Relevant bibliographies by topics / Voting cultures

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Voting cultures'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 29 March 2025

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Journal articles on the topic "Voting cultures"

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Avgerou, Chrisanthi, Silvia Masiero, and Angeliki Poulymenakou. "Trusting e-voting amid experiences of electoral malpractice: The case of Indian elections." Journal of Information Technology 34, no. 3 (February 1, 2019): 263–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268396218816199.

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This article constructs explanatory theory on trust in e-voting, a term that refers to the use of stand-alone IT artefacts in voting stations. We study e-voting as a techno-organisational arrangement embedded in the process of elections and the broader socio-economic context of a country. Following a critical realist approach, we apply retroduction and retrodiction principles to build theory by complementing existing studies of e-voting with insights from an in-depth case study of elections in India. First, we seek evidence of trust in e-voting in the responses of the public to the announcement of election results. Then we derive the following four mechanisms of trust creation or loss: the association of e-voting with the production of positive democratic effects; the making of e-voting part of the mission and identity of electoral authorities; the cultivation of a positive public attitude to IT with policies for IT-driven socio-economic development; and, in countries with turbulent political cultures, a clear distinction between the experience of voting as orderly and experiences of malpractice in other election tasks. We suggest that these mechanisms explain the different experience with e-voting of different countries. Attention to them helps in assessing the potential of electoral technologies in countries that are currently adopting them, especially fragile democracies embarking upon e-voting.
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Rule, Nicholas O., Jonathan B. Freeman, Joseph M. Moran, John D. E. Gabrieli, Reginald B. Adams, and Nalini Ambady. "Voting behavior is reflected in amygdala response across cultures." Social Cognitive and Affective Neuroscience 5, no. 2-3 (December 5, 2009): 349–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/scan/nsp046.

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Jarvis, Sharon E., and Jay T. Jennings. "Republicans Should Vote: Partisan Conceptions of Electoral Participation in Campaign 2016." American Behavioral Scientist 61, no. 6 (May 2017): 633–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764217720481.

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Research has identified differences in partisan communication styles, cognitive processing, values, and cultures. This article assesses if there are also differences in how Democrats and Republicans conceive of electoral participation. We submitted 1,730 open-ended responses from a 2016 survey prompt soliciting thoughts and feelings about voting to computerized content analysis. Findings show that Republicans employed more confident and less negative language than Democrats in their responses. Additionally, a close read of the Republican statements reveals how they expressed that their electoral participation matters. Our conclusion addresses how the traditional ideals often associated with the Grand Old Party may make them a more duty-based constituency valuing voting more than their less conservative peers.
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Johnston, R. J. "The Neighbourhood Effect Revisited: Spatial Science or Political Regionalism?" Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 4, no. 1 (March 1986): 41–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d040041.

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The neighbourhood effect in voting studies is defined as the concentration of votes for a party in a place which is greater than expected. It is usually accounted for as the consequence of biased flows of relevant information through local social networks, and no reference is made to the role of political parties in the manipulation of those flows and networks. Such a role was referred to in pioneer geographical studies, but has largely been ignored since, apparently because it does not readily fit into the spatial science paradigm. It is argued that the agenda-setting role of parties and the importance of local organisation are crucial influences on voting patterns. Parties are embedded in local cultures and are involved in their creation.
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Enke, Benjamin. "Moral Boundaries." Annual Review of Economics 16, no. 1 (August 22, 2024): 133–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-economics-091223-093730.

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This article reviews the growing economics literature that studies the politico-economic impacts of heterogeneity in moral boundaries across individuals and cultures. The so-called universalism-versus-particularism cleavage has emerged as a main organizing principle behind various salient features of contemporary political competition, including individual-level and spatial variation in voting, the realignment of rich liberals and poor conservatives, the internal structure of ideology, and the moral content of political messaging. A recurring theme is that the explanatory power of universalism for left-wing policy views and voting is considerably larger than that of traditional economic variables. Looking at the origins of heterogeneity in universalism, an emerging consensus is that cross-group variation is partly economically functional and reflects that morality evolved to support cooperation in economic production. This insight organizes much work on how kinship systems, market exposure, political institutions, and ecology have shaped universalism through their impacts on the relative benefits of localized and impersonal interactions.
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Murwani, Endah, Evlyn Genki, Nathanael Dewa, and Stephanie Adita. "Participatory Culture Fans Of Boyband Exo On Social Media Instagram." JCommsci - Journal of Media and Communication Science 6, no. 1 (January 31, 2023): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.29303/jcommsci.v6i1.201.

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Phenomenon Hallyu that has become endemic in several countries does offer its own entertainment. Talking about K-Pop, it's always an interesting thing to discuss considering its significant development. The love of fans for their idols makes whatever the latest news about idols is spread on social media will always be monitored at any time regardless of the time. .This study aims to find out how the behavior patterns of fans of boyband EXO, commonly known as EXO-L, on the @WowFaktaEXO Instagram page This study uses a qualitative research with descriptive nature and data collection of observations and interviews. The data analysis method used is virtual ethnography. This study uses the concept of participatory cultures which is illustrated through four participatory cultures, namely: affiliation, expression, collaborative problem solving, and circulation. The results showed that fans joined the Exo-L community such as making fan videos, reading fan fiction stories, participating in anniversary projects, mass voting or streaming and circulating in the fan community.
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Woods-Hill, Charlotte, Danielle Koontz, Annie Voskertchian, Marlene Miller, James Fackler, Judy Shea, and Aaron Michael Milstone. "Bright STAR Collaborative Consensus Guidelines for Blood Culture Use in Critically Ill Children." Infection Control & Hospital Epidemiology 41, S1 (October 2020): s22—s23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ice.2020.499.

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Background: Blood cultures are essential diagnostic tools used to identify bloodstream infections and to guide antimicrobial therapy. However, collecting cultures without clear indications or that do not inform management can lead to false-positive results and unnecessary use of antibiotics. Blood culture practices vary significantly in critically ill children. Our objective was to create a consensus guideline focusing on when to safely avoid blood cultures in pediatric intensive care unit (PICU) patients. Methods: A panel of multidisciplinary experts, many participating in the Blood Culture Improvement Guidelines and Diagnostic Stewardship for Antibiotic Reduction in Critically Ill Children (Bright STAR) Collaborative, engaged in a 2-part modified Delphi process. Round 1 consisted of a preparatory literature summary and an electronic survey sent to subject matter experts (SMEs). In the survey, SMEs rated a series of recommendations about when to avoid blood cultures on a 5-point Likert scale, 1 being the lowest score and 5 being the highest score. Consensus was achieved for each recommendation if 75% of respondents chose a score of 4 or 5, and these were included in the final guideline. Any recommendations that did not meet these a priori criteria for consensus were set aside for discussion during the in-person expert panel review (round 2). An outside expert in consensus methodology facilitated round 2. After a review of the survey results and comments from round 1 and group discussion, the SMEs voted on these recommendations in real time. Voting was blinded. Participants included Bright STAR site leads, national content experts, and representatives from relevant national societies. Results: We received 29 completed surveys from 34 invited participants for an 85% response rate. Of the 27 round 1 recommendations, 18 met predetermined criteria for consensus. Round 2 included 26 in-person voting participants who (1) discussed and modified the 9 recommendations that had not met round 1 consensus, and (2) modified for clarity or condensed from multiple into single recommendations the 18 recommendations that had met the round 1 consensus. The final document contains 19 recommendations that provide guidance on how to safely improve blood culture use in PICU patients (Table 1). Also, 8 recommendations discussed did not reach consensus for inclusion. Conclusions: Using a modified Delphi process, we created consensus recommendations on when to avoid blood cultures and prevent overuse in critically ill children. These guidelines are a critical step in disseminating diagnostic stewardship and reducing unnecessary testing on a wider scale.Funding: Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality, R18 HS025642-01, 9/2017 – 9/2020 (Aaron Milstone, PI)Disclosures: None
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Zaborowski, Marcin. "Postal ballot in unconsolidated democracy: Poland's case." Transforming Government: People, Process and Policy 15, no. 3 (May 18, 2021): 360–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/tg-09-2020-0278.

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Purpose As the democratic world debates and in some cases replaces physical voting with postal ballots and on-line voting, it is important to refrain from advocating a generic approach to the issue and in particular to distinguish between consolidated and unconsolidated democracies. Design/methodology/approach The paper argues that unconsolidated democracies are not fit for the introduction of non-physical (postal ballot and on-line) voting methods, which rather than broadening the scope of democracy may in actual fact be derailing it. The key reason for this distinction is the lack of political consensus for constitutional rules, the weakness of the rule of law and persistence of parochial and subject-based political cultures in many countries of the region, including Poland. Findings Replacing physical voting with postal ballot, attempted during Presidential elections in the summer 2020 in Poland, eventually failed and was replaced with conventional physical vote. However, the Polish case demonstrates that in the system with weak checks and balances, postal ballot could be used to consolidate illiberalism not democracy. Research limitations/implications The paper demonstrates that further research on defining consolidated and unconsolidated democracy is needed. In particular there is a need to factor in the research on political culture into the definitions of democratic consolidation. Practical implications EU membership for Poland and some other Central European states – such as Hungary – failed to prompt the process of democratic consolidation. In fact the opposite happened as the impact of EU conditionality lost relevance. It is important that any change of electoral law in Poland and other rule of law violators in the region is viewed with great care and scrutiny. Originality/value The paper’s conceptual approach rests on the definition of consolidated democracy as put forward by Przeworski (1991) and developed by Linz and Stepan (1996). According to these definitions, Poland is not yet a consolidated democracy and as argued in the paper, it has actually experienced an expansion of illiberalism in recent years. The paper also posits that the concept of “consolidated democracy” should be augmented to include the existence of civic political culture as a necessary condition for the maintenance of a healthy democracy.
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Adriaenssens, Philippe. "Rapprochement between the EU and the UN: History and Balance of Intersecting Political Cultures." European Foreign Affairs Review 13, Issue 1 (February 1, 2008): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2008003.

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Abstract. This article elucidates how the affiliation between the EU and the UN occurred historically and depicts a potential roadmap of how regional entities can affirm themselves in a globalized world. It endeavours to draw up a balance sheet of failed commitments and positive outcomes while pointing to how both organizations influenced the other’s political culture. This contribution takes a very empirical approach and draws on neo-functionalist and constructivist theories in order to demonstrate that the ever closer cooperation among the Europeans within the UN structure has triggered EU regional collaboration with the UN organization. The study argues that the frequent consultations in New York resulted in common EC/EU Presidency statements (section II) and a higher voting consensus (section III). Both multilateral organizations eventually forged various practices of collaboration (section IV) and established a permanent regional–global dialogue (section V). The conclusion calls the history of the convergence a process of cross-pollination and it develops the concept of ‘UNization’, in addition to the existing concept of ‘Europeanization’. The ever stronger partnership shows great promise in tackling contemporary challenges, on the condition that the EU does not fail to proceed with institutional updates.
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Davoodian, Ehsan. "Position of Citizenship Rights in Criminal Procedure Law Enacted on 2014." Journal of Politics and Law 9, no. 6 (July 31, 2016): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v9n6p171.

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Citizenship rights is a legal term which has several definitions in diverse social and ideological schools; in some cultures its political and social aspects are emphasized more and terms such as nationality and voting right are mentioned and there is no theoretical agreement on it. But generally it can be said that citizenship rights are a collection of legislations and laws intended to protect human personality and dignity in all judicial-political and social fields and a citizen enjoys citizenship rights through living in a special geographical region and by virtue of the relationship existing between he/she and the ruling government. Based on this approach citizenship rights branching out the basic laws of every country, lay a responsibility upon both the citizen and the government and are also entry into force and performance guaranteed such as observing privacy, environment protection and so on.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Voting cultures"

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Ormiere, Lucas. "Le rapport au vote des cohortes nées et socialisées en démocratie en Espagne : de nouvelles cultures du vote ?" Electronic Thesis or Diss., Bordeaux, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024BORD0366.

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Cette thèse propose d’étudier le rapport au vote en Espagne des cohortes nées et socialisées en démocratie, pour les comparer avec leurs ainés. En effet, la littérature existante n’a pas interrogé les différences de culture électorale qui existeraient entre ces « nouveaux venus », les générations de la Transition et les plus âgées. Trop rarement, il s’est agi d’une analyse par l’âge et non par les cohortes et l’approche longitudinale. Pourtant, la recherche internationale pointe la responsabilité des nouvelles générations dans le déclin de la participation électorale dans les démocraties occidentales (Blais et al., 2004 ; Blais & Rubenson, 2013). L’Espagne fait pourtant exception, car, contrairement à ces dernières, la participation lors des élections de premier-ordre n’y a presque pas décliné. C’est un paradoxe car on aurait pu postuler que ces « générations critiques » (Lorente & García-Albacete, 2019, 2021), moins croyantes et précarisées durant la crise de 2008, auraient dû encore plus s’abstenir que leurs homologues des autres pays. Cette thèse propose de résoudre cette énigme en utilisant des méthodes mixtes. En premier lieu, nous réalisons une étude longitudinale grâce aux enquêtes post-électorales du Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas de 1979 à 2024. Plusieurs aspects des « cultures du vote » des cohortes sont analysés : 1.) les inégalités inter et intragénérationnelles lors des élections générales et de second-ordre (les européennes et les référendums nationaux) depuis 1979. 2.) la perception du vote comme « un devoir civique » de 1980 à 2019, l’acceptabilité de l’abstention (en 1990 et 2005), et les habitudes de vote déclarées de « manière générale », et en fonction du type d’élection. Plusieurs régressions logistiques et des modèles généraux additionnels mixtes sont utilisés pour distinguer les effets d’âge, de période et de cohorte, « nœud gordien » des méthodes APC (Bell, 2020). Puis, pour approfondir les résultats de l’analyse quantitative, nous avons interrogé les représentations du vote de membres des différentes cohortes, à travers une campagne de 46 entretiens semi-directifs. Ces cohortes nées et socialisées en démocratie développent une culture du vote différente de leurs ainés socialisés durant la Transition, le franquisme et la Guerre Civile. Leur participation reste importante lors des élections générales, et est plus forte que les nouvelles générations d’autres démocraties occidentales. La crise de 2008 a abouti à une forte politisation. Cependant, leur vote est plus irrégulier et fluctue en fonction de l'intensité des campagnes électorales. Leur abstention devient plus répandue lors des élections de second-ordre. De plus, les inégalités intragénérationnelles en fonction du niveau d’études et de la classe sociale sont bien plus fortes en leur sein que dans les générations d’avant. Ces résultats s’expliquent aussi par l’individuation de leur rapport au vote, déjà observé dans d’autres pays. Ces cohortes, en particulier ses membres les plus intéressés par la politique et les plus diplômés, s’inscrivent pleinement dans une citoyenneté du vote de « droit » qui s’éloigne de la citoyenneté du « devoir » des cohortes socialisées sous la Transition et le franquisme. Ces résultats soulignent l’importance du rôle des partis politiques et des médias pour mobiliser ces « nouveaux » citoyens dans les urnes, dont les représentations et les attentes envers le vote sont différentes des autres générations
This thesis proposes to study the relationship to voting in Spain of cohorts born and socialised in a democracy, in order to compare them with their elders. The existing literature has not examined the differences of electoral cultures between these ‘newcomers’, the generations of the Transition and the older generations. All too rarely, the analysis has been based on age rather than cohorts and a longitudinal approach. Yet international research points to the responsibility of the younger generations in the decline of electoral participation in Western democracies (Blais et al., 2004; Blais & Rubenson, 2013). Spain is an exception, however, because unlike the other democracies, voter turnout in first-order elections has hardly declined at all. This is paradoxical, since it could have been postulated that these ‘critical generations’ (Lorente & García-Albacete, 2019, 2021), who were less religious and less secure during the Great Recession, should have abstained even more than their counterparts in other countries. This thesis proposes to solve this conundrum using mixed methods. Firstly, we carry out a longitudinal study using post-election surveys conducted by the Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas between 1979 and 2024. Several aspects of the cohorts' “voting cultures” are analysed: 1.) inter- and intra-generational inequalities in general and second-order elections (European elections and national referendums) since 1979; 2.) the perception of voting as a “civic duty” from 1980 to 2019, the acceptability of abstention (in 1990 and 2005), and declared voting habits “in general” and according to the type of election. Several logistic regressions and additional general mixed models (GAMMs) are used to distinguish age, period and cohort effects, the ‘Gordian knot’ of APC methods (Bell, 2020). Then, to expand on the results of the quantitative analysis, we questioned the voting perceptions of members of the various cohorts, through a campaign of 46 semi-structured interviews. These cohorts, born and socialised in a democracy, have developed a different voting culture to their elders, who were socialised during the Transition, Francoism and the Civil War. Their turnout remains high at general elections, and is higher than that of new generations in other Western democracies. The Great Recession has led to a high degree of politicisation. However, their voting is more irregular and fluctuates according to the intensity of election campaigns and the type of elections. Their abstention becomes more widespread during second-order elections. What's more, intra-generational inequalities based on educational level and social class are much greater among them than in previous generations. These results can also be explained by the individualisation of their voting behaviour, which has already been observed in other countries. These cohorts, particularly those most interested in politics and with the highest levels of education, are fully committed to a citizenship of ‘right’ voting, which is a far cry from the citizenship of ‘duty’ of the cohorts socialised under the Transition and Franco. These results underline the importance of the role of political parties and the media in mobilising these ‘new’ citizens to vote, whose representations and expectations of voting are different from those of other generations
Esta tesis se propone estudiar la relación con el voto en España de las cohortes nacidas y socializadas en democracia, para compararlas con sus mayores. La literatura existente no ha examinado las diferencias de cultura electoral entre estos «recién llegados», las generaciones de la Transición y las generaciones mayores. En muy pocas ocasiones, el análisis se ha basado en el ciclo vital y no en las cohortes y con un enfoque longitudinal. Sin embargo, las investigaciones internacionales apuntan a la responsabilidad de las nuevas generaciones en el declive de la participación electoral en las democracias occidentales (Blais et al., 2004; Blais y Rubenson, 2013). Sin embargo, España es una excepción porque, a diferencia de las demás democracias, la participación electoral en las elecciones de primer orden apenas ha disminuido. Esto resulta paradójico, ya que podría haberse postulado que estas «generaciones críticas» (Lorente & García-Albacete, 2019, 2021), menos religiosas y precarizadas durante la crisis de 2008, deberían haberse abstenido aún más que sus homólogas de otros países. Esta tesis propone resolver este enigma utilizando métodos mixtos. En primer lugar, llevamos a cabo un estudio longitudinal utilizando encuestas postelectorales realizadas por el Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas entre 1979 y 2024. Se analizan varios aspectos de las «culturas de voto» de las cohortes: 1.) las desigualdades intergeneracionales e intrageneracionales en las elecciones generales y de segundo orden (elecciones europeas y referendos nacionales) desde 1979; 2.) la percepción del voto como un «deber cívico» desde 1980 hasta 2019, la aceptabilidad de la abstención (en 1990 y 2005), y los hábitos de voto declarados «en general» y según el tipo de elección. Se utilizan varias regresiones logísticas y modelos generales mixtos adicionales para distinguir los efectos de edad, periodo y cohorte, el «nudo gordiano» de los métodos APC (Bell, 2020). A continuación, para ahondar los resultados del análisis cuantitativo, interrogamos las percepciones de voto de los miembros de las distintas cohortes, a través de una campaña de 46 entrevistas semiestructuradas. Estas cohortes, que nacieron y se socializaron en democracia, desarrollaron una cultura de voto diferente a la de sus mayores que se socializaron durante la Transición, el franquismo y la Guerra Civil. Su participación sigue siendo alta en las elecciones generales, y es superior a la de las nuevas generaciones en otras democracias occidentales. La crisis de 2008 ha provocado un alto grado de politización entre estas cohortes. Sin embargo, su voto es más irregular y fluctúa en función de la intensidad de las campañas electorales y del tipo de elecciones. Su abstención está cada vez más extendida en las elecciones de segundo orden. Además, las desigualdades intrageneracionales basadas en el nivel educativo y la clase social son mucho mayores entre ellos que en las generaciones anteriores. Estos resultados también pueden explicarse por la individualización de su comportamiento electoral, que ya se ha observado en otros países. Estas cohortes, en particular las más interesadas en la política y con los niveles de educación más elevados, están plenamente comprometidas con una ciudadanía del «derecho» a votar, que dista mucho de la ciudadanía del «deber» de las cohortes socializadas bajo la Transición y el franquismo. Estos resultados subrayan la importancia del papel de los partidos políticos y de los medios de comunicación a la hora de movilizar a votar a estos «nuevos» ciudadanos, cuyas representaciones y expectativas del voto son diferentes de las de otras generaciones
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Blevins, Laura Lynn Lee. "Collectively Voting One's Culture." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/92700.

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This thesis considers theoretically the institutional nature of culture and its strength as a determinant of political behavior in Southwest Virginia. Beginning with a description of the geography of Southwest Virginia and the demographics of the region's inhabitants, the thesis proceeds to outline the cultural nuances of the region that make it ripe for misunderstanding by the outside world when attempting to explain the cognitive dissonance between voting behavior and regional needs. Then the thesis explores how the culture of the region serves as its own institution that protects itself from outside forces. This phenomenon is explained through an outline of the man-made institutions which have been forged to ensure long-term political power that itself protects the institution of regional culture. Further evidence is presented through voting and demographic data that solidifies the role of culture in determining political behavior.
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Evans, Janet Lynn. ""We'll take care of the counting*": A cultural, rhetorical and critical analysis of electronic voting technology." Connect to online resource, 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3273667.

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Wood, Jason A. "More Than a Feeling: Measuring the Impact of Affect and Socio-Cultural Differences on Vote Choice." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1307321687.

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Coil, William Russell. "Mayoral politics and new deal political culture: James Rhodes and the African-American voting bloc in Columbus, Ohio, 1943-1951." The Ohio State University, 1996. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1399627321.

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Seror, Avner. "Essays on Political Economy and Cultural Evolution." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH028/document.

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Cette dissertation est composée de trois articles traitant de sujets divers. Le premier développe une théorie sur la transmission de normes culturelles. Le second article traite de l'évolution des doctrines religieuses dans une économie productive. Enfin, le dernier article de cette dissertation est un travail joint avec Thierry Verdier. L'article propose une nouvelle approche des élections impliquant un nombre arbitraire de candidats. Cette problématique de recherche est importante non seulement quant à sa complexité théorique, mais aussi parce qu'elle permet d'étudier relativement simplement la structure des marchés politiques.Le premier article présente une théorie sur le développement de l'enfant et les pratiques parentales. Dans le modèle, un parent cherche à transmettre des normes comportementales à son enfant en lui envoyant des signaux, que l'enfant observe de manière imparfaite. L'enfant peut cependant augmenter la qualité des signaux qu'il reçoit en investissant dans l'acquisition de compétences cognitives.Nous établissons que les styles parentaux autoritaires ou permissifs décroissent l'accumulation de compétences cognitives. De plus, puisque les interactions entre parents et enfants visent à transmettre des normes comportementales, l'enfant développe un capital d'appréciation pour le développement de compétences cognitives.Notre perspective culturelle sur la question du développement cognitif fournit une grille d'interprétation utile pour divers résultats établis dans la littérature empirique sur le développement de l'enfant.Le second article propose une théorie de la prohibition religieuse contre l'usure et l'innovation et ses conséquences sur les activités et les occupations économiques.Comme une interdiction économique provenant de la religion majoritaire est soutenue par un risque d'exclusion sociale de ce groupe culturel, elle a moins d'effets sur les minorités religieuses. Cela implique que seules les minorités religieuses choisissent des activités qui vont à l'encontre de la prohibition à l'équilibre.Dans le dernier article, nous présentons une théorie micro-fondée de la concurrence politique à plusieurs candidats prenant une perspective ``d'organisation industrielle" de la politique. Nous présentons d'abord un modèle de vote aléatoire qui utilise des distributions introduites par le mathématicien français Maurice Fréchet et qui portent son nom. Ces distributions permettent d'exprimer les parts de vote des différents candidats comme des ``contest functions'', ce qui permet d'établir un théorème d'existence et d'unicité d'un équilibre des stratégies politiques dans des élections impliquant un nombre arbitraire de candidats.Le cadre analytique s'avère suffisamment souple pour traiter plusieurs applications sur des thèmes liés à la structure endogène des marchés politiques. Nous montrons en particulier que le degré d'information des électeurs sur les plateformes ainsi que les campagnes médiatiques impliquent un degré de fragmentation politique plus faible
The first chapter of this dissertation presents a theory of child development and parental rearingpractices. In the model, a benevolent parent seeks to transmit cultural norms to her child, whoacquires cognitive skills and develops a capital of appreciation for adopting behaviors that accordwith these norms. Our cultural perspective on the issue of cognitive development provides aninterpretation grid for various results established in the empirical literature. It also permits to identifythe parental characteristics that are conducive to various parenting styles, to child neglect and tochild maltreatment.The second chapter provides a theory of religious prohibition against usury and innovation and itsconsequences on economic activities and occupations. As an economic prohibition from themajority religion is sustained by a threat of social exclusion from that cultural group, it has lesseffects on religious minorities. It then creates an occupational pattern where only the religiousminorities choose activities that transgress the prohibition. By creating resentment against thereligious minorities, this occupational pattern strengthens the diffusion of the majority religion in thepopulation. An economic prohibition is then instigated by the clerics in the majority religion,because it allows them to consolidate their norms and to increase the scope of their control overpopular masses. This work also demonstrates that an economic prohibition lasts longer whenreligious clerics can legitimize secular rulers and when the competition on the religious market isweaker.In the last chapter, we present a microfounded theory of multi-candidate political competition takingan "industrial organization" perspective of politics. The analytical framework is shown to be exibleenough to address several applications on the topics of special interest politics, coalition formationin the legislature in proportional elections, and redistribution under alternative electoral rules
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McCarty, Matthew M. "Votive stelae, religion and cultural change in Africa proconsularis and numidia 200 BC-AD 300." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.522769.

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Enelo, Jan-Magnus. "Klass, åsikt och partisympati : det svenska konsumtionsfältet för politiska åsikter." Doctoral thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-26825.

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The aim of this thesis is to study political opinions and party voting in relation to class. The range of opinions studied consists of a socioeconomic dimension, dealing with issues of economic equality, and a socio-cultural dimension, dealing with questions of culture and morality. Following Pierre Bourdieu, the object of the study is conceptualised as a field of consumption of political opinions consisting of a space of political opinions or stances, a space of political party preferences, and a space of social positions or opinion holders defined by (among other things) their cultural and economic capital. The field of consumption is examined through multiple correspondence analysis and Euclidean classification. Overall, the field of consumption of political opinions is found to be relatively homologous to the social space. The field of consumption is found to be a two-dimensional space, with one dimension separating left-wing from rightwing opinions and the second distinguishing between socio economic and socio- cultural opinions. The tendency to vote left wing and to have left-leaning socio-economic opinions corresponds to a low total volume of capital and possessions dominated by cultural capital, whereas the tendency to vote right wing and to have right-leaning socio-economic opinions corresponds to a high total volume of capital. Liberal socio-cultural opinions correspond to a high level of possession cultural capital (and its relative weight in the structure of the total possession of capital), whereas the opposite is true for conservative opinions. Furthermore, the socio-cultural dimension is found to harbour two different aspects: liberalism or conservatism with regard to traditional morality and liberalism or conservatism with regard to the idea of a national culture. This thesis also studies how individuals tend to combine opinions from the two dimensions into tangible constellations of opinions.
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Camara, Samba. "Sufism and Politics among Senegalese Immigrants in Columbus, Ohio: Ndigel and the Voting Preferences of a Transnational Community." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1366973242.

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Dunlap, Sara J. "Gender consciousness and sophistication in the American electorate." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1061294081.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.
Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains x, 139 p.; also includes graphics. Includes abstract and vita. Advisor: Herbert F. Weisberg, Dept. of Political Science. Includes bibliographical references (p. 135-139).
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Books on the topic "Voting cultures"

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Peter, Pels, Bertrand Romain, Briquet Jean-Louis, and Fondation nationale des sciences politiques. Centre d'études et de recherches internationales., eds. Cultures of voting: The hidden history of the secret ballot. London: Hurst in association with the Centre d'Etudes et de Recherches Internationales, Paris, 2007.

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Obshchestvennai︠a︡ akademii︠a︡ "Shag v budushchee.", ed. Shtrikhi k sot︠s︡ialʹno-politicheskomu portretu izbirateleĭ g. I︠A︡kutska: Sot︠s︡iologicheskoe issledovanie. I︠A︡kutsk: Shag v budushchee, 2001.

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editor, Ruiz-Rodríguez Leticia M., and Maldonado Hernández Gerardo editor, eds. El votante dominicano: Ciudadanos e elecciones en la República Dominicana. Santo Domingo, República Dominicana: Editorial Funglode, Fundación Global Democracia y Desarrollo, 2017.

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Catterberg, Edgardo. Argentina confronts politics: Political culture and public opinion in the Argentine transition to democracy. Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1991.

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Cwalina, Wojciech. A cross-cultural theory of voter behavior. New York: Haworth Press, 2008.

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Chinni, Dante. Our patchwork nation: The 12 distinct types of communities that make up America (and what they can teach us). New York: Gotham Books, 2010.

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Chinni, Dante. Our patchwork nation: The surprising truth about the "Real" America. New York: Gotham Books, 2010.

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Richard, Gunther, Puhle Hans-Jurgen, and Montero Jose R. 1948-, eds. Democracy, intermediation, and voting on four continents. Oxford , UK: Oxford University Press, 2007.

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Ma, Reniu Vilamala Josep, Barrat Jordi, and Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials., eds. E-voting: The last electoral revolution. Barcelona: Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials, 2008.

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Cervellati, Matteo. The social contract with endogenous sentiments. Bonn, Germany: IZA, 2006.

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Book chapters on the topic "Voting cultures"

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Devonis, David C. "Rights, Citizenship, and Voting." In Exploring Cross-Cultural Psychology, 135–36. 2nd ed. New York: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003300380-59.

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Magelinski, Thomas, and Kathleen M. Carley. "Legislative Voting Dynamics in Ukraine." In Social, Cultural, and Behavioral Modeling, 82–88. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-93372-6_10.

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Bull, Anna. "Class, Gender and Voting in Italy." In Why Europe? Problems of Culture and Identity, 173–94. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230596641_10.

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Jacobs, Fredrika. "Infirmity in Votive Culture." In Representing Infirmity, 191–212. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York : Routledge, 2021. | Series: The body in the city: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003032885-13.

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Petrakis, Panagiotis E., Kyriaki I. Kafka, Pantelis C. Kostis, and Dionysis G. Valsamis. "Voting Intention, Rationalism, Welfare State and Happiness." In Greek Culture After the Financial Crisis and the Covid-19 Crisis, 139–50. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81018-4_9.

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Levi, Asher, and Osnat Mokryn. "The Social Aspect of Voting for Useful Reviews." In Social Computing, Behavioral-Cultural Modeling and Prediction, 293–300. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-05579-4_36.

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Pérez, Toni, Juan Fernández-Gracia, Jose J. Ramasco, and Víctor M. Eguíluz. "Persistence in Voting Behavior: Stronghold Dynamics in Elections." In Social Computing, Behavioral-Cultural Modeling, and Prediction, 173–81. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-16268-3_18.

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“Tina” Lee, Seunghyun, Yilin Elaine Liu, Ljilja Ruzic Kascak, and Jon A. Sanford. "A Universal Ballot to Enable Voting for All." In Universal Access in Human-Computer Interaction. Access to the Human Environment and Culture, 204–14. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-20687-5_20.

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Lesińska, Magdalena, and Izabela Wróbel. "Diaspora Policies, Consular Services and Social Protection for Polish Citizens Abroad." In IMISCOE Research Series, 369–85. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51245-3_22.

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Abstract This chapter is devoted to case of Polish diaspora and current diaspora policies and social protection of Poles abroad. The first part presents the general overview of Polish diaspora and its diversification. The second part describes the institutional framework, general strategy and concrete activities the Polish state offers its citizens and persons of Polish origin residing abroad, such as voting rights, repatriation and return, and education. The main part of the chapter focuses on diaspora policies and social protection activities in five areas: unemployment, health care, pensions, family benefits and guaranteed minimum resources. Overall, we show that the main goal of Polish diaspora policies is to consolidate the diversified and dispersed Polish communities abroad and strengthen the cultural links with the country of origin. The priority of diaspora policies is thus to maintain national identity and promotion of Polish language and culture among Poles residing in other countries.
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Martorana, Marco Ferdinando, and Isidoro Mazza. "The Effect of Social Interaction and Cultural Consumption on Voting Turnout." In Power and Responsibility, 331–43. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-23015-8_18.

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Conference papers on the topic "Voting cultures"

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Haydaroğlu, Ceyhun. "Political Economy of Russia’s Voting Power on Eurasian Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00635.

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The relationship between economy and politics shows itself explicitly while governments are determining and implementing national and international economic policies. In democratic societies voting power, which means that economical and political units uses against one another in decision making mechanisms, shapes stability and/or unstability. It can be explained that a government, which is structured by the sovereignty of a single party in a parlament, has a monopoly power. Putin, has an important voting power in both The Council of The Federation and State Duma. The confidence through this voting power, while national economic and political equlibrium is provided, in international context, stable and strong policies are followed. Russia, increases the pressure and makes its economical and political power apperant on the eurasian countries, especially which were under its’ authority before. In this context Russia’s voting power calculated seperately for all election periods by Normalized Banzhaf Index. According to this, the effect of today’s Russia’s dominance on the Eurasian countries has been analyzed within the boundaries of political economics dicipline. In consequence of the analysis; it is indicated that, there is a linear relationship between the Russia’s voting power and economical stability, and Russia’s efficieny on the eurasian countries gradually increases. The most important feature of this study, which makes it differentiated form others, is making political economy of Russia’s efficiency on the eurasian countries within the context of political economics literatüre by the voting power perspective, besides cultural, historical and social factors.
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Bouveret, Sylvain, Yann Chevaleyre, François Durand, and Jérôme Lang. "Voting by sequential elimination with few voters." In Twenty-Sixth International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2017/19.

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We define a new class of low-communication voting rules, tailored for contexts with few voters and possibly many candidates. These rules are defined by a predefined sequence of voters: at each stage, the designated voter eliminates a candidate, and the last remaining candidate wins. We study both deterministic (non-anonymous) variants, and randomized (and anonymous) versions of these rules. We focus on a subfamily of these rules defined by ``non-interleaved'' sequences. We first focus on the axiomatic properties of our rules. Then we focus on the identification of the non-interleaved sequence that gives the best approximation of the Borda score under the impartial culture. Finally, we apply our rules to randomly generated data. Our conclusion is that, in contexts where there are more candidates than voters, elimination-based rules allow for a very low communication complexity (and especially, avoid asking voters to rank alternatives), and yet can be good approximations of common voting rules, while enjoying a number of good properties.
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Chemakin, Anton. "Elections to City Councils of the Terek-Dagestan Territory (Summer – Fall 1919): Electoral System, Voting Behavior of the Local People, Election Results." In Communication and Cultural Studies: History and Modernity. Novosibirsk State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/978-5-4437-1280-2-96-103.

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Asrinaldi, Asrinaldi, Andri Rusta, and Ilham Azre. "The Problem of Attitude’s Consistency and Voting Behavior for the People of West Sumatra towards Female Regional Head Candidates in Regional Elections." In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Gender, Culture and Society, ICGCS 2021, 30-31 August 2021, Padang, Indonesia. EAI, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.30-8-2021.2316408.

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"Neutron Imaging, a Key Scientific Analytical Tool for the Cultural Heritage Project at ANSTO - Investigation of Egyptian Votive Mummies." In Neutron Radiography. Materials Research Forum LLC, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.21741/9781644900574-40.

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Vlasceanu, Giorgiana violeta, Costin anton Boiangiu, Razvan adrian Deaconescu, Marcel Prodan, Cristian Avatavului, Razvan Rughinis, and Irina Mocanu. "DESIGNING A DOCUMENT IMAGE ANALYSIS SYSTEM ON 3 AXIS: EDUCATION, RESEARCH AND PERFORMANCE." In eLSE 2019. Carol I National Defence University Publishing House, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-19-027.

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Technology advances to make life easier for people. We tend to surround us with devices as small as possible and with the highest computing power. The need for data access from everywhere is an important detail. As a consequence, digital documents have been gaining ground on printed ones and for some sectors, the latter were even replaced. The need and the obligation to preserve the written cultural heritage, represented by books and valuable documents, some of them rare and even unique, forced us to imagine a system that protects the patrimony but makes it also accessible. In order to make books easily available to the public and at the lowest possible risk for the protection of the originals, we came to the idea of designing and creating an efficient digitization system of these records. The current article presents the proposed architecture of a Document Image Analysis System that will process the information with individual modules for each type of operation. The main scope for such tool is to recognize information from the documents and extract them for electronic use. The flow of operations are indicated by user, some steps can be eliminated depending on the user's desire and needs. In order to design an efficient Document Image Analysis System, we need a 3 axis approach: Education - involving students that can receive tasks for replacing modules and validating their homework, Research - performing various tests and Performance - testing the module interconnection and enabling the system to be extremely configurable. No matter what axis is considered, the main scope is the flexibility of the system - performed by individual modules as physical binaries or collection of binaries that are linked via scripts. Each module is designed to accomplish a certain major task by executing several sub-tasks whose results, in most cases, are subject to an intelligent voting process that produces the module's output data.
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Клемешова, М. Е. "The complex of hand-made pottery from the watch-tower Kazan II near Uzunlar earth bank (morphology and technological analysis)." In Древности Боспора. Crossref, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.25681/iaras.2018.978-5-94375-250-6.90-108.

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The paper presents the description of hand-made pottery from the excavation of the watch-tower Kazan II near Uzunlar earth bank in 2017. The tower is dated to the second half of the I c. B.C. Technological analysis of 92 vessel rims of was carried out, using the method developed by A. A. Bobrinsky. The information about the raw material and paste composing was obtained. The analysis results demonstrate two clearly distinguishable pottery-making traditions: one with the paste composed of silty clay and grog and the other, with the paste composed of silty clay and crushed shell. Morphologically, the pottery with grog is similar to the vessels from the late-scyphian sites of North-West, Central and South-West Crimea. Most of the big container vessels and some of the small pots are made according to this pottery making tradition. The pottery with crushed shell is similar to vessels from Polyanka settlement in morphology and paste. Most of the small pots, bowls and cultic and votive ceramic are made according to this pottery making tradition. The author supposes that the tower garrison consisted of members of two cultural groups who made pottery according to the abovementioned traditions. The group producing ceramic with grog might be similar to late scyphian population of Crimea.
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ALUPOAEI, Ionela-Alina, and Fatih PEKTAS. "Understanding the Emergence of Populist Parties: A Review of the Interconnected Factors Involving Individual Resilience, Educational Levels, and Party Support – A Case Study of Romania." In The International Conference on Economics and Social Sciences. Editura ASE, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.24818/icess/2024/044.

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Populism is seen as a significant phenomenon in politics nowadays. Populist parties are gaining the backing of citizens in various countries. What are the individual key factors that contribute to the rise of populism? This article aims to provide a comprehensive answer starting from three key factors such as individual resilience, educational level, and party support. Therefore, we conducted research among 241 participants (civil servants from public administration) who agree to respond to an online questionnaire. Data were gathered via the Google Form platform. The questionnaire was structured following main objectives, such as: identifying the individual resilience level, respondents’ level of trust, party affiliation and support, the perception of populism and populist promises perception, the importance of truth in politics, the voting intention and socio-demographic data. The research reveals that most of the respondents (93,4%) have a high individual resilience while 90% appreciated that in interpersonal relations the best attitude is to be cautious. Furthermore, even if the general belief is that populist promises expressed during electoral campaigns cannot be achieved, an average of 37,7% of the respondents indicated that populist parties could win the elections. As regards the honesty of political actors, 55,6% of the respondents indicated that political actors cannot be honest. For 65.1% of the respondents, political advisors are responsible for the lack of honesty and trust. The rise of populist parties is due to some aspects such as: lack of trust in the current political class, social economic context (poverty), and the level of education (lack of political culture). Additionally, this research highlights the role of educational levels in shaping populist party support. Individuals with lower levels of education tend to be more susceptible to populist messages due to limited access to critical thinking skills and political knowledge. Furthermore, individuals with higher levels of resilience tend to be more skeptical or critical regarding the truth of political parties or politicians. Likewise, individuals with higher levels of resilience tend to perceive populist promises as less achievable. This article contributes to the existing literature by providing a comprehensive understanding of the factors that could enlighten the increase of populist parties, often promoted as having a sovereigntist doctrine. By examining individual resilience, educational levels, and party affiliation, the study offers valuable insights into the dynamics of populism in this context.
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Russo Trindade, Milene. "Ex-votos fotográficos: la imagen usada como objeto de culto en la región de Alentejo." In I Congreso Internacional sobre Fotografia: Nuevas propuestas en Investigacion y Docencia de la Fotografia. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/cifo17.2017.6772.

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El siglo XIX ha sido escenario de la introducción de la fotografía en las sociedades y delos constantes cambios que esta ha tenido a nivel tecnológico. De manera gradual, la fotografía se incorporó al cotidiano de todos, pasando la idea de tener y ofrecer fotografías a formar parte del imaginario común. Del mismo modo que las imágenes eran usadas como recuerdo dentro de un álbum de familia, se empezaron a usar también como ofrenda en el campo religioso. En la comunicación propuesta, se expone la investigación doctoral sobre los ex-votos fotográficos en la región de Alentejo, en Portugal. Los ex-votos son ofertas que simbolizan el agradecimiento por una dádiva concedida, siendo común que previamente se haya rezado a un santo o santa pidiendo un voto. No se sabe con exactitud cuando empezó este ritual, pero sabemos que civilizaciones como la romana ya lo practicaban. La oferta votiva es sobretodo conocida a través de formatos como la escultura o la pintura, sin embargo, la fotografía pasó a ser un medio usado a gran escala con el viraje del siglo substituyendo progresivamente a la pintura. Los ex-votos fotográficos se presentan como retratos individuales o de grupo y normalmente se encuentran en las salas anexas de las iglesias. A ellos, suele estar asociado un pequeño texto que describe la persona y el acontecimiento que lleva a la oferta, así como la fecha y el lugar de los hechos. Siendo así, hoy podremos referirnos a estos conjuntos de fotografías, por su dimensión y organización, como colecciones. Su riqueza formal y técnica nos propone una lectura de la historia de los procesos fotográficos, así como también, del modo en elcual ha evolucionado la presentación de fotografías. Por otro lado, observar estas colecciones nos ofrece la oportunidad de conocer a los estudios de fotografía y, sobretodo, de constatar cambios sociales como si estuviésemos ante un archivo.Además, cabe destacar que el uso de fotografías en la práctica votiva constituye una realidad sin límites fronterizos, que nos lleva a colocar en diálogo dos casos particularmente interesantes por su proximidad cultural: el sur de Portugal con el sur de España. Esta relación se muestra de una manera más evidente en las zonas de frontera, como por ejemplo, en el caso del Santuário do Senhor Jesus da Piedade en la localidad portuguesa de Elvas, que alberga ofrendas llevadas hasta allí desde el territorio español.Teniendo en cuenta que la fotografía digital ha cambiado el uso y la relación que teníamos con la imagen, estas colecciones, las cuales representan un recorrido por la historia de la fotografía, por sus cambios formales y técnicos a lo largo de mas de un siglo de existencia, se revelan de una importancia patrimonial e histórica que deberá ser valorizada. La fotografía, en todos sus procesos técnicos, es extremamente delicada y como tal exige que se planteen cuidados para su conservación. En este estudio se pretendeasí, dar visibilidad a los ex-votos fotográficos, como patrimonio a valorizar y, consecuentemente, a conservar.
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