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Journal articles on the topic 'Voting – European Union countries'
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Saman Shojae Chaeikar, Mazdak Zamani, Christian Sunday Chukwuekezie, and Mojtaba Alizadeh. "Electronic Voting Systems for European Union Countries." Journal of Next Generation Information Technology 4, no. 5 (July 31, 2013): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4156/jnit.vol4.issue5.3.
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Grumstrup, Ethan J., Todd Sorensen, Jan Misiuna, and Marta Pachoka. "Immigration and Voting Patterns in the European Union." Migration Letters 18, no. 5 (September 30, 2021): 573–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v18i5.943.
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Tempers flared in Europe in response to the 2015 European Refugee Crisis, prompting some countries to totally close their borders to asylum seekers. This was seen to have fueled anti-immigrant sentiment, which grew in Europe along with the support for far-right political parties that had previously languished. This sparked a flurry of research into the relationship between immigration and far-right voting, which has found mixed and nuanced evidence of immigration increasing far-right support in some cases, while decreasing support in others. To provide more evidence to this unsettled debate in the empirical literature, we use data from over 400 European parties to systematically select cases of individual countries. We augment this with a cross-country quantitative study. Our analysis finds little evidence that immigrant populations are related to changes in voting for the right. Our finding gives evidence that factors other than immigration are the true cause of rises in right-wing voting.
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Marchuk, M., and L. Gudz. "Local elections in the European Union and Ukraine: comparative characteristics." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, no. 70 (June 18, 2022): 119–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2022.70.16.
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The article provides a comparative analysis of the electoral legislation of the EU countries and Ukraine at the local level and on the basis of this analysis, the proposals to improve the electoral legislation of Ukraine take into account the experience of the European Union.
The main forms of direct democracy in most EU member countries and Ukraine are fixed at the constitutional level, and the procedure of preparing and holding elections is regulated by special election laws. Domestic electoral legislation is overloaded with detailed norms of procedural aspects, unlike the legislation of EU countries, in which much more attention is paid to the issues of transparency of party financial funds and transparency of election campaign financing, as well as protection of national minorities’ interests.
The main ways of exercising the right to vote not at the place of inclusion in the voter lists in the EU member states were characterized: voting by absentee ballots at specially designated polling stations, voting on the territory of diplomatic and consular missions, voting by mail, proxy voting, mobile voting, voting via the Internet, distance voting. It is noted that the norms in which the institution of a cash deposit is enshrined are discriminatory since they violate the principle of equality of suffrage and create a situation in which candidates are excluded from the political arena on the basis of the property criterion.
Relevant for EU countries is the adoption of measures to create appropriate conditions for the full implementation of the principle of equality of citizens before the law, in particular, to overcome the actual inequality of opportunities between women and men.
In order to bring Ukrainian legislation in line with international standards set by the European Union, we propose: to grant the right to vote in local elections to citizens of other states or stateless persons who permanently reside on the territory of the respective territorial community and permanently pay local taxes and fees have common local interests related to everyday life, infrastructure, communication, recreation; to introduce electronic voting; not to apply the institution of cash deposit at the local level; to introduce individual (party) gender quotas, following the French example.
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Dąbroś, Wojciech, and Janusz Kudła. "The voting of EU members for common consolidated corporate tax base and the tax benefits." Central European Economic Journal 7, no. 54 (September 9, 2020): 56–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ceej-2020-0005.
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AbstractThis paper examines the relationship between the voting behaviour of European Parliament members on the Common Consolidated Corporate Tax Base (CCCTB) proposal and economic characteristics of their respective countries. We are concerned about the political and economy factors behind policy and decision making of CCCTB in European Parliament. The analysis is conducted with Logit model identifying factors affecting the voting consultation decision of the Parliament of the European Union in 2018. Particularly, we investigate the impact of four components taken from tax benefit index proposed by W. Orłowski. We have found that economic factors alone are responsible the voting behaviour of the European Union deputies, not their personal characteristics.
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Bryson, Alex, Rafael Gomez, Tobias Kretschmer, and Paul Willman. "What Accounts for the Union Member Advantage in Voter Turnout? Evidence from the European Union, 2002-2008." Articles 69, no. 4 (January 21, 2015): 732–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1028110ar.
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Across countries, union membership and voter turnout are highly correlated. In unadjusted terms, union members maintain a roughly 0.10 to 0.12 point gap in voting propensity over non-members. We motivate empirically and propose a model—with three causal channels—that explains this correlation and then empirically tests for the contribution of each channel to the overall union voting gap. The first channel by which union members are more likely to vote is through the so-called "monopoly-face" of unionism (i.e., unionization increases wages for members and higher incomes are a significant positive determinant of voting). The second is the so-called "social custom" model of unionism, which argues that union co-worker peer pressure creates incentives to vote amongst members for the purpose of having cast a ballot or being seen at the voting poll. The third and final channel is based on the "voice-face" of unionism whereby employees who are (or have been) exposed to the formalities of collective bargaining and union representation at the workplace are also more likely to increase their attachment to structures of democratic governance in society as well. We test to see how much of the raw "union voting premium" is accounted for by these three competing channels, using contemporary data from 29 European countries. We find that all three channels are at work, with voice the dominant effect (half of the overall gap attributed to this channel) and the other two (monopoly and social custom), each accounting for approximately one-fourth of the overall union voting gap.
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Gorgosz, Adrian. "Kto i z kim? Analiza rozbieżności stanowisk w głosowaniach w Radzie Unii Europejskiej, w latach 2009–20141." Przegląd europejski 2 (March 5, 2019): 175–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.0864.
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The purpose of the article is to analyse the cases of contestation of decisions in the Council of the European Union during voting on legislative acts in the ordinary legislative procedure, in the period 2009–2014. In the first step, two research hypotheses were delineated. The first one assumed the dominance of the coalition culture in voting, the second one assumed the opposite, the dominance of the culture of consensus. In addition, two further hypotheses were delineated which assumed conflicts in the European Union between the countries of the north and south and between the “old” vs. “new” Union. In order to verify the hypotheses, a multidimensional scaling technique was applied. Empirical analysis confirmed that the dominant culture of voting is the culture of consensus. Despite this, several countries strongly emphasised their separate positions, trying to form coalitions. Moreover, conflicts between the north and south Europe and the “new” and “old” Union were not confirmed.
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Dennison, James, Daniel Seddig, and Eldad Davidov. "The Role of Human Values in Explaining Support for European Union Membership." Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 52, no. 4 (March 26, 2021): 372–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00220221211005082.
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In recent years, there has been greater scholarly enquiry into explaining variation in support for European Union membership. We theorise that one cause of such variation is likely to be non-political psychological predispositions, such as one’s personal values. We test this proposition by applying Schwartz’s theory of basic human values to predict voting intentions in hypothetical referendums on EU membership. We theorise that these values determine both voting intentions and more proximate explanatory variables of support for EU membership: attitudes to immigration and identifying as European. Using data on 13 countries from the European Social Survey ( N=24,703 citizens) and multigroup structural equation modeling, we demonstrate that this psychological framework effectively predicts voting intentions, notably in terms of the consistent cross-country evidence for indirect effects of values on support for membership via European identity and attitudes to immigration. We then discuss the implications of our findings, including differences in effects between countries.
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Kleinowski, Marcin. "The impact of Brexit on the voting power in the Council of the European Union." Przegląd europejski 4 (August 6, 2019): 95–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.3456.
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The article analyses the potential impact of Brexit on the voting power of member states and indirect voting power of EU residents in the Council, in the case of adopting decisions by the qualified majority of votes. The leading hypothesis of the paper assumes that the fact of leaving the EU by Great Britain leads to another transfer of voting power to the benefit of five countries with the largest populations. The aim of the paper is also to determine to what extent the indirect voting power of residents from individual member states is equal. The obtained results indicate that a flow of voting power towards the five member states with the largest populations will be a consequence of Brexit.
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Strohmeier, Dagmar, Martyn Barrett, Carmen Bora, Simona C. S. Caravita, Elisa Donghi, Edmond Dragoti, Chris Fife-Schaw, et al. "Young People’s Engagement With the European Union." Zeitschrift für Psychologie 225, no. 4 (December 2017): 313–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/2151-2604/a000314.
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Abstract. This study investigated whether demographic variables, efficacy beliefs, visions, and worries are associated with four different forms of (dis)engagement with the European Union (EU): intended voting in the 2019 EU elections, nonconventional political engagement, psychological engagement, and the wish that one’s own country should leave the EU. The sample comprised 3,764 young people aged 16–25 years living in seven European countries: Albania, Austria, Germany, Italy, Romania, Spain, and the UK. Economic challenges, human rights, and the environment were the most important future visions; unemployment and poverty, climate change, civil unrests, and collapse of the EU were the most important future worries. The four forms of (dis)engagement with the EU were differentially associated with predictors, although internal efficacy and future vision of economic challenges predicted all forms. Implications for future EU policy are discussed.
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Göllner, Ralf Thomas. "The Visegrád Group – A Rising Star Post-Brexit? Changing Distribution of Power in the European Council." Open Political Science 1, no. 1 (July 5, 2017): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/openps-2017-0001.
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Abstract The portmanteau Brexit describes the withdrawal of the United Kingdom (UK) from the European Union (EU) which will cause a shift of power in the European institutions. The departure of one of the largest EU members will affect the voting power of member countries in the European Council significantly. This Council is the central hub of political decision making in the EU, defining the overall political direction and priorities and setting the policy agenda for the entirety of the EU. Using the Banzhaf power index, we have measured the voting power before and after the Brexit and analyzed the increasing power of the members of the Visegrád Group compared to other European states. We have found that there is growth in the voting power of all Visegrád states, with Poland experiencing the biggest increase. However, the extent by which the Visegrád Group will profit from this statistically growing power depends on the coordination of their voting behavior in the future.
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Alvarez, R. Michael, Thad E. Hall, and Alexander H. Trechsel. "Internet Voting in Comparative Perspective: The Case of Estonia." PS: Political Science & Politics 42, no. 03 (June 26, 2009): 497–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096509090787.
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ABSTRACTSeveral countries have conducted Internet voting trials in binding public elections over the past decade, including Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and the United States. However, Estonia—a former Soviet republic and now a full member of the European Union—has advanced the farthest in deploying Internet voting. In this article, we focus on how the Estonians have systematically addressed the legal and technical considerations required to make Internet voting a functioning voting platform, as well as the political and cultural framework that promoted this innovation. Using data from our own qualitative and quantitative studies of the Estonian experience, we consider who voted over the Internet in these elections, and the political implications of the voting platform.
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Gábor, Jakub. "Impact of Brexit on voting power in Council of the European Union." Open Political Science 3, no. 1 (August 17, 2020): 192–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/openps-2020-0016.
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AbstractThe United Kingdom has left the European Union on 31 January 2020. Discussions that preceded such a move were conducted in three dimensions: they pertained a post-Brexit relationship between the UK and EU, future conduct within the UK and the one within the EU. Whilst public discourse has been dominated by the first two, this paper approaches the third one – on how Brexit has affected relationships between remaining 27 EU Member States. Stemming from the calculation of Banzhaf indices, it assesses the impact of Brexit on the voting power of remaining Member States in the Council of the EU – arguably the most important body within the EU institutional architecture – and identifies which countries are going to record the most significant gains and losses in this respect.
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Finke, Daniel, and Stefanie Bailer. "Crisis bargaining in the European Union: Formal rules or market pressure?" European Union Politics 20, no. 1 (December 25, 2018): 109–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116518814949.
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To what extent did the European Monetary Union crisis alter the logic of European Union decision making? We analyze the relevance of asymmetric market pressures as compared to that of formal voting and agenda setting rules by applying three established bargaining models to the ‘EMU Positions’ data. Accounting for the interdependence between issues and agreements, we locate actors’ positions on three reform dimensions, namely the level of fiscal discipline, transfer payments and institutionalization. We find that market pressure during the height of the Eurozone crisis was particularly relevant, and that debtor countries were weakened by their difficulty in refinancing their public debt. Our finding shows that formal rules determining agenda setting and veto rights remain relevant even in times of crisis.
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Maryniv, Ivanna. "The European Union security policy." Law and innovations, no. 1 (29) (March 31, 2020): 80–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.37772/2518-1718-2020-1(29)-13.
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Problem setting. In spite of the presence of numerous conventions, treaties and organizations in the world today, the issue of security is still a very acute issue for the world community. There are many reasons for this: the presence of nuclear powers, serious disputes between countries that are justly considered world leaders, the existence of numerous local conflicts and wars of a more global nature across the globe. These and other factors are pushing states around the world to allocate budget funds to ensure effective security policies. Given today’s realities, one can trace the tendency of several countries to pool their own efforts and resources to pursue a common security policy. The European Union is one of the clearest examples of this behavior. This intergovernmental organization is committed to maintaining peace, diplomacy, trade and development around the world. The EU also promotes cooperation with neighboring countries through the European Neighborhood Policy. Target research. The aim of the research is to study the role of the European Union’s institutional mechanism in the exercise of its powers to ensure the defense and foreign policy cooperation of the Member States. Analysis of recent research and publication. Many domestic and foreign scholars, including B. Tonro, T. Christiansen, S. Morsch, G. Mackenstein, and others. The institutional basis of foreign and security policy is analyzed in detail by J. Peterson, questions related to the European Union’s security policy. M. Shackleton. K. Gill, M. Smith and others study the general features of the development of a common EU security policy. Some contribution to the study of various problems related to European and Euro-Atlantic integration has been made by such national scientists as V. Govorukh, I. Gritsyak, G. Nemyrya, L. Prokopenko, O. Rudik, V. Streltsov, O. Tragniuk, I. Shumlyaeva, I. Yakovyuk and others. Article’s main body. The article examines the emergence and development of the European Union’s security policy from the date of the Brussels Covenant to the present. Particular attention is paid to the role of the European Union’s institutional mechanism in the exercise of its powers to ensure the defense and foreign policy cooperation of the Member States. A study of the officially adopted five-year global foreign and security policy of the EU is being done to improve stability in Europe and beyond, analyzing EU conflict resolution and crisis management activities. Conclusions and prospect of development. In view of the above, it can be concluded that the EU’s foreign and security policy institutional framework is an extensive system in which all the constituencies are endowed with a certain range of general and specific powers and are called upon to cooperate with one another to achieve a common goal. It cannot be said that such close cooperation puts pressure on Member States. Yes, a Member State has the right to refrain from voting for any decision that requires unanimity and such abstention will not prevent the above decision being taken. In this case, the mechanism of so-called “constructive retention” is triggered: the abstaining country is not obliged to comply with the decision, however, accepts the fact that it is binding on other Member States and takes this into account when concluding treaties, which should not contradict the said decision.
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Kaveshnikov, N., and A. Domanov. "Factors Behind Legislative Duration in the European Union." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 20, no. 1 (2022): 80–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2022.20.1.68.3.
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This article investigates the impact of various institutional factors on the duration of legislative process negotiations in the European Union. The empirical data consists of EU secondary law directives adopted in 1990-2019 (1124 directives). We use the methodology of survival analysis (Cox model). We detected that after 2004 the rules of voting in the Council (unanimity or qualified majority) do not affect the duration of the legislative process; this conclusion changes the traditional vision of the functioning of the Council. We prove that of all the EU enlargements, only that of 1995 has influenced the legislative process and slowed it down. Other EU enlargements, including one in 2004 when 10 CEE countries joined the EU, did not show a significant impact. We demonstrate that of all basic treaty reforms that have taken place since 1990 only the Amsterdam Treaty has accelerated the decision-making process. In addition, we conclude that the Interinstitutional Agreement of 2007 between the Council and the European Parliament had a stronger impact on the legislative process than most treaty reforms. It favoured the acceleration of decision-making by consolidating cooperative practices between EU institutions based on trilogues. Besides, the study confirms some previous conclusions tested on the new dataset: more active involvement of the European Parliament in the legislative process (ordinary legislative procedure), the novelty and complexity of the act slow down the decision-making process.
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Kovalevych, L. "Policy of the states of the European Union against sessesionism." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Geography, no. 64 (2016): 74–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2721.2016.64.13.
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The role of domestic policy in solving of inter-regional conflicts and counteracting secessionist processes are disclosed in the article. A mixed populatіon in any area can live either in peaceful coexistence and political stability or in violent conflicts. This is mostly dependent on the internal ethnic policy. Variety of the government’s reactions to the strengthening of centrifugal tendencies in some regions are explored; among which the approval of separatist demands, the advancement of conditions of underprivileged minorities, adoption of “asymmetric federalism”, allowance for minorities to participate in politіcal debate through parliamentary voting, referendums, etc., establishment of a confederation with only limited links between countries are distinguished. Another way to solve regional conflicts is to create a “multinational federation.” The main features of the state policy of the European Union’s countries which have regions with high potential secessionist conflict are analyzed. The necessities of a balanced domestic policy of the government to prevent the escalation of internal contradictions are emphasized. The influence of the form of government on minimizing of inter-regional conflicts is investigating. After correlating data about current regional conflicts and the forms of government of the hosting countries, it was found that the form of government (from unitary to federalism) is not the only decisive factor for solving of regional conflicts. However, taking into account the historical, cultural, linguistic, economic factors, it is important to understand that political mechanisms can give an initial impulse, the first impetus to resolve the conflicts. Therefore, political factors are some of the key one in regularizing of secessionism. Moreover, examples of the successful resolution of regional conflіcts by particular European states are considered. Experience of an effective resolving of regional conflicts in western European countries showed that in all the cases (Switzerland, Germany, Spain and Great Britain) the mechanisms of the institution of parliamentarism and solving of the language issue were used. The geographic decentralization policy of the supreme power (Germany) and legitimization of government decisions through referendums (Switzerland) are equally effective.
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Mosimann, Nadja, Line Rennwald, and Adrian Zimmermann. "The radical right, the labour movement and the competition for the workers’ vote." Economic and Industrial Democracy 40, no. 1 (August 24, 2018): 65–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x18780317.
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This article analyses the capacity of radical right parties to attract support from union members in recent elections in Western Europe. It is argued that unionized voters resist the appeals of the radical right better than non-union members. Using data from the European Social Survey 2010–2016, the article shows that union members are overall less likely to vote for the radical right than non-union members. Even though it is found that unionized working-class and middle-class voters are less likely to vote radical right than their non-unionized peers in the pooled sample, it is also observed that these subgroups of unionized voters and especially unionized working-class voters are not immune to radical right voting in all the countries analysed. The article thus indicates a growing capacity of the radical right to attract unionized working-class segments of the electorate in some countries and to directly compete with left parties for these voters.
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Moberg, Axel. "The Voting System in the Council of the European Union. The Balance Between Large and Small Countries." Scandinavian Political Studies 21, no. 4 (November 1998): 347–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.1998.tb00019.x.
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Potemkina, Olga. "REFORM OF THE TREATY ON THE EUROPEAN UNION: IMPLEMENT IMPOSSIBLE ABANDON." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 29, no. 5 (October 31, 2022): 26–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran520222634.
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The article addresses the discussions in the European Union that broke out after closing of the Conference on the future of Europe. The author consistently analyzes the positions of the European Parliament, the Council and the Commission, while identifying differences between both EU institutions and Member States. The stumbling block is the prospects for the EU institutional reform, which can be carried out both by changing the Treaty on the European Union and without convening the Convention, but only by applying the «passerelle» clause, which provides an opportunity to move from unanimity to voting by qualified majority in the Council on a number of important issues. The author emphasizes that an additional motivation for the European Parliament to call for cancelling of unanimity was the threat of blocking sanctions against Russia by certain countries. The second part of the article examines the development of European Political Community (EPC), the idea, which was put forward by French President Macron at the end of the Conference. The author argues that the plans to create the EPC as a «light legal structure with decisionmaking powers» are directly related to implementation of institutional reform, namely, unanimity cancelling. Thus, scientific and political discussions are conducted around fundamental directions – the ratio of deepening and expanding European integration.
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Musiał-Karg, Magdalena. "Brytyjskie i węgierskie referenda z 2016 r. Uwagi o roli instytucji demokracji bezpośredniej w procesie integracji europejskiej." Przegląd Europejski, no. 3-2016 (December 11, 2016): 78–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.3.16.4.
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The practice of using direct democracy in the European Union’s countries shows that the so called “European” issues have become increasingly popular subject of public debate and then of referendum voting. The motivation to analyse the British and Hungarian referendums of 2016 was the popularity and importance of the issues both for the UK and for Hungary, as well as for the whole European Union. The main thesis posed in the article is that in recent years referendums have become very popular as instruments of making decisions on the European crises (Grexit, Brexit, migration crisis). The main objective of this paper is to answer the question about the use of a referendum on issues of European integration and on the course and consequences of the British and Hungarian referendum in 2016.
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Redchyts, Olena. "Electoral Processes Digitalization : Trends and Prospects for Ukraine Based on the European Union Countries Experience." Reality of Politics 19, no. 1 (January 31, 2022): 78–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop2022105.
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The article purpose is to study digitalization of certain phases of Ukraine electoral processes, taking into account the European Union experience. The research design consists in a comparative analysis of electoral processes digitalization and its legislative provision. The article describes the legal field of EU electoral processes. The recommendations of the Council of Europe on e-voting standards are considered. The role of the administrator of the Ukraine State Voter Register is considered. The phases of electoral processes that require gradual digitalization are given. Scientific novelty of the study is to use a comparative approach in studying the electoral law of the EU and Ukraine. The research field is limited to the electoral law of the EU and Ukraine. The practical effects of the study make it possible to identify the advantages and disadvantages of digitalizing the phase of the electoral process. The scientific novelty of the study conducted in this article is to study the digital transformation restrictions at individual stages of electoral processes. The fundamental provisions in Ukrainian legislation on digitalization of electoral processes are determined. The article summarizes that the widespread means of electoral processes digitalization is the formation and updating of the voters registers and conducting their statistics. The author revealed that electoral processes digitalization has a fragmentary character in the EU countries, since the legal field in providing cyber security requires continuous improvement.
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KUZMINA, Violetta M., and Arina V. SVETIKOVA. "THE REACTION OF THE WORLD COMMUNITY AND THE ECONOMIES OF GREAT BRITAIN AND THE EU TO BREXIT." Historical and social-educational ideas 11, no. 2 (May 16, 2019): 147–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2019-11-2-147-157.
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Introduction. Today Brexit is one of the most pressing issues of world politics, due to the acquisition of global proportions. Of course, this process is a phenomenon at the regional level, but the very fact of the voting and the efforts being made to exit the UK economy from the EU created many questions around themselves, thereby giving rise to the idea in the minds of the population of other countries that the EU cannot cope with the main functions there is the possibility of holding a referendum and a decision to leave the union. The UK and the European Union have never been partners for each other from a historical perspective. Multiple prerequisites, which originated in the last century almost immediately after the signing of the decision on the accession of the Kingdom to the EU, tended to develop and grow. Disputes among members of parliament have always existed, but were not as pronounced as today. In this sense, the country's policy was divided into 2 camps: those who spoke and advocate for the measures of “tough” Brexit, and those who believed and believe that the exit process should be smooth and measured in order not to spoil relations with the EU point of no return.Methods. As the materials of the study were taken data presented in monographic studies and journalistic articles of domestic, but mostly foreign experts in the field of international law, the General modern history, the history of the UK, macroeconomics. The article is written on the basis of sociological research conducted by Western European agencies and Brexit research centers using the analytical type of research and its forms: sociological and expert surveys. The analysis of statistical economic information regarding the real GDP of the EU countries is presented using a comparative historical research method.Results and conclusions. Economic consequences for the European Union from Brexit will become noticeable after some time has passed since the date of the official UK secession from the European Union. Also a minus will be the reduction of anti-crisis programs that the European Union is trying to implement. Attention is deserved by the attitude of other European countries to the membership in the European Union. In this case, more and more we are talking about opposition movements, parties that develop the theme of Euroscepticism. This is especially true in drawing a parallel with the critical eurodirection, which has been traced in EU policy lately.
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Meunier, Sophie. "What Single Voice? European Institutions and EU–U.S. Trade Negotiations." International Organization 54, no. 1 (2000): 103–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081800551136.
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The member states of the European Union (EU) have transferred their sovereignty over trade policymaking to the supranational level. When entering into trade negotiations with third countries, they must first reach a common bargaining position among themselves and later defend that position with a “single voice” at the international table. How do the institutional rules, through which the fifteen different voices are aggregated into a single one, affect international outcomes? Differentiating between a “conservative” and a “reformist” negotiating context, I argue that voting rules and negotiating competence in the EU determine both the probability that the negotiating parties conclude an international agreement and the substantive outcome of the negotiations. The recent EU–U.S. trade negotiations on agriculture, public procurement, and open skies are all evidence that, for a given distribution of preferences, internal EU institutional mechanisms affect the outcomes of international trade agreements.
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Padilla Galviz, Erick S., JOEL CANTÓ ROCHE, and JAVIER ARREGUI. "Missing Link - Assessing state redistribution capacity to understand the relationship between economic inequality and support for European radical right and left parties." Quaderns IEE 2, no. 1 (January 31, 2023): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/quadernsiee.50.
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Income inequality is a major driver of the growth of radical parties on both the left and right, as it exacerbates citizens' economic insecurities. However, few studies have explored how welfare policies from Member states of the European Union (EU) can help reduce these economic grievances by reducing income inequalities thereby affecting the support towards radical alternatives. In this article, we aim to understand how redistribution affects radical support. We argue that redistribution policies reduce the economic insecurities caused by income inequalities, and thus, the electoral support for radical political platforms is also reduced. To test this hypothesis, we performed multinomial regression models using the European Social Survey data from 17 countries over a period of more than a decade. Our findings reveal that redistribution reduces radical voting, but only for the radical right. We contribute to the literature on welfare policies and radical support by looking at the main welfare policy outcome: redistribution. Our results highlight the importance of redistributive policies in reducing radical right support in the EU, providing valuable insights for policymaking at the European level.
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Pūraitė-Andrikienė, Dovilė. "The Separate Opinions of a Justice of a Constitutional Court: A Case of Lithuania." Laws 12, no. 1 (January 18, 2023): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/laws12010011.
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Although allowing justices of constitutional courts to publish their separate opinions has become a clear trend in Europe, until an amendment to the Law on the Constitutional Court in 2008, the justices of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania did not have this possibility. However, after the introduction of this institution in Lithuania, criticism was voiced by the public regarding its legal regulation. Therefore, this article examines the legal regulation governing the institution of a separate opinion of a justice of the Constitutional Court, as well as the use of this institution in Lithuania. The article seeks to reveal the shortcomings of this regulation, as well as to provide proposals for its improvement. The issues in question are examined in the context of the legal framework governing the institution of a separate opinion in other European Union countries (with a particular focus on Eastern and Central European countries). In order to provide a basis for this research, the article also examines the institution of a separate opinion in the context of the principle of the secrecy of the deliberation room and the secrecy of voting results in the decision-making process of constitutional justice institutions.
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Timakova, O. A. "Roadmap for Stronger Security and Defence of Europe: EU “Strategic Compass” Implementation Prospects." Post-Soviet Issues 9, no. 2 (September 3, 2022): 151–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2022-9-2-151-167.
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The European Union continues to develop the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). Adopted in March 2022, the EU’s “Strategic Compass for Security and Defense” in the next decade should become a roadmap for the development of the EU’s ambitions, stated in the 2003 and 2016 EU Strategies. The Strategic Compass offers a list of measures to strengthen the defense component in EU policy. They are concentrated in four main areas: crisis management, resilience, capacity building and partnerships. A significant innovation is the proposal to apply the qualified majority voting procedure on certain issues of foreign policy, security and defense policy. As part of the new EU Strategy, it is proposed to create a group of Rapid deployment forces and increase investment in the defense sector. The innovation will also be the holding of EU exercises and the EU Security and Defense Partnership Forum. Specific action plans for the announced initiatives should be developed by the end of 2022, and their implementation is scheduled for 2030. The Strategic Compass was perceived ambiguously — the key points of criticism are the inability of the Union to ensure its own strategic autonomy. In the context of the changed geopolitical situation in Europe, which coincided with the publication of the new Strategy, the EU countries continued to follow the lead of US policy. The emphasis in Compass on the complementarity of the foreign and security and defense policy of the EU in relation to the Alliance confirms that the countries of Europe will tend to rely on the usual institutions of NATO as opposed to the creation of new structures of the European Union. In addition, significant disagreements in the perception of threats by EU member states, as well as the general amorphousness of the Union’s foreign policy initiatives, remain a problem. It is likely that a significant breakthrough in the creation of effective institutions of European foreign policy, security and defense policy will not be achieved, but the acquisition of new powers by the European Commission will strengthen supranational control over the policies of EU member states in these areas.
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Guerra, Paula, and Piotr Zańko. "Educational contexts of cultural resistance in Poland and Portugal. An introduction to research." Kwartalnik Pedagogiczny 64, no. 3 (253) (October 25, 2019): 155–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.5537.
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The goal of this article is to present the main theoretical and methodological assumptions of an international research project on the educational contexts of cultural resistance in Poland and Portugal. In this article, we will first analyse, in a resumed way, the various lines of thought related to cultural resistance, radical democracy critical pedagogy; then we will present an example of a critical pedagogy, the punk pedagogy, in order to demonstrate that the reality we describe is not only present at the abstract level; then, and finally, we proceed with the research methodology that we intend to trigger in order to analyse the educational contexts of cultural resistance in Portugal and Poland. In this article we are talking about two countries with very dissonant stories. Even today, in the context of membership of the European Union, the course of both countries seems to diverge. However, we argue that the comparison between these two distant and different countries may open new perspectives on the contexts of cultural resistance and critical pedagogy. Like the example of punk, these practices of cultural resistance can serve as a way to empower active civic and political participation, going beyond the simple act of voting every four years and promoting a radical democracy.
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Gromoglasova, E., and A. Libman. "Political and Econometric Analysis of Party Systems’ Transformation in the EU." World Economy and International Relations, no. 4 (2015): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-4-5-17.
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The paper attempts to study how economic situation in the member countries of the European Union in 2005-2011 affected the national party systems' attitude towards the EU and the European integration (the EU cleavage). The authors made suggestion that economic decline could result in growing Euroskepticism. This hypothesis was derived from three main arguments: economic voting theory, suggesting that voters “punish” the ruling parties in case of economic decline; the role the EU plays in determining national economic policy (specifically, strict austerity requirements); the overall international context of global economic crisis. In order to measure the attitude of the national parties towards the EU, the data from the Manifesto Project Database (MPD), a large scale content analysis database of electoral promises (manifestos) of national political parties was applied. Then the authors looked at 41 elections in the EU member states in 2005-2011, for which MPD data are available, and measured the declared position of the parties participating in the elections regarding the EU. In an econometric study, the proxies of national party systems attitudes were regressed on proxies of economic situation in the EU countries, attempting to test the main hypotheses. Specifically, four proxies of attitude towards the EU were used: the share of votes obtained by euroskeptical parties; the average level of Euroskepticism in national party manifestos of all parties participating in elections; the average level of Euroskepticism of the ruling coalition emerging from elections; the average level of Euroskepticism weighted by the share of votes obtained by particular parties. The results of the estimates do not confirm that economic indicators (especially GDP and inflation) have had a significant impact on the Euroskepticism; the results are not robust and vary from specification to specification. The article shows, however, that higher unemployment levels are negatively correlated with Euroskepticism. The authors explain these findings by the predominance of expressive behavior in voting patterns in Europe. Specifically, they argue that voting was driven primarily by identity issue. However, in this case identity should be related not to ethnic or regional features, but to consumption behavior patterns. The results are also placed in a broader context, attempting to link the EU-specific findings to processes observed in other parts of the world. Acknowledgements. The authors appreciate the valuable comments by E.V. Ananyeva, N.Yu. Kaveshnikov, S.P. Peregudov, M.V. Sterzhneva, A.I. Tevdoi-Burmuli and all participants of the section “Processes of Regional Integration in Big Europe” of the 8th Congress of the Russian Association of International Studies. All mistakes and inaccuracies are the authors’ responibility.
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Cui, Lianbiao, and Huangbao Gui. "Sharing the burden of financing the green climate fund in the Post-Kyoto era." International Journal of Climate Change Strategies and Management 7, no. 2 (May 18, 2015): 206–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijccsm-11-2013-0125.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to design several methods for enforcing developed countries’ responsibilities under the Green Climate Fund (GCF). The GCF has been one of the core subjects of the world climate summits held under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. However, the development of the GCF has not progressed smoothly, and many concerns remain unresolved. Design/methodology/approach – This paper illustrates three approaches for financing the GCF that vary in terms of the relative weights accorded to environmental responsibility and economic capacity. These three methods include the historical responsibility (HR) principle, the ability to pay (AP) principle and the preference score compromises (PSC) approach (which is a combination of the HR and the AP principles). Findings – The empirical analysis demonstrates that the USA is the largest contributor to the GCF under the HR principle due to the volume of its historical emissions, whereas the European Union bears the greatest financial responsibility under the AP principle, based on its gross domestic product. Under the PSC approach, the European Union and the USA each undertakes a financial burden that approximates 40 per cent of the total financing for the GCF. These nations are followed by Japan, which has a share of almost 9 per cent. Originality/value – This study is the first attempt to introduce the PSC concept into discussions regarding GCF financing. A scheme of burden sharing that combines environmental responsibility and economic capacity factors is developed and introduced. The respective weights assigned to the two factors are determined based on the Borda rule in voting theory, which avoids the arbitrary allocation of weights between the HR and the AP. These findings will be useful for mobilising the GCF in the Post-Kyoto era.
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Yansons, Yanis. "E-DEMOCRACY IN UKRAINE: CONDITION AND DEVELOPMENT TAKING INTO ACCOUNT EUROPEAN EXPERIENCE." EUREKA: Social and Humanities, no. 6 (November 30, 2020): 47–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21303/2504-5571.2020.001541.
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The work analyzes the mechanism of legal support of e-democracy development in Ukraine and European Union in a part of formation and implementation of its tools. A position of central executive authorities in Ukraine in the context of e-democracy development is considered.
The Ukrainian legislative base of formation and realization of e-democracy tools have been studied, and ones, considered priority in the aspect of their legal support and implementation level, have been separated. These e-democracy tools in Ukraine include: e-consulting, e-petitions, e-appeals, participation budgets (public budgets).
The analysis of e-democracy tools, offered and implemented in the EU countries allowed to establish a series of them, needed additional attention from both state authorities of Ukraine and Ukrainian publicity. These tools include: e-voting, e-referendum, e-plebiscites, and e-election process totally.
Based on comparison analysis of using e-democracy tools in Ukraine and EU, there have been separated obstacles on the way of potential improvement of the national legal mechanism of e-democracy development as to its tools usage at the national, regional and local levels. The main ones are: imperfection of resource provision of the development legal mechanism; absence of an integral idea of the development strategy of e-democracy as an institution in the state; predominance of e-services automation development over development of tools of active involvement of citizens in participation in the public-political life of the country.
Recommendations for public authorities as to improvement of the existent legal mechanism of implementation, use and development of e-democracy tools in a part of development of a series of strategic documents that must fix the priority of e-democracy development, its resource support; comprehensive support to public initiatives as to implementation and development of e-democracy and e-participation tools and so on, have been substantiated.
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Cai, Congyan. "Balanced Investment Treaties and the BRICS." AJIL Unbound 112 (2018): 217–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2018.64.
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Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (the BRICS) have emerged as a new hub of power in international relations. They have begun to speak out jointly on a wide range of issues and to explore cooperating collectively. For instance, they strongly urge the Bretton Woods institutions to address their legitimacy deficits by transferring substantial voting power to emerging powers, and suggest that failure to do so will “run the risk of seeing [those institutions] fade into obsolescence.” The investment treaty regime may be another field in which they can exert influence, but the investment treaty policies of BRICS countries are diverging now more than ever. In particular, India and South Africa have taken significant measures, such as terminating investment treaties, that cast doubt on whether the BRICS can play a collective role in reforming such treaties. In this essay, I make two arguments. First, the recent investment treaty policies of some BRICS (India, South Africa, and to some extent Brazil) have shifted from one imbalanced approach that is too protective of foreign investors to another that is too protective of host states and is likely to be rejected by major powers such as the European Union, the United States, and China. Second, the BRICS together have the ability to craft approaches to investment treaties that encourage greater balance in the regime overall, including by remedying some of the defects inherent in the traditional investment treaties.
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Koźbiał, Krzysztof. "Referenda w systemie politycznym Republiki Czeskiej." Wschodnioznawstwo 15 (2021): 77–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20827695wsc.21.004.14711.
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Republika Czeska jest jednym z tych krajów europejskich, w których bezpośrednie instrumenty demokratyczne, takie jak referenda, są rzadko stosowane na szczeblu państwowym. W Republice Czeskiej w ten sposób zdecydowano jedynie o przystąpieniu kraju do Unii Europejskiej (2003). Z drugiej strony, na poziomie lokalnym czeskie doświadczenia z referendami są bogate. W latach 2006‑2021 przeprowadzono ponad 300 referendów, średnio ponad 20 rocznie. Problematyka poruszana w tych referendach obejmowała kwestie infrastruktury, lokalizacji elektrowni wiatrowych czy składowania odpadów radioaktywnych. W przyszłości szersze niż dotychczas wykorzystanie referendów w czeskim systemie politycznym zależeć będzie m.in. od wyniku wyborów parlamentarnych, które odbędąsięjesienią2021 r. Czeska Partia Piratów, która ma duże szanse na zwycięstwo w tych wyborach, opowiada się za korzystaniem z tego typu głosowania znacznie częściej niż dotychczas. Referenda in the political system of the Czech Republic The Czech Republic is one of those European countries where direct democratic instruments, such as referendums, are rarely resorted to at the state level. Only the country’s accession to the European Union (2003) was decided in this way in the Czech Republic. On the local level, on the other hand, the Czech experience with referendums is rich. Between 2006 and 2021, more than 300 referendums were held, an average of more than 20 per year. The issues dealt with in these referendums included infrastructure issues, the location of wind power plants or the storage of radioactive waste. The future of the use of referendums more widely than before in the Czech political system will depend, among other things, on the outcome of the parliamentary elections to be held in the autumn of 2021. The Czech Pirate Party, which has a significant chance of winning this election, is in favour of using this type of voting far more often than before.
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Mamiński, Marcin. "Human Rights. Poland and the UN declarations on Human Rights." Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego. Seria Prawnicza. Prawo 31 (2020): 169–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/znurprawo.2020.31.13.
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Human rights are the foundation of democracy, a democratic society, freedom, justice and peace. Without human rights and awareness of their ownership, people cannot live in dignity. Human rights are the same for all of us, regardless of race, gender, religion, ethnicity, political or other beliefs, social origin, national origin, sexual orientation. There are cases in which human rights may be limited, but only in very specific situations, usually defined in international documents or constitutions of individual countries (e.g. due to the protection of certain values by the state, or due to threats such as war or public security). In 1948, Poland was one of the eight states that abstained from voting on the ratification of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Until the transformation of the political system between 1989–1992, the number of international conventions dealing with the issue of human rights, which the Polish state had not ratified, has increased. Along with the democratization of public life in Poland and the accession process to the European Union, successive governments have signed certain conventions, but many important documents remain unratified or unimplemented, including significant conventions regarding the status of stateless persons or related to cluster munitions. This presentation aims at indication of the relation of Polish legislation and basic legal acts to the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights and subsequent conventions aimed at protecting those rights. On the basis of a short comparative analysis, I will try to indicate how important human rights are to Poland nowadays.
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GARCÍA GARCÍA, M. ª. Jesús. "Alcance y límites de la participación en los asuntos públicos a través del Estatuto de la Ciudadanía Europea." RVAP 112, no. 112 (December 28, 2018): 99–133. http://dx.doi.org/10.47623/ivap-rvap.112.2018.03.
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LABURPENA: Toki-hauteskundeetan parte hartzeko sufragio aktiboaren eta pasiboaren eskubidea egikaritzeko modalitateak finkatzen dituen 94/80/EE Zuzentaraua aplikatzeari dagokionez, COM (2018) 44 (azkena), Europako Parlamentuarentzat, Kontseiluarentzat, Europako Ekonomia eta Gizarte Komitearentzat eta Eskualdeetako Lantaldearentzat Batzordeak 2018an egindako txostenaren arabera, geroz eta Europar Batasuneko herritar gehiagok baliatzen du zirkulazio librerako eta estatu kideetan bizitzeko eskubidea. Hala, 14 milioi europar dira bizilekua aldatu eta bozkatzeko adina dutenak. Hala ere, herritar horietatik gutxi batzuk baino ez daude oraindik ere toki-hauteskundeetarako erroldatuta eta horien parte-hartzea toki-hauteskundeetan benetan maila baxuetan dago. Datu horiek adierazten dute hiritar horien ehuneko altu batek ezin dituela hauteskunde eskubideak baliatu, ez jatorrizko herrialdean ezta lekualdatutako herrialdean, eta horrenbestez, horien parte-hartze demokratikoa guztiz baztertzen da. Hori bereziki paradoxikoa da EBen, demokrazia balore bezala aldarrikatzen baita eta hauteskunde eskubideei oinarrizko eskubide izaera ematen baitzaie. Lan honetan herritarren estatutuaren mugak jorratzen dira, europarrek bizileku duten herrialdeetako gai publikoetan parte hartzen dutela bermatzeko, eta jorratu egiten dira, halaber, eskubide horiek benetan baliatzeko orduan estatuen barne-esparruan eragina duten baldintza juridikoak. Eta horiek berriz formulatzea proposatu da, bizileku den herrialdeetako parte-hartze politikoarekin lotutako eskubideei dagokienez herritarren estatutuari zigilu bereizgarria eman ahal izateko. RESUMEN: El Informe de 2018 de la Comisión al Parlamento Europeo, al Consejo, al Comité Económico y Social Europeo y al Comité de las Regiones, sobre la aplicación de la Directiva 94/80/CE por la que se fijan las modalidades de ejercicio del derecho de sufragio activo y pasivo en las elecciones locales, COM (2018) 44 final, ha puesto de manifiesto como cada vez más los ciudadanos de la Unión Europea hacen uso de su derecho de libre circulación y residencia en otros estados miembros, de forma que se calcula que existen 14 millones de ciudadanos europeos desplazados en edad de votar. Sin embargo, los niveles de inscripción electoral de estos ciudadanos en las elecciones locales siguen siendo muy poco significativos y su participación en los comicios locales se mantiene en índices extremadamente bajos. Estos datos reflejan que un porcentaje muy alto de estos ciudadanos no pueden ejercer sus derechos electorales, ni en su país de origen, ni en aquel en el que están desplazados, excluyendo por completo su participación democrática. Ello resulta especialmente paradójico en un ámbito, la UE, que propugna la democracia como uno de sus valores y atribuye a los derechos electorales la condición de derechos fundamentales. En este trabajo se abordan los límites del estatuto de la ciudadanía para garantizar la plena participación de los ciudadanos europeos en los asuntos públicos del país de residencia y los condicionantes jurídicos que influyen en el ejercicio efectivo de tales derechos en el ámbito interno de los estados, proponiendo una reformulación de los mismos capaz de otorgar un sello distintivo al estatuto de la ciudadanía en lo que se refiere a los derechos inherentes a la participación política en el país de residencia. ABSTRACT: The 2018 Report of the Commission to the European Parliament, Council, Economic Social Committee of the Regions on the application of Directive 94/80/CE on the right to vote and to stand as a candidate in municipal elections, COM (2018) 44 final, has shown how an increasing number of citizens from the European Union make use of their right to free movement and residence in other member states, so that it is estimated that there are 14 millions of moving European citizens of voting age. However, the levels of electoral registration in local elections are quite insignificant and their participation in local polls remain extremely low. These figures reflect that a very high proportion of these citizens cannot exercise their electoral rights, neither at their home countries nor at the country where they moved, so disqualifying them from democratic participation. That is specially paradoxical in a field, the EU, that has advocated for democracy as one of its core values and that considers electoral rights fundamental rights. This work deals with the limits of the citizenship status in order to guarantee the full involvement of European citizens in public affairs of their country of residence and the legal constraints that influence on the effective exercise of such rights within the domestic sphere of states by proposing a reformulation of them that is able of granting a distinctive status to citizenship as far as those inherent rights to political participation at the country of residence are concerned.
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Loužek, Marek. "Voting Power Indicators in the European Union." Prague Economic Papers 13, no. 3 (January 1, 2004): 217–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.18267/j.pep.240.
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Loužek, Marek. "Voting power indicators in the European union." Politická ekonomie 52, no. 3 (June 1, 2004): 291–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.18267/j.polek.461.
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Bilbao, J. M., J. R. Fernández, N. Jiménez, and J. J. López. "Voting power in the European Union enlargement." European Journal of Operational Research 143, no. 1 (November 2002): 181–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0377-2217(01)00334-4.
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Rudych, S. "The Role and Place of the Opposition in the Political System of Switzerland." Problems of World History, no. 19 (October 27, 2022): 82–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-5.
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The article considers the role and the way of functioning of the opposition in the political system of the Swiss Confederation.It is shown that the absence of an opposition in the political life of the country in the traditional sense is explained by the agreement or concordance between the main political forces, drawn up officially in the form of the so-called “magic formula”. A federal government functioning according to this principle in combination with a well-developed mechanism of direct, or more precisely, semi-direct referendum democracy: on the one hand, it allows the effective implementation of the constitutional right of citizens to participate in the political life of the country, and on the other hand, it allows to avoid permanent parliamentary and governmental crises. Particular attention is paid to the Swiss People’s Party, a powerful political force that has consistently achieved high results in parliamentary elections over the past ten years and has every right to consider itself as opposition party. In this connection, the author raises the question of the possibility of using the political system existing today in Switzerland, and, even more so, the way the opposition functions, as a model for other countries? The publication reveals in detail how the institution of direct democracy works in practice. It is emphasized that the people’s initiative and the referendum give the citizen the opportunity to constantly influence the constitutional process in the state and bring projects developed by the government to the people’s court. Frequent appeals to voters in this way forces society to constantly worry about topical political issues. At the same time, large authoritative parties use this right less often than small social organizations or extra-parliamentary opposition groups. In addition, the Swiss manage in this way to constantly keep the political course of the government under control, and the Federal Council, according to the country’s constitution, must constantly consult with the people, who express their opinion on political proposals by dropping ballots into the voting baskets. At the same time, it is emphasized that the main challenge to Swiss federalism lies not in the multiculturalism of the nation, which did not develop as a result of the immigration of citizens, as, for example, in the USA, Canada or Australia, but on the contrary, has its roots in the age-old history of the communities that originally lived in Switzerland. Switzerland’s relations with the European Union during the last twenty years are briefly described. Characterizing Ukrainian-Swiss relations, the author emphasizes the importance that Switzerland has for our country, particularly in the context of Russia’s war against Ukraine. The advantages and disadvantages of direct referendum democracy are analyzed. Certain conclusions are drawn regarding the possibility of using Swiss experience in the political life of other countries.
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Burmester, Nicolas, and Michael Jankowski. "One voice or different choice? Vote defection of European Union member states in the United Nations General Assembly." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 20, no. 3 (May 30, 2018): 652–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148118768184.
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Existing research suggests that European Union member states are increasingly able to act in concert in the United Nations General Assembly. Based on several hundred co-ordination meetings per year, the European Union ‘speaks with one voice’ on most of the resolutions voted upon in the United Nations General Assembly. However, little is known about instances where the European Union member states do not vote coherently. Three questions remain unanswered. First, what factors determine deviating voting behaviour of European Union member states? Second, who are the most frequent defectors from the European Union’s majority position? Third, which voting blocs within the European Union can be identified? The article answers these questions in a quantitative design by controlling for domestic factors, issues of resolutions and the position of the United States. The results suggest that domestic factors determine deviating voting behaviour far less than agenda-related issues and the position of the United States.
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Jeong, Hoi Ok, and Su-Yeul Chung. "VOTING PARTICIPATION AND ATTITUDES TOWARD THE EUROPEAN UNION." European Societies 14, no. 3 (February 21, 2012): 441–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616696.2012.657212.
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Bilohur, Vlada, and Roman Oleksenko. "THE EUROPEAN SPORT MODELS MANAGEMENT IN THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES EUROPEAN UNION." HUMANITIES STUDIES 90, no. 13 (2022): 59–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.26661/hst-2022-13-90-07.
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Stec, Małgorzata. "Innovation in European Union Countries." Gospodarka Narodowa 236, no. 11-12 (December 31, 2009): 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/gn/101233.
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Rodríguez-Gulías, María Jesús, Vítor Manuel de Sousa Gabriel, and David Rodeiro-Pazos. "Effects of governance on entrepreneurship: European Union vs non-European Union." Competitiveness Review: An International Business Journal 28, no. 1 (January 15, 2018): 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/cr-06-2016-0035.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyse the effect of six governance indicators on the rate of creation of new companies between countries that are members of the European Union (EU) and those that are not. H1 states that the various dimensions of governance help to explain the immediate creation of new businesses in European and non-European countries. H2 states that the various dimensions of governance help to explain the deferred creation of new businesses in European and non-European countries. Design/methodology/approach The paper uses two types of analyses: firstly, univariate analysis, which is a descriptive statistics of the dependent, independent and control variables, and the results of a t-test; and secondly, multivariate analysis, which estimates using the fixed-effects estimator under the specifications previously raised for the subsample of 28 EU countries and for the subsample of 103 non-EU countries during the period 2004-2014. Findings The results show that the variables of governance are not significantly higher in the EU, although the density of the enterprises is. Within the governance indicators, government effectiveness is significant in the EU. The results obtained for the EU confirmed H1and H2, with a significant positive effect of government effectiveness on entrepreneurship, while the other governance variables were not significant in the EU subsample. The results obtained for non-EU countries suggest no significant immediate effects (H1) and a slightly significant delayed effect of rule of law on the entrepreneurship (H2) concerned. Research limitations/implications Future research in this area could consider introducing another regional division or other types of methodology as variables affect models. Practical implications Governance can be defined as the ability of a government and its public institutions to provide services and design, and implement rules, which is a factor that affects the creation of new companies. However, the effect of governance could differ depending on the country and its economic environment. This paper analyses the effect of six governance indicators on the rate of creation of new companies considering two different geographic regions as countries are presumably heterogeneous. Therefore, these results indicate that the effect of governance variables on entrepreneurship differs according to the region. Social implications The effect of governance variables on entrepreneurship according to the region is also known. Originality/value This study applied panel data analysis to two samples of countries during the period 2004-2014, one formed by 28 countries of the EU and the other by 103 non-EU countries. No other paper considers this number of countries for this period. To assess the impact of governance on the creation of new companies, this paper considered the existence of immediate and deferred effects of governance on entrepreneurship.
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Hosli, Madeleine O. "Admission of European Free Trade Association states to the European Community: effects on voting power in the European Community Council of Ministers." International Organization 47, no. 4 (1993): 629–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300028125.
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Several member states of the European Free Trade Association have applied for admission into the European Community (EC). Paradoxically, enlarging the EC in this way will expand the voting power of Luxembourg, the smallest EC member state, in the EC Council of Ministers but diminish the power of the other states. In an EC with more members, voting by unanimity increasingly becomes an impractical decision-making procedure. As the Single European Act and possibly also the Treaty on European Union are being implemented, the distribution of EC council voting power takes on growing importance, since the range of issues to be decided by qualified majority votes increases considerably. Moreover, there are tendencies within the EC to render decision making more transparent and to publish member states' positions taken in majority votes. Thus, the distribution of voting power will increasingly be a crucial aspect for the EC.
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Joumard, Isabelle. "Tax systems in European Union countries." OECD Economic Studies 2002, no. 1 (May 7, 2003): 91–151. http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/eco_studies-v2002-art4-en.
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Hsieh, Jin-chi, Ching-cheng Lu, Ying Li, Yung-ho Chiu, and Ya-sue Xu. "Environmental Assessment of European Union Countries." Energies 12, no. 2 (January 18, 2019): 295. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en12020295.
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This study utilizes the dynamic data envelopment analysis (DEA) model by considering time to measure the energy environmental efficiency of 28 countries in the European Union (EU) during the period 2006–2013. There are three kinds of variables: input, output, and carry-over. The inputs are labor, capital, and energy consumption (EC). The undesirable outputs are greenhouse gas emissions (GHE) and sulfur oxide (SOx) emissions, and the desirable output variable is gross domestic product (GDP). The carry-over variable is gross capital formation (GCF). The empirical results show that first the dynamic DEA model can measure environment efficiency and provide optimum improvement for inefficient countries, as more than half of the EU countries should improve their environmental efficiency. Second, the average overall scores of the EU countries point out that the better period of performance is from 2009 to 2012. Third, the output variables of GHE, SOx, and GDP exhibit a significant impact on environmental efficiency. Finally, the average value of others is significantly better than high renewable energy utilization (HRE) with the Wilcoxon test. Thus, the EU’s strategy for environmental energy improvement should be to pay attention to the benefits of renewable energy (RE) utilization, reducing greenhouse gas emissions (GHE), and enhancing the development of RE utilization to help achieve the goal of lower GHE.
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Gajos, Edyta, Sylwia Małażewska, and Konrad Prandecki. "EMISSION EFFICIENCY OF EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES." Annals of the Polish Association of Agricultural and Agribusiness Economists XX, no. 6 (December 10, 2018): 55–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.7732.
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The aim of the study was to compare the total greenhouse gas emissions in the European Union countries and their emission efficiency. Emission efficiency was calculated as the ratio of emission volume and value to gross value added generated by the economy of a given country (size of the economy). The necessary statistical data was obtained from Eurostat. It was found that in 2015 most of greenhouse gases were emitted by: Germany, United Kingdom, Poland, France and Italy. At the same time, France and the United Kingdom were characterized by one of the best emission efficiency in the European Union, Germany and Italy obtained average results, while Poland was in the group of countries with the lowest emission efficiency. Therefore, it can be concluded, that the volume of emissions is significantly affected by the size of the economy. Some large emitters have economies based on relatively “clean” technologies and thus their potential to further reduction is not very high. The reverse is true for some low-emission countries, such as Estonia and Bulgaria. This indicates the need for a more comprehensive look at the problem of reducing greenhouse gas emissions.
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Jupille, Joseph. "The European Union and International Outcomes." International Organization 53, no. 2 (1999): 409–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081899550922.
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Analysts of the European Union (EU) and international bargaining have generally failed to appreciate how the shift within the EU from unanimity to qualified majority voting has affected European bargaining positions and international outcomes. I analyze the international effects of changes in EU decision-making rules with a simple spatial model and assess the utility of the model in two cases of environmental bargaining that span the entry into force of the Maastricht Treaty. The EU can decisively shape international outcomes by concentrating the weight of its fifteen member states on a single substantive position and rendering that position critical to any internationally negotiated agreement. The findings generalize to numerous areas of EU external relations and suggest that analysts should attend specifically to the EU and more generally to domestic and regional institutional factors in explaining international bargaining outcomes.
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Lobo, Marina Costa, and Michael S. Lewis-Beck. "The integration hypothesis: How the European Union shapes economic voting." Electoral Studies 31, no. 3 (September 2012): 522–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2012.02.004.
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Hagemann, Sara, Sara B. Hobolt, and Christopher Wratil. "Government Responsiveness in the European Union: Evidence From Council Voting." Comparative Political Studies 50, no. 6 (January 12, 2016): 850–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414015621077.
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Are governments responsive to public preferences when legislating in international organizations? This article demonstrates that governments respond to domestic public opinion even when acting at the international level. Specifically, we examine conflict in the European Union’s primary legislative body, the Council of the European Union (EU). We argue that domestic electoral incentives compel governments to react to public opinion. Analyzing a unique data set on all legislative decisions adopted in the Council since 1999, we show that governments are more likely to oppose legislative proposals that extend the level and scope of EU authority when their domestic electorates are skeptical about the EU. We also find that governments are more responsive when the issue of European integration is salient in domestic party politics. Our findings demonstrate that governments can use the international stage to signal their responsiveness to public concerns and that such signals resonate in the domestic political debate.