Relevant bibliographies by topics / Voting – Europe, Western

Academic literature on the topic 'Voting – Europe, Western'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Voting – Europe, Western"

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Stegmueller, Daniel. "Religion and Redistributive Voting in Western Europe." Journal of Politics 75, no. 4 (October 2013): 1064–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022381613001023.

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Lubbers, Marcel, Mérove Gijsberts, and Peer Scheepers. "Extreme right-wing voting in Western Europe." European Journal of Political Research 41, no. 3 (May 2002): 345–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.00015.

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Birchfield, Vicki L. "Book Review: Voting Radical Right in Western Europe." Comparative Political Studies 39, no. 9 (November 2006): 1165–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414006289244.

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Dassonneville, Ruth, and Michael S. Lewis-Beck. "Economic Policy Voting and Incumbency: Unemployment in Western Europe." Political Science Research and Methods 1, no. 1 (June 2013): 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2013.9.

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The economic voting literature has been dominated by the incumbency-oriented hypothesis, in which voters reward or punish governments at the ballot box according to the nation's economic performance. The alternative (policy-oriented) hypothesis, in which voters favor parties that are closest to their issue position(s), has been neglected in this literature. This article explores policy voting with respect to an archetypal economic policy issue—unemployment. Voters who favor lower unemployment should tend to vote for left parties, since they “own” the issue. Examining a large time-series cross-sectional pool of Western European nations, this study finds some evidence for economic policy voting. However, it is conditioned by incumbency. According to varied tests, left incumbents experience a net electoral cost if the unemployment rate climbs. Incumbency, then, serves to break any natural economic policy advantage that might accrue to the left due to the issue of unemployment.
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Coleman, Stephen. "The Effect of Social Conformity on Collective Voting Behavior." Political Analysis 12, no. 1 (2004): 76–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpg015.

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This article investigates the effect of social conformity on voting behavior. Past research shows that many people vote to conform with the social norm that voting is a civic duty. The hypothesis here is that when conformity motivates people to vote, it also stimulates conformist behavior among some voters when they decide which party to vote for. This produces a distinctive relationship between voter turnout and the distribution of votes among parties—a relationship not anticipated by rational choice theory. I test a mathematical model of this behavior with linear and nonlinear regression analyses of state-level data for presidential elections in the United States from 1904 to 1996, longitudinal data on parliamentary elections in Western Europe over most of the twentieth century, and cross-sectional data for recent elections in Western Europe, Eastern Europe, and Russia. The results generally validate the model.
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Rydgren, Jens. "Social Isolation? Social Capital and Radical Right-wing Voting in Western Europe." Journal of Civil Society 5, no. 2 (September 2009): 129–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17448680903154915.

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Oltay, Edith. "Concepts of Citizenship in Eastern and Western Europe." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies 11, no. 1 (September 1, 2017): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/auseur-2017-0003.

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AbstractThe classical meaning of citizenship evokes a nation-state with a well-defined territory for its nationals, where national identity and sovereignty play a key role. Global developments are challenging the traditional nation-state and open a new stage in the history of citizenship. Transnational citizenship involving dual and multiple citizenships has become more and more accepted in Europe. Numerous scholars envisaged a post-national development where the nation-state no longer plays a key role. While scholarly research tended to focus on developments in Western Europe, a dynamic development also took place in Eastern Europe following the collapse of communism. Dual citizenship was introduced in most Eastern European countries, but its purpose was to strengthen the nation by giving the ethnic kin abroad citizenship and non-resident voting rights. In Western Europe, the right of migrants to citizenship has been expanded throughout the years in the hope that this would result in their better integration into society. Eastern Europe and Western Europe operate with different concepts of citizenship because of their diverging historical traditions and current concerns. The concept of nation and who belong to the national community play a key role in the type of citizenship that they advocate.
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Weitz-Shapiro, Rebecca, and Matthew S. Winters. "The Link Between Voting and Life Satisfaction in Latin America." Latin American Politics and Society 53, no. 04 (2011): 101–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2011.00135.x.

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AbstractWhat is the relationship between voting and individual life satisfaction in Latin America? While studies of Western Europe suggest that voters are happier than nonvoters, this relationship has not been explored in the younger democracies of the developing world, including those of Latin America. Using multilevel regression models to examine individual-level survey data, this study shows a positive correlation between voting and happiness in the region, noting, however, that the relationship is attenuated in those countries that have enforced compulsory voting. We then explore the causal direction of this relationship: while the existing literature points to voting as a possible determinant of individual happiness, it is also possible that happier individuals are more likely to vote. Three different strategies are used to disentangle this relationship. On balance, the evidence suggests that individual happiness is more likely to be a cause rather than an effect of voting in Latin America.
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van der Waal, Jeroen, and Willem de Koster. "Populism and Support for Protectionism: The Relevance of Opposition to Trade Openness for Leftist and Rightist Populist Voting in The Netherlands." Political Studies 66, no. 3 (November 10, 2017): 560–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321717723505.

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Leftist and rightist populist parties in Western Europe both oppose trade openness. Is support for economic protectionism also relevant for their electorates? We assess this in the Netherlands, where both types of populist parties have seats in parliament. Analyses of representative survey data ( n = 1,296) demonstrate that support for protectionism drives voting for such parties, as do the well-established determinants of political distrust (both populist constituencies), economic egalitarianism (leftist populist constituency) and ethnocentrism (rightist populist constituency). Surprisingly, support for protectionism does not mediate the relationship between economic egalitarianism and voting for left-wing populists, or the link between political distrust and voting for either left-wing or right-wing populist parties. In contrast, support for protectionism partly mediates the association between ethnocentrism and voting for right-wing populists. We discuss the largely independent role of protectionism in populist voting in relation to the cultural cleavage in politics and electoral competition, and also provide suggestions for future research.
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Uggla, Fredrik. "Incompetence, Alienation, or Calculation?" Comparative Political Studies 41, no. 8 (February 13, 2008): 1141–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414007301702.

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This article focuses on the casting of invalid ballots and voting for extra-parliamentary parties. Drawing on evidence from more than 200 elections in Western Europe, Australia, New Zealand, and the Americas during the 1980-2000 period, it tests how well four sets of factors serve as explanations for the extent of such behavior in parliamentary contests. The main finding is that the structure of political competition provides an important explanation for extra-parliamentary voting and, in particular, the number of invalid ballots. Thus, rather than being the unfortunate circumstances of an uninformed or incompetent electorate, these forms of voting, to a large extent, appear to reflect a political situation that offers voters little effective choice in the form of clear alternatives.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Voting – Europe, Western"

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Lubbers, Marcel. "Exclusionistic electorates : extreme right-wing voting in Western Europe /." [Netherlands] : ICS, Interuniversity center for social science theory and methodology, 2001. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb388640618.

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Johns, Jeremy. "Multi-level elections in Western Europe : determinants of voting and the role of salience." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/985.

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Previous comparative research into the determinants of voting using aggregate data has suffered from two limitations: it relied predominantly on country-level data; and it seldom ventured beyond a consideration of one or two types of elections. In order to overcome these shortcomings, we use an original dataset in which data are aggregated to sub-national units; and include examples of national, sub-national, and supra-national elections. A total of 66 elections between 1995 and 2008 are included, drawn from ten Western European countries: Belgium, England, Finland, France, Greece, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain, and Sweden. For each country, the same sub-national geographical units are used for all election types, allowing the direct comparison of the effects of our selected institutional and socio-demographic variables. We find that the effects of the institutional determinants of voting are substantially and systematically reduced as the salience of the election type increases. For the socio-demographic variables, no such systematic relationship with salience is found. However, for some variables, the direction of effect is the opposite for European Parliament elections to that found for Municipal and Lower House elections, and supports the idea that EP elections differ sufficiently from sub-national, second-order elections to justify their ‘third-order’ classification. When we turn our attention to the effects of the socio-demographic variables in five individual countries, we find that the results are often consistent across different types of elections, and for all five countries. However, we also find that the effects of some variables have different effects in different countries. In these cases, we suggest explanations which relate turnout differences to wider political and social factors.
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Saleemi, Asmara. "Electoral System Effects On Anti-muslim Sentiments In Western Europe." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2011. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc103386/.

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The purpose of this thesis is to answer the question, why is there a variation in anti-Muslim sentiments across Western Europe? There is existing literature on individual and country-level variable s to explain why prejudice exists, but this research examines the impact of political institutions on anti-Muslim sentiments. Based on new institutionalism theory, electoral systems can shape public attitudes by providing far-right parties a platform to put their concerns on the agenda, and these parties promote anti-Muslim popular sentiments. The results of this analysis support this argument in that the larger the average district magnitude in a country, the greater the anti-Muslim sentiments. The findings also show that an increase in far-right party vote-share also covaries with an increase in anti-Muslim sentiments.
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Martocchia, Diodati Nicola. "A biased model of elections : spatial voting and party competition in Western Europe (1995-2015)." Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/86216.

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Kim, Jia. "Anti-Immigrant Attitudes, Internet Use, and Radical Right Voting: A Cross-National Study in Eight Western European Countries." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/41587.

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This thesis seeks to challenge the dominant modes of conceiving the empirical link between citizens’ negative perceptions of immigrants and electoral support for Western European radical right parties, and in doing so, to offer a deeper understanding of the dynamics of radical right voting behavior based on an analysis of radical right parties’ online activities. Despite radical right parties' great popularity and important presence online, little scholarly attention has been paid to their activities in an online space. Accordingly, most empirical research on radical right voting behavior has been conducted in an offline context, ignoring the potential role the Internet plays in connecting radical right parties and voters. Building on Norris’s demand-supply framework, I consider the largely ignored factor, citizens' online activities, in my quantitative model and, ultimately, develop formal links between citizens’ anti-immigrant attitudes and electoral support for radical right parties conditional on their level of Internet usage. Thereby, I aim to provide an answer to the following research question: Does citizens’ Internet usage moderate the relationship between anti-immigrant attitudes and radical right voting? Using data from the 9th wave of the European Social Survey (ESS), I test whether voters' high level of Internet consumption strengthens the positive relationship between anti-immigrant attitudes and electoral support for radical right parties in eight Western European countries. The results show that my expectations are strongly supported at the cross-national level and partially confirmed at the national level by Belgium, Germany, and Italy. My findings hold promise for future work in designing more elaborate and practical voting models.
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Krebs, Sabrina. "Whom do we trust? : People’s Voting Behaviour and Trust in Western European Countries under the light of the Crisis of Democracy Discourse." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Engineering, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-14904.

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The debate about a possible crisis of democracy has been present over 30 years. Questionable is what researchers mean when talking about a potential crisis. What are the factors that are causing it? Are we in a crisis of democracy in Western European countries?The goal of this thesis is to evaluate how different authors characterize what some call a crisis of democracy, to define core topics and to test one of these on empirical data. This will be achieved by firstly, analyzing pieces of literature related to the scientific crisis of democracy debate. Secondly, using Hirschmann’s theory of exit and voice, mass data from will be categorized and analyzed under the light of participation and trust in political institutions.Issues that return are overload on government, individualism, participation and a new culture versus old structure. Analyzing people’s trust in political institutions depending on their intention to go to national elections shows trends: people lose trust in the institutions government, parliament and political parties. Separating the data into groups of potential voters, non-voters and blank voters shows that the latter two show a greater mistrust in political institutions and less interest in politics.Overall, the debate on a potential crisis of democracy is multifaceted and varies between different authors. People are less active in traditional ways of participating, but that does not mean that Western European democracies stand before collapse. It could however mean that new forms of participation are needed to engage people in politics again.

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ARES, Macarena. "A new working class? : a cross-national and a longitudinal approach to class voting in post-industrial societies." Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/49184.

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Defence date: 29 November 2017
Examining Board: Prof. Hanspeter Kriesi (Supervisor), European University Institute; Prof. Fabrizio Bernardi (Co-supervisor), European University Institute; Prof. Geoffrey Evans, Nuffield College, Oxford; Prof. Silja Häusermann, University of Zurich
Post-industrial transformations in the occupational structure and new patterns of class-party alignments have fueled the debate on the relevance of social class as a determinant of political preferences and behavior. Although the growth of the service sector is one of the distinctive traits of post-industrial economies, low-skilled service workers have received limited attention in recent research on class politics. This dissertation analyzes the political implications of class in post-industrial societies, focusing specifically on the comparison between low-skilled production and service workers. Through a two-step analysis of class voting, this dissertation studies, first, the association between class and issue preferences and, second, the relationship between class and electoral behavior. This approach to class voting also allows me to theorize and analyze potential moderators and mechanisms of the individual-level association between class and political outcomes. To study these different aspects of class voting both cross-sectionally and longitudinally this thesis relies on multiple datasets like the European Social Survey, the Chapel Hill Expert Survey and the British Household Panel Survey, and on different estimation methods like multi-level, conditional logistic and panel data regression models. The results of a systematic comparison of production and service workers indicate that the two classes constitute a rather homogeneous electoral constituency both in terms of preferences on cultural and economic issues, as well as in their likelihood of voting for different party families. Thus, these two groups could constitute a new working class, characterized by its economically left-wing but culturally authoritarian political preferences, but also by its higher levels of electoral abstention. Other than revealing the similarity between production and service workers, this dissertation also contributes to the literature on class voting by studying moderators and mechanisms of the individual-level relationship between class location and political preferences. The analyses indicate that the politicization of policy issues by parties or the length of class tenure moderate this relationship. Moreover, I also consider how vertical and horizontal class mobility throughout an individuals’ career relates to differences in policy preferences. For this purpose, I implement a longitudinal approach, which has been rather infrequent in studies of class voting. The conclusion of this dissertation discusses the implications of these findings for the political representation of the working class and for aggregate levels of class voting. Overall, and in clear contrast with the dealignment thesis, this dissertation indicates that class is still a relevant determinant of political preferences in post-industrial societies.
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ANDUIZA, PEREA Eva. "Individual and systemic determinants of electoral abstention in Western Europe." Doctoral thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5211.

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Defence date: 12 December 1997
Examining board: Stefano Bartolini (EUI, Supervisor) ; Prof. Cees van der EIjk (University of Amsterdam) ; Prof. José Ramón Montero (Juan March Institute) ; Prof. Yossi Shavit (University of Tel Aviv, Co-supervisor)
First made available online 12 October 2016
Este libro analiza las causas de la abstención electoral en el marco de las elecciones parlamentarias considerando simultáneamente las variables individuales y las características del sistema político y de la elección como factores explicativos. En primer lugar se explora la relación de los recursos socioeconómicos, la integración social y el compromiso político sobre la abstención. Para ello se analizan datos de sondeos post-electorales y Eurobarómetros procedentes de quince países de Europa occidental. En segundo lugar el análisis sistémico centra la atención en el efecto que los incentivos institucionales, los anclajes de los partidos políticos en la sociedad y las características de cada convocatoria electoral pueden tener sobre la variación de la tasa de abstención de estos países. Finalmente se analizan las posibles interacciones entre variables procedentes de los distintos niveles de observación, el individual y el sistémico. Según este tercer tipo de análisis no todos los electores tienen por qué ser igualmente sensibles al contexto político y electoral en el que viven. Mientras que para algunos las características del entorno son importantes a la hora de decidir entre votar o abstenerse, para otros estos elementos ejercen un impacto menor o incluso en un sentido diferente.
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Martins, Nuno Filipe Andrade. "Explaining mainstream-niche switching in the 2019 EP election: evidence from eight Western European countries." Master's thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/21035.

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Do voters who feel close to mainstream parties shift to niche parties in European Parliament elections when they perceive the latter to be the most competent? And to what extent do mainstream-voters switch to niche parties to signal the importance of niche issues, such as the environment and immigration? Using data from the 2019 European Election Study (EES) Voter Study, the present research aims at answering the aforementioned questions. The results demonstrate that perceiving a mismatch between a mainstream party one feel close to and a niche party one considers to be the best at handling the most important issue leads mainstream-voters to shift to niche parties in the European stage. Additionally, many electors switch to niche parties in European Parliament elections to signal the importance of niche issues - particularly, the environment and immigration - to mainstream parties.
Em que medida eleitores que se sentem próximos de partidos "mainstream" mudam o seu voto para partidos de nicho em eleições para o Parlamento Europeu quando os percecionam como mais competentes? E até que ponto eleitores de partidos "mainstream" votam em partidos de nicho para sinalizarem a importância de "issues" de nicho, como o ambiente e a imigração? Suportado em dados do European Election Study (2019) Voter Study, o presente trabalho visa responder a estas questões. Os resultados apresentam evidência de que reconhecer um "mismatch" entre o partido "mainstream" de que um indivíduo se sente mais próximo e o partido de nicho que considera mais competente leva eleitores de partidos "mainstream" a mudarem o seu voto para partidos de nicho no palco europeu. Adicionalmente, em eleições para o Parlamento Europeu, parte do eleitorado vota em partidos de nicho para sinalizar a importância de "issues" de nicho - em particular, ambiente e imigração - aos partidos "mainstream".
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Books on the topic "Voting – Europe, Western"

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The new voter in Western Europe: France and beyond. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.

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John, Kelly, ed. Parties, elections, and policy reforms in western Europe: Voting for social pacts. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, [England]: Routledge, 2010.

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Economics and elections: The major western democracies. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1988.

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Canada. Parliament. House of Commons. Bill: An act to amend the Dominion electio[ns] act by providing for use of Macdona[ld] voting machines instead of ballots. Ottawa: S.E. Dawson, 2003.

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Givens, Terri E. Voting Radical Right in Western Europe. Cambridge University Press, 2005.

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Givens, Terri E. Voting Radical Right in Western Europe. University of Cambridge ESOL Examinations, 2012.

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Givens, Terri E. Voting Radical Right in Western Europe. Cambridge University Press, 2005.

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Givens, Terri E. Voting Radical Right in Western Europe. Cambridge University Press, 2009.

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Givens, Terri E. Voting Radical Right in Western Europe. Cambridge University Press, 2006.

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Knutsen, Oddbjorn. Class Voting in Western Europe: A Comparative Longitudinal Study. Lexington Books/Fortress Academic, 2008.

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Book chapters on the topic "Voting – Europe, Western"

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Szulecki, Kacper, Marta Bivand Erdal, and Ben Stanley. "External Voting Patterns: CEE Migrants in Western Europe." In External Voting, 37–61. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19246-3_3.

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AbstractThis chapter compares external voting of CEE diasporas in Western Europe with voting patterns observed in those diasporas’ respective countries of origin. It focuses on electoral turnout, overall variation in support for parties, and variation in support for parties with respect to key ideological dimensions and issues. Using quantitative data on all parliamentary and presidential elections held in Bulgaria, Czechia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, and Poland, it analyzes the aggregate patterns of divergence and convergence between diaspora and origin-country electorates from the last pre-EU-accession election onward. The analysis shows that diaspora voters are less likely to turn out in elections, but that those who do vote make choices which are legible with respect to origin-country political dynamics and relatively consistent over time, with no evidence of divergence or convergence. The chapter concludes by identifying three important issues to be investigated at the individual level: the impact of election laws and infrastructure on propensity to participate in elections, the relative importance of migration experiences and socio-demographic factors in determining diaspora vote choices, and the impact of host-country society and politics on the behavior of diaspora voters.
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Pavlović, Vojislav. "Voting in the Western Balkans." In Contemporary Voting in Europe, 157–78. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-50964-2_8.

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Tiberj, Vincent, and Bruno Cautrès. "The Plurality of Voting Possibilities." In The New Voter in Western Europe, 57–77. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230119802_4.

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Sauger, Nicolas. "Electoral Agenda and Issue Voting." In The New Voter in Western Europe, 153–70. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230119802_8.

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Szulecki, Kacper, Marta Bivand Erdal, and Ben Stanley. "Emigration and Transnational Political Practices in Central and Eastern Europe After EU Enlargement 2004–2007." In External Voting, 21–36. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19246-3_2.

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AbstractAs the European Union expanded eastward in 2004 and 2007 to cover the formerly communist states of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), this triggered a wave of migration which saw millions of people moving to Western and Northern European countries. What impact did that migration have on the politics of CEE countries, and what might be the relationship between outward migration and the apparent democracy backsliding occurring in some parts of the region? This is the main puzzle of this book, which looks at the way external voting results can be used to assess migrant political preferences and their change over time, as well as their potential influence on domestic politics in sending countries. This chapter sketches the political context of CEE and introduces the data gathering procedure and methodology of the project on which the book draws.
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Grönlund, Kimmo. "Cyber Citizens: Mapping Internet Access and Digital Divides in Western Europe." In Electronic Voting and Democracy, 20–38. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230523531_2.

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Jeffery, Charlie, and Alia Middleton. "Germany: The Anatomy of Multilevel Voting." In Regional and National Elections in Western Europe, 106–25. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137025449_6.

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Bhatti, Yosef, and Sune Welling Hansen. "Denmark: The First Years of Regional Voting after Comprehensive Reform." In Regional and National Elections in Western Europe, 68–87. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137025449_4.

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Husbands, Christopher T. "Aggregate-data analyses of urban racist voting." In Reflections on the Extreme Right in Western Europe, 1990–2008, 224–44. 1 Edition. | New York : Routledge, 2020. | Series: Fascism and the far right: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429060076-9.

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Carrieri, Luca. "Voters and European Integration: The Demand-Side of Politics and EU Issue Voting in Western Europe." In The Impact of European Integration on West European Politics, 141–63. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48103-2_5.

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Reports on the topic "Voting – Europe, Western"

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Lucas, Brian. Lessons Learned about Political Inclusion of Refugees. Institute of Development Studies, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.114.

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Most refugees and other migrants have limited opportunities to participate in politics to inform and influence the policies that affect them daily; they have limited voting rights and generally lack effective alternative forms of representation such as consultative bodies (Solano & Huddleston, 2020a, p. 33). Political participation is ‘absent (or almost absent) from integration strategies’ in Eastern European countries, while refugees and other migrants in Western Europe do enjoy significant local voting rights, stronger consultative bodies, more funding for immigrant organisations and greater support from mainstream organisations (Solano & Huddleston, 2020a, p. 33).This rapid review seeks to find out what lessons have been learned about political inclusion of refugees, particularly in European countries.In general, there appears to be limited evidence about the effectiveness of attempts to support the political participation of migrants/refugees. ‘The engagement of refugees and asylum-seekers in the political activities of their host countries is highly understudied’ (Jacobi, 2021, p. 3) and ‘the effects that integration policies have on immigrants’ representation remains an under-explored field’ (Petrarca, 2015, p. 9). The evidence that is available often comes from sources that cover the entire population or ethnic minorities without specifically targeting refugees or migrants, are biased towards samples of immigrants who are long-established in the host country and may not be representative of immigrant populations, or focus only on voting behaviour and neglect other forms of political participation (Bilodeau, 2016, pp. 30–31). Statistical data on refugees and integration policy areas and indicators is often weak or absent (Hopkins, 2013, pp. 9, 28–32, 60). Data may not distinguish clearly among refugees and other types of migrants by immigration status, origin country, or length of stay in the host country; may not allow correlating data collected during different time periods with policies in place during those periods and preceding periods; and may fail to collect a range of relevant migrant-specific social and demographic characteristics (Bilgili et al., 2015, pp. 22–23; Hopkins, 2013, p. 28).
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