany." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209745.

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Since the 1980s a growing number of populist parties have made a breakthrough in European party systems. Examples of these are the Belgian Vlaams Belang (VB), the Lijst Pim Fortuyn (LPF) in the Netherlands or the German Die Linke (DL). All of these parties can considered to be populist because they share a thin centred ideology “that considers society ultimately separated into two homogeneous and antagonistic groups, ‘the pure people’ versus ‘the corrupt elite’, and which argues that politics should be an expression of the volonté générale (general will) of the people” (Mudde, 2004: 543). This thin centred ideology can be combined with other full ideologies such as the radical right but also democratic socialism. The main objective of this study is to explain why people vote for populist parties. Such a question is difficult to answer, however, because populism is mostly attached to other ideologies. To address this problem, this study draws on a comparative research design. By studying the electorates of a wide range of different populist parties, it is disentangled what is exactly the populist element, rather than elements related to the host ideology, that drives voters towards these parties.

The study begins with a careful investigation of all parties in Belgium, The Netherlands and Germany by means of both qualitative and quantitative methods to explore which of them could be labelled populist. Support was found for at least the following cases: LPF, the Belgian Lijst Dedecker (LDD), the Dutch Partij Voor de Vrijheid (PVV), VB, the Dutch Socialistische Partij (SP) and DL. In a next step, the voters of these parties were analyzed by means of election survey data (Dutch Parliamentary Election Study, Partirep Survey and German Longitudinal Election Study).

The main finding of is that dissatisfaction with the functioning of democracy and a desire for more decision making through referendums are important and unique drivers for populist voting in general. On the demand side it is argued that a process of cartelization, i.e. increased reliance of parties on state subventions, more cooperation between government and opposition, and ideological moderation, combined with the growth of critical citizens has led to the questioning of political authority. On the supply side, an increasing group of well-organized populist parties have begun challenging mainstream parties by depicting them as a group of self-serving elites depriving the ordinary people of their sovereignty. Moreover, populist parties claim to restore the voice of the people through the introduction of direct democracy. Accordingly, a growing group of voters who share these concerns are attracted to the populist appeal.

Another important finding of this study is that populist parties generally attract social groups that feel themselves deprived. In Eastern Germany of the 1990s these were the ‘losers of unification’, i.e. highly educated civil servants who had lost the social prestige that they enjoyed during the heydays of the DDR. Yet in contemporary ‘diploma democracies’ it appears that populist parties, regardless of their host ideology, are increasingly attracting the ‘losers of globalization’, which are the lower educated and lower social classes. While populism has mostly been considered a threat for democracy, the ability of populist parties to integrate excluded social groups into the political system certainly deserves notice.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Ulrici, Mark. "Bioenergy adoption barriers across 7 EU countries : A comparison of Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, and the United Kingdom." Thesis, KTH, Hållbar utveckling, miljövetenskap och teknik, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-254803.

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Europe is trying to switch away from fossil fuels towards renewable energy. Bioenergy is well positioned to play a large role in this. However, bioenergy as a share of total energy used differs substantially between European countries. What causes these differences and what the barriers are to bioenergy implementation is researched in this thesis for seven EU countries: Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, and the UK. The systemic barriers to bioenergy implementation are categorised in the five categories, infrastructure, market problems, interactions, institutions, and capabilities. A literature review gives the first insight into the barriers, which is then followed by ananalysis of current policy in the seven countries. Afterwards, industry specialists are interviewed from five of the seven countries. The interviews mainly took place by email. However, one was over the phone. A semi-structured approach was used in the interviews. Lastly, voting behaviour of MEPs and the influence of the oil industry are analysed. This was done by using the Forbes most valuable companies list and ranking the biggest European oil and gas companies. These were then compared to the voting behaviour by members of the EU parliament of the countries where the companies are domiciled. The results show no systemic barriers for Denmark and Sweden. In every country a different set of problems was in the way of bioenergy. Negative public opinion may start playing an increasing role in the implementation of bioenergy in western European countries, such as the Netherlands and Germany. Currently, the UK and Belgium have policy barriers to bioenergy implementation, while France’s bioenergy sector struggles with infrastructure, market and capability problems. Germany also suffers from market problems. The oil industry does not seem to influence the behaviour of politicians significantly concerning bioenergy. Politicians from countries with large oil industry did not vote morenegatively on bioenergy directives in the EU parliament than those from countries without a large oil industry. Moreover, the public opinion towards bioenergy can have large effects on the implementation, as was observed in the Netherlands. Where this negative public opinion on bioenergy comes from is not clear. No final conclusion can be drawn on what causes the difference in bioenergy adoption in the seven countries. More research is needed into what influences the public opinion in these countries concerning bioenergy.
Europa försöker göra en omställning från fossila bränslen till förnybar energi. Bioenergi är väl positionerat för att spela en viktig roll i detta. Bioenergi är en mindre intermittent energikälla än vind och solenergi och kan därmed komplettera dessa. Bioenergi som andel av den totala energianvändningen skiljer sig emellertid väsentligt mellan europeiska länder. Vad som orsakar dessa skillnader och vilka hinder som finns för implementering av bioenergi undersöks i denna rapport för sju EU-länder: Belgien, Danmark, Frankrike, Tyskland, Nederländerna, Sverige och Storbritannien. Hindren på systemnivå för implementering av bioenergi kategoriseras i de fem kategorierna, infrastruktur, marknadsproblem, interaktioner, institutioner och kapacitet. En litteraturöversikt ger den första insikten om hinder, som sedan följs av en utläggning gällande den nuvarande lagstiftningen i de sju länderna. Efter det intervjuas branschspecialister från fem av de sju länderna. Slutligen analyseras röstbeteende i Europaparlamentet och oljeindustrins inflytande. Resultaten visar att oljebranschen inte verkar påverka politikernas beteende i betydande utsträckning beträffande bioenergi. Politiker från länder med stor oljeindustri röstade inte mer negativt gällande bioenergidirektiv i EU-parlamentet än de från länder utan stor oljebransch. Däremot kan den allmänna opinionen mot bioenergi få stora effekter på genomförandet, vilket observerades i Nederländerna. Ingen slutsats kan dras gällande varför utbredningen av bioenergi skiljer sig åt mellan de sju länderna. I varje land fanns det en rad olika hinder i vägen för implementering av bioenergi. Sverige och Danmark har inga systemproblem för implementering av bioenergi. Om den allmänna opinionen är negativt inställd till bioenergi kan det börja spela en större roll för utbredningen av bioenergi i västeuropeiska länder, som Nederländerna och Tyskland.
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Schellscheidt, Sabine. "Shareholder voting rights in groups of companies : a comparison of the pass-through concept in the corporate law of Canada, the United States and Germany (F.R.)." Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61743.

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Hubbard, J. R. "Roman votive inscriptions in their societal framework : religious practice on the frontier : the societal framework of votive inscriptions on the frontiers of Upper Germany and Britain in the second and third centuries A.D." Thesis, Swansea University, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.637327.

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The purpose of this thesis was to examine religion on the western frontier as expressed through votive inscriptions with a view to understanding the context of religious practice in these areas. Specifically, it was hoped to discover the extent to which religion reflected societal structures and inter-personal relationships. The sites chosen were Stockstadt, Mogontiacum (Mainz) and Nida-Heddernheim in Germany and Eboracum (York), Isca (Caerleon) and Deva (Chester) in Britain. These sites represent, respectively, a front-line fort, a legionary and provincial capital, a garrison town which reverted to quasi-civilian status and the three British legionary centres. Selection was dictated by the need to avoid local anomalies, the wish to examine both legionary and auxiliary sites and the basic requirements of a statistically valid number of inscriptions at each location. The relative poverty of epigraphic evidence at British auxiliary forts, in comparison with Germany, eliminated them from consideration as primary data. However, the conclusions drawn from the selected sites may justifiably be applied to any other fort; that at Magnis (Carvoran) is taken as an example in the Conclusion. Analysis of the inscriptions demonstrates that religious practice as expressed in epigraphic form illustrates a number of the features by which frontier society was defined. They are, firstly, evidence of the importance of rank, status and wealth. On a more complex conceptual level they reveal the existence of associative networks of social power (as described by Mann, in The Sources of Social Power); implied or explicit matrices of influence linking groups and individuals with common interests or positions. They also illustrate a dichotomy between groups which is analogous to Tonnies' concept of Gemeinschaft/Gesellschaft ('community and association').
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Heuwieser, Raphael J. "Electoral rules and legislative behaviour : cross-national micro-level evidence from the Bundestag and the UK House of Commons, 2005-2015." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c11962d9-3f1d-4f87-9c2a-b970ff5043bf.

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This thesis presents a new approach to the long-standing question of how electoral rules influence the behaviour of legislators. It begins with the argument that fresh empirical advances can be made by moving beyond the pervasive but rigid assumption that all legislators want to be re-elected and, by extension, that every incumbent values this goal to the same degree. Rather, I propose that individual Members of Parliament (MPs) vary in the extent to which they personally desire or depend upon re-election. Following the principles of a difference-in-differences design, this observation allows me to devise a theoretical framework capable of testing whether MPs' vote-seeking behaviour differs within parliaments in a way that varies predictably across countries. Specifically, I propose that in electoral systems where party-centric behaviour increases re-election chances, MPs particularly invested in the goal of re-election should cater to the party to an even greater extent than their colleagues. Conversely, in systems where a personal vote can generate electoral gains, MPs most ambitious for re-election should engage in this type of vote-winning strategy to the greatest extent. I test this prediction across the UK House of Commons and the German Bundestag, and within Germany's mixed-member system. Newly-collected biographical data on over 1700 MPs is used to conduct the first systematic MP-level operationalisation of re-election ambition based on legislators' career backgrounds. Career politicians are thereby identified as those most ambitious for re-election. Using voting behaviour from 1.8 million vote choices in legislative roll-calls as a proxy for the degree to which an MP caters to the party or to his or her personal reputation, the quantitative multilevel analysis reveals strong evidence for the proposed behavioural pattern. The contribution made by this study is two-fold. First, it uncovers the interaction between electoral rules and individual re-election ambition as a new explanation for MP-level variation in legislative behaviour. Second, its research design overcomes shortcomings in previous empirical tests for the existing theory on how electoral rules impact MP behaviour (e.g. Carey and Shugart 1995), producing more robust evidence in support of this influential framework.
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Books on the topic "Voting – Germany"

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Maass, Citha Doris. Women's right of voting in political elections in Germany. Islamabad: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Pakistan Office, 1995.

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Trends and Constellations: Klassische Bestimmungsfaktoren des Wahlverhaltens bei den Bundestagswahlen 1990-2005. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2008.

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Mochmann, Ekkehard. Inventory of national election studies in Europe, 1945-1995: Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Great Britain, Hungary, the Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden. Bergisch Gladbach: E. Ferger, 1998.

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Köln, Universität zu, ed. Voting for Hitler and Stalin: Elections under 20th century dictatorships. Frankfurt: Campus Verlag, 2011.

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Liberal, ungebunden, unzufrieden, sucht--: Simulation individueller Wahlentscheidungen für die Bundestagswahlen 1994-2005. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2007.

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Metje, Matthias. Wählerschaft und Sozialstruktur im Generationswechsel: Eine Generationsanalyse des Wahlverhaltens bei Bundestagswahlen. Wiesbaden: Deutscher Universitäts Verlag, 1994.

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1947-, Gabriel Oscar W., Brettschneider Frank, and Vetter Angelika 1966-, eds. Politische Kultur und Wahlverhalten in einer Grossstadt. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1997.

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Faas, Thorsten. Information, Wahrnehmung, Emotion: Politische Psychologie in der Wahl- und Einstellungsforschung. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2010.

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Electoral politics in Wilhelmine Germany. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1985.

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Wechselwähler: Eine Analyse der Wählerbeweglichkeit am Beispiel der Bundestagswahl 1998 und der Landtagswahlen der Jahre 1998 bis 2000. Marburg: Metropolis, 2000.

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Book chapters on the topic "Voting – Germany"

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Volkamer, Melanie. "Electronic Voting in Germany." In Data Protection in a Profiled World, 177–89. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-90-481-8865-9_10.

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Vetter, Angelika. "Germany." In The Routledge Handbook of Local Elections and Voting in Europe, 126–39. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003009672-15.

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Lees, Charles. "Partisan Identification, Value-Orientation and Economic Voting." In Party Politics in Germany, 73–112. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230511477_5.

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Jeffery, Charlie, and Alia Middleton. "Germany: The Anatomy of Multilevel Voting." In Regional and National Elections in Western Europe, 106–25. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137025449_6.

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Karger, Pia. "Electronic Voting in Germany: Political Elections Online, Utopia or the Future?" In Electronic Voting and Democracy, 134–48. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230523531_9.

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Leininger, Arndt, and Thorsten Faas. "Votes at 16 in Germany: Examining Subnational Variation." In Lowering the Voting Age to 16, 143–66. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-32541-1_8.

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Klekowski von Koppenfels, Amanda. "Diaspora Policies, Consular Services and Social Protection for German Citizens Abroad." In IMISCOE Research Series, 207–26. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51245-3_12.

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Abstract This chapter presents an overview of German policies vis-à-vis German nationals living abroad. For the most part, the German Government does not reach out to or encourage engagement from or with German nationals living abroad. This is in contrast to a concerted cultural outreach to ethno-national German minorities in Central and Eastern Europe. Rights in Germany are largely residence-based, and access to rights is thus associated with (legal) residence in Germany, rather than with holding German citizenship. There are two clear exceptions: one is a robust system that enables voting from abroad for German citizens, and the other is facilitated access from abroad to pensions for years worked in Germany. With respect to other measures of social protections, no clear policy can be said to exist. Access to other forms of social protection is on the basis of exception, with consular officials exercising discretion in such cases.
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Alós–Ferrer, Carlos, and Ðura-Georg Granić. "Approval Voting in Germany: Description of a Field Experiment." In Studies in Choice and Welfare, 397–411. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-02839-7_16.

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Kersting, Norbert. "Internet Voting Behaviour: Lessons from a German Local Election." In Electronic Voting and Democracy, 255–75. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230523531_15.

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Dalton, Russell J. "Partisan Dealignment and Voting Choice." In Developments in German Politics 4, 57–77. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-30164-2_4.

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Conference papers on the topic "Voting – Germany"

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Heinl, Michael P., Simon Gölz, and Christoph Bösch. "A Comparative Security Analysis of the German Federal Postal Voting Process." In DG.O'21: The 22nd Annual International Conference on Digital Government Research. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3463677.3463679.

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Glauser, Christoph, and Uwe Serdült. "From Alibaba to Youtube: User Search for Digital Democracy Topics in Switzerland." In 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1002581.

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Digital Democracy tools such as e-consultation, e-petitions or internet voting play an increasing role and are part of the digitalisation process in politics and government. Digital life styles in general and during the pandemic in particular might have pushed for an increasing demand for so called civic tech tools. Digital democracy search terms were monitored across multiple digital channels for several months in the year 2021 and contrasted to the offer for such tools in the German, French and Italian speaking part of the country. To measure the offer for digital participation tools an index per canton established in 2021 is being used.
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Huang, Xuancheng, Jiacheng Zhang, Zhixing Tan, Derek F. Wong, Huanbo Luan, Jingfang Xu, Maosong Sun, and Yang Liu. "Modeling Voting for System Combination in Machine Translation." In Twenty-Ninth International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence and Seventeenth Pacific Rim International Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-PRICAI-20}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2020/511.

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System combination is an important technique for combining the hypotheses of different machine translation systems to improve translation performance. Although early statistical approaches to system combination have been proven effective in analyzing the consensus between hypotheses, they suffer from the error propagation problem due to the use of pipelines. While this problem has been alleviated by end-to-end training of multi-source sequence-to-sequence models recently, these neural models do not explicitly analyze the relations between hypotheses and fail to capture their agreement because the attention to a word in a hypothesis is calculated independently, ignoring the fact that the word might occur in multiple hypotheses. In this work, we propose an approach to modeling voting for system combination in machine translation. The basic idea is to enable words in hypotheses from different systems to vote on words that are representative and should get involved in the generation process. This can be done by quantifying the influence of each voter and its preference for each candidate. Our approach combines the advantages of statistical and neural methods since it can not only analyze the relations between hypotheses but also allow for end-to-end training. Experiments show that our approach is capable of better taking advantage of the consensus between hypotheses and achieves significant improvements over state-of-the-art baselines on Chinese-English and English-German machine translation tasks.
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