Journal articles on the topic 'Voting – Case studies'
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Bishop, Matt, and Deborah Frincke. "Achieving Learning Objectives through E-Voting Case Studies." IEEE Security and Privacy Magazine 5, no. 1 (January 2007): 53–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/msp.2007.1.
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Alvarez, R. Michael, Thad E. Hall, and Alexander H. Trechsel. "Internet Voting in Comparative Perspective: The Case of Estonia." PS: Political Science & Politics 42, no. 03 (June 26, 2009): 497–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096509090787.
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ABSTRACTSeveral countries have conducted Internet voting trials in binding public elections over the past decade, including Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and the United States. However, Estonia—a former Soviet republic and now a full member of the European Union—has advanced the farthest in deploying Internet voting. In this article, we focus on how the Estonians have systematically addressed the legal and technical considerations required to make Internet voting a functioning voting platform, as well as the political and cultural framework that promoted this innovation. Using data from our own qualitative and quantitative studies of the Estonian experience, we consider who voted over the Internet in these elections, and the political implications of the voting platform.
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Fan, Hua-Tzu, and S. M. Wu. "Case Studies on Modeling Manufacturing Processes Using Artificial Neural Networks." Journal of Engineering for Industry 117, no. 3 (August 1, 1995): 412–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/1.2804348.
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The modeling capability of an artificial neural network is studied through three different manufacturing processes. The first case study is a linear separable pattern classification problem in manufacturing process diagnosis. The performance between the neural network and the probability voting classifier is compared. The second case study uses a design of experiment to study an SMC compression molding process. Modeling and predicting performances between a regression model and a neural network model are compared in linear as well as nonlinear cases. The third case study investigates correlation models between the operating conditions and product quality defects of an automotive painting process. Results from a neural network model are compared with those of a probability voting classifier. An ad hoc modification named focused learning paradigm on the back-propagation algorithm is also introduced to speed up network learning.
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Avgerou, Chrisanthi, Silvia Masiero, and Angeliki Poulymenakou. "Trusting e-voting amid experiences of electoral malpractice: The case of Indian elections." Journal of Information Technology 34, no. 3 (February 1, 2019): 263–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268396218816199.
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This article constructs explanatory theory on trust in e-voting, a term that refers to the use of stand-alone IT artefacts in voting stations. We study e-voting as a techno-organisational arrangement embedded in the process of elections and the broader socio-economic context of a country. Following a critical realist approach, we apply retroduction and retrodiction principles to build theory by complementing existing studies of e-voting with insights from an in-depth case study of elections in India. First, we seek evidence of trust in e-voting in the responses of the public to the announcement of election results. Then we derive the following four mechanisms of trust creation or loss: the association of e-voting with the production of positive democratic effects; the making of e-voting part of the mission and identity of electoral authorities; the cultivation of a positive public attitude to IT with policies for IT-driven socio-economic development; and, in countries with turbulent political cultures, a clear distinction between the experience of voting as orderly and experiences of malpractice in other election tasks. We suggest that these mechanisms explain the different experience with e-voting of different countries. Attention to them helps in assessing the potential of electoral technologies in countries that are currently adopting them, especially fragile democracies embarking upon e-voting.
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Vermeulen, Floris, Maria Kranendonk, and Laure Michon. "Immigrant concentration at the neighbourhood level and bloc voting: The case of Amsterdam." Urban Studies 57, no. 4 (August 21, 2019): 766–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098019859490.
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Bloc voting, whereby people vote for candidates of the same immigrant background as themselves, provides one possible avenue for immigrants to access political systems. A relevant but understudied element in the bloc voting process is the neighbourhood and, specifically, the effects of its demographic concentration. While we have observed how immigrant voters become socialised within the context of immigrant neighbourhoods, we do not yet understand how immigrant concentration at this level impacts immigrants’ political behaviour. Do such high levels relate more strongly to bloc voting than low levels? Using data from Amsterdam’s 2010 and 2014 local elections, this article compares voting patterns of the Dutch capital’s three largest immigrant groups: Turks, Moroccans and Surinamese. The study’s analyses determine whether changes within a neighbourhood relate to immigrant candidate votes. Our findings reveal that for some groups, the percentage of eligible co-immigrant voters in a neighbourhood shows a positive non-linear correlation with the percentage of votes for candidates of the same immigrant background. This illustrates that for these groups in these contexts a concentration effect is at play.
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Ciampi, Mario, Diego Romano, and Giovanni Schmid. "Process Authentication through Blockchain: Three Case Studies." Cryptography 6, no. 4 (November 11, 2022): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/cryptography6040058.
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In this work, we elaborate on the concept of process authenticity, which intuitively corresponds to the validity of all process steps and their proper binding. It represents the most exciting forefront of distributed ledger technology research concerning the primary challenge of reliably connecting distributed ledger networks to the physical context it must operate. More in detail, the paper describes a novel methodological approach to ensure the authenticity of business processes through blockchain and several security mechanisms applied to the digital twins of the actual processes. We illustrate difficulties and opportunities deriving from implementing process authenticity in concrete case studies in which we were involved as software designers belonging to three critical application domains: document dematerialization, e-voting, and healthcare.
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Darmawan, Ikhsan. "E-voting adoption in many countries: A literature review." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 6, no. 4 (October 12, 2021): 482–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20578911211040584.
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Although the number of countries that have adopted e-voting has decreased lately, the number of academic publications on e-voting adoption has increased in the last two years. To date, there is no coherent narrative in the existing literature that explains the progress of the research on e-voting adoption. This article aims to answer the following research question: “How has research on the topic of e-voting adoption progressed over the last 15 years?” The article provides a semi-systematic review of 78 studies that were conducted from 2005 to 2020. In this article, I argue that although the studies on e-voting adoption are dominated by a single case study, by research in the United States, and by the positivist paradigm, scholars have employed the term “e-voting adoption” diversely and the research on e-voting adoption has evolved to address more specific research questions. Recommendations for the future agenda of research on e-voting adoption are also discussed.
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Kuba, Ondrej, and Jan Stejskal. "Economic and Political Consequences of the Compulsory Voting in Public Parliamentary Elections: Czech Case Study." Economies 9, no. 2 (April 22, 2021): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/economies9020063.
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Scholars who study compulsory voting realize their research in countries where compulsory voting already exists. On the contrary, there are not many studies that deal with ex ante analyses of the economic and political consequences of voter behavior caused by a new element in public elections—compulsory voting. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to find out what voters’ reactions will cause when compulsory voting is introduced in the Czech Republic. This paper has the ambition to contribute to the understanding of the economic and political context of sanctions for non-voters. The analysis of non-voters’ willingness to change their behavior due to the fine and the determination of the amount of this fine in the Czech Republic are the practical benefits of this study. In this way, we determine the “abstention price” of a vote. The input data of the analysis are data obtained by a questionnaire survey conducted in the Czech Republic in 2020; the target group is 807 respondents. The basic statistical operations, and binary and multinomial logistic regressions were employed in this study. The results of the research show that compulsory voting has only a minimal effect on the turnout. The introduction of compulsory voting changes the characteristics of the typical voter. Voters with lower political interest and political knowledge will take part in the elections more often. The fine that non-voters would be willing to pay is approx. 6% of their average monthly income.
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Kleiner, Andreas, and Benny Moldovanu. "Voting Agendas and Preferences on Trees: Theory and Practice." American Economic Journal: Microeconomics 14, no. 4 (November 1, 2022): 583–615. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/mic.20200147.
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We study how parliaments and committees select one out of several alternatives when options cannot be ordered along a “left-right” axis. Which voting agendas are used in practice, and how should they be designed? We assume that preferences are single peaked on a tree and study convex agendas where, at each stage in the voting process, the tree of remaining alternatives is divided into two subtrees that are subjected to a Yes-No vote. We show that strategic voting coincides with sincere, unsophisticated voting. Based on inference results and revealed preference arguments, we illustrate the empirical implications for two case studies. (JEL D71, D72, F15, J13, J16)
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Østergaard-Nielsen, Eva, Irina Ciornei, and Jean-Michel Lafleur. "Why do parties support emigrant voting rights?" European Political Science Review 11, no. 3 (August 2019): 377–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773919000171.
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AbstractPolicies allowing enfranchisement of non-resident citizens (emigrants and their descendants) are now implemented in the majority of states worldwide. A growing number of case studies show that the extension of voting rights to non-resident citizens is often contested among country of origin political parties. However, there is no systematic comparative study of why different political parties support or oppose external voting rights and how this position is framed by the parties. Drawing on a unique data set based on 34 debates across 13 countries, we estimate the extent to which ideology and party family are correlated with the positioning and framing of parties. Among the findings are that the more to the right is a party, the more it tends to support external voting rights, except in the case of radical right parties. The position on emigrant voting rights is largely framed along more pragmatic arguments.
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Graham, Timothy, and Aleesha Rodriguez. "The Sociomateriality of Rating and Ranking Devices on Social Media: A Case Study of Reddit’s Voting Practices." Social Media + Society 7, no. 3 (July 2021): 205630512110476. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20563051211047667.
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Rating and ranking devices are everywhere on social media. While these devices may seem like objective tools to measure value and rank content, research shows how they profoundly shape social interaction and emotional expression and are central to platform moderation. Yet, very little is known about how users themselves talk about these devices, much less what this can tell us about how these devices co-constitute social reality on platforms. To explore this gap, we examine Reddit’s rating and ranking device, known as upvoting and downvoting, through a textual analysis of over half a million user comments that contain keywords such as “upvote” and “downvote” and their variants. We find that Redditors (Reddit users) rarely use or talk about voting in the way the platform intends. For the most part, Redditors not only disregard the rules about voting but also make, and enforce, their own rules, norms, and ethics around it. We uncover a rich set of voting practices that we present as the following four themes in a conceptual framework: (1) platform culture, (2) prescriptive device, (3) materialization of value, and (4) ontology of self. Drawing on a sociomaterial lens, we reposition voting as a material-discursive practice that is inseparable to Reddit culture. This provides compelling evidence that rating and ranking devices on social media intervene in and perform sociality and we invite future research to apply our conceptual framework to other rating and ranking devices on social media.
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Johnson, Michael R., and Ian P. McCarthy. "Cultural similarity and impartiality on voting bias: The case of FIFA’s World’s Best Male Football Player Award." PLOS ONE 17, no. 7 (July 13, 2022): e0270546. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0270546.
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Previous studies on voting bias in competitive awards have not fully considered the role of cultural similarity. Using data for the Best FIFA Men’s Player Award, we evaluate the extent of voting bias in this Award using three cultural similarity factors (cultural distance, cultural clusters, and collectivism), six established in-group factors (nationality, club, league, geography, ethnicity, religion, and language) and the impartiality of the voter’s country. Using statistical and econometric methods, we find that voter-player cultural similarity is positively associated with voting bias and find no evidence of impartiality when it comes to cultural or national ties. We also find that media voters are less biased than captain voters and coach voters, and that coaches are less biased than captains.
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Walker, Kyle E. "Political Segregation of the Metropolis: Spatial Sorting by Partisan Voting in Metropolitan Minneapolis–St Paul." City & Community 12, no. 1 (March 2013): 35–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/cico.12003.
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Recent electoral research has claimed that individuals in the United States are self–segregating along political lines. In this paper, I use the Twin Cities, Minnesota, metropolitan area as a case study to test for the presence of political segregation through statistical and spatial analyses of electoral data from 1992 to 2012. I find that while segregation by partisan voting at the individual level is comparatively low, it has increased during the study period, and there exists substantial spatial clustering in voting patterns at aggregate levels. These distinct electoral divides between central city and exurb suggest spatial sorting of the electorate in the metropolitan area.
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Di Mauro, Danilo, and Vincenzo Memoli. "Targeting the government in the referendum: the aborted 2016 Italian constitutional reform." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 48, no. 2 (February 20, 2018): 133–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2017.31.
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This study investigates the factors explaining voting in the 2016 Italian referendum on constitutional reform. As we show through voting alignments within the Parliament and key aspects of the electoral campaign, this was a case where the government took the leadership of the entire referendum process, transforming it into a plebiscite. Within this context, we hypothesize that key elements explaining voting choices follow a government-support vs. opposition dynamics. Employing Italian National Elections Studies Association pre/post-referendum survey, we estimate the effects of factors increasing predictability (e.g. party closeness, ideology, social cleavage) or uncertainty (e.g. government performance, the economy) of voting choices. The resulting logistic regression models show that the leading role of the government in the referendum reshapes the impact of factors explaining voting choices. While some lose significance, others follow a pro- or anti-government logic.
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Kassen, Maxat. "Politicization of e-voting rejection: reflections from Kazakhstan." Transforming Government: People, Process and Policy 14, no. 2 (May 4, 2020): 305–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/tg-11-2019-0106.
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Purpose Despite certain political, organizational, technological and socioeconomic benefits that e-voting brings, governments around the world are beginning one by one to denounce its further use in the electoral process. In this regard, the paper aims to analyze reasons that led to the discontinuation of e-voting, resorting to the case of Kazakhstan, a transitional post-soviet country, which actively used the technology in 2004-2011, as a poster child of the global trend, elaborating on key political, socioeconomic, organizational and technological risks that could be associated with the possible return of this innovation in future elections. Design/methodology/approach The research is based on the combination of context and policy analysis, as well as focus groups studies and semi-structured interviews. The context analysis was aimed to understand various political and socioeconomic benefits in adopting e-voting in Kazakhstan. The policy analysis was useful in identifying implementation strategies of the government in promoting e-voting. The focus groups were helpful in understanding the perspectives of various audiences on e-voting. The semi-structured interviews were carried among independent developers in regard to the potential software products that could be used to propose new solutions in the area, including by experimenting with various blockchain platforms. Findings Analyzing the lessons from Kazakhstan, one can conclude that e-voting was introduced and used for several years by authorities in this country for certain economic and organizational benefits, but later they had to reject it and return to traditional paper ballot due to lack of confidence from the non-governmental sector in the capacity of public sector to ensure the integrity of e-voting procedures. As a result, building trust and applying innovative approaches should be a priority for policymakers in the area, if they wish to return to this technology, especially in adopting new presumably more reliable solutions based on blockchain technologies. Research limitations/implications The primary data that was collected by the author from field studies were indexed, refined and presented in a special matrix in a separate section, which were interpreted in the discussion session. These data could be used by other scholars for further interpretation and analysis in their own studies, setting new research agendas and testing hypotheses. This is a single case study research, which is focused on the analysis of reasons that led to the denunciation of e-voting in Kazakhstan, which results could be extrapolated mostly to similar transitional post-totalitarian settings. Practical implications The study can be used to inform ways of how to improve the current e-voting platforms, especially in ensuring better security and transparency of the systems, which could be useful for developers who work on blockchain-driven solutions. Social implications The results of the case study research and expert opinions expressed by various software developers in the e-government areas, which were presented in the paper, could be used by both an academic community and practitioners in understanding better a wide range of political, organizational, economic, social and technological drivers, risks and new opportunities in promoting e-voting technology as a trust generating social phenomenon. Originality/value The paper proposes the first case study of reasons that led to the discontinuation of e-voting in the context of such a typical transitional, post-totalitarian and post-soviet society as Kazakhstan, providing new insights into a wide range of political, regulatory, socioeconomic, organizational and technological aspects of related policy decision-making and implementation strategies adopted by public institutions in this country.
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Tabar, Paul. "‘Political Remittances’: The Case of Lebanese Expatriates Voting in National Elections." Journal of Intercultural Studies 35, no. 4 (June 4, 2014): 442–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07256868.2014.913015.
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Cong, Yu, Ruirui Zhu, Lei Yang, Xiaotong Zhang, Yibin Liu, Xi Meng, and Weijun Gao. "Correlation Analysis of Thermal Comfort and Landscape Characteristics: A Case Study of the Coastal Greenway in Qingdao, China." Buildings 12, no. 5 (April 24, 2022): 541. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/buildings12050541.
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With the acceleration of urbanization throughout the world, climate problems related to climate change including urban heat islands and global warming have become challenges to urban human settlements. Numerous studies have shown that greenways are beneficial to urban climate improvement and can provide leisure places for people. Taking the coastal greenway in Qingdao as the research object, mobile measurements of the microclimate of the greenway were conducted in order to put forward an evaluation method for the research of outdoor thermal comfort. The results showed that different vegetation coverage affected the PET (physiologically equivalent temperature), UTCI (Universal Thermal Climate Index) as well as thermal comfort voting. We found no significant correlation between activities, age, gender, and thermal comfort voting. Air temperature sensation and solar radiation sensation were the primary factors affecting the thermal comfort voting of all sections. Otherwise, within some sections, wind sensation and humidity sensation were correlated with thermal sensation voting and thermal comfort voting, respectively. Both PET and UTCI were found to have a negative correlation with the vegetation coverage on both sides of the greenway. However, the vegetation coverage had positive correlation (R = 0.072) for thermal sensation and significant positive correlation (R = 0.077*) for thermal comfort. The paved area cover was found to have a positive correlation with PET and UTCI, while having a negative correlation with thermal sensation (R = −0.049) and thermal comfort (R = −0.041). This study can provide scientific recommendations for the planning and design of greenway landscapes to improve thermal comfort.
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Cong, Yu, Ruirui Zhu, Lei Yang, Xiaotong Zhang, Yibin Liu, Xi Meng, and Weijun Gao. "Correlation Analysis of Thermal Comfort and Landscape Characteristics: A Case Study of the Coastal Greenway in Qingdao, China." Buildings 12, no. 5 (April 24, 2022): 541. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/buildings12050541.
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With the acceleration of urbanization throughout the world, climate problems related to climate change including urban heat islands and global warming have become challenges to urban human settlements. Numerous studies have shown that greenways are beneficial to urban climate improvement and can provide leisure places for people. Taking the coastal greenway in Qingdao as the research object, mobile measurements of the microclimate of the greenway were conducted in order to put forward an evaluation method for the research of outdoor thermal comfort. The results showed that different vegetation coverage affected the PET (physiologically equivalent temperature), UTCI (Universal Thermal Climate Index) as well as thermal comfort voting. We found no significant correlation between activities, age, gender, and thermal comfort voting. Air temperature sensation and solar radiation sensation were the primary factors affecting the thermal comfort voting of all sections. Otherwise, within some sections, wind sensation and humidity sensation were correlated with thermal sensation voting and thermal comfort voting, respectively. Both PET and UTCI were found to have a negative correlation with the vegetation coverage on both sides of the greenway. However, the vegetation coverage had positive correlation (R = 0.072) for thermal sensation and significant positive correlation (R = 0.077*) for thermal comfort. The paved area cover was found to have a positive correlation with PET and UTCI, while having a negative correlation with thermal sensation (R = −0.049) and thermal comfort (R = −0.041). This study can provide scientific recommendations for the planning and design of greenway landscapes to improve thermal comfort.
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Happy, J. R. "The Effect of Economic and Fiscal Performance on Incumbency Voting: The Canadian Case." British Journal of Political Science 22, no. 1 (January 1992): 117–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400000375.
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This study examines the effect of incorporating taxation into the incumbency voting model using aggregate economic data for Canadian federal elections from 1953 to 1988. Although Canadian election campaigns tend to be dominated by economic performance issues, taxation, as measured by open-ended questions in the national election studies, has not been a salient campaign issue among voters. None the less, voters as consumers in the market economy have an interest in government policies that affect after-tax income. Furthermore, as economic citizens, voters have an interest in taxation as a measure of government efficiency – the costs of providing public services – independent of benefits generated by government. Paralleling American and British results, the economic and fiscal performance variables behave as expected in the incumbency model. Income change has a positive effect, and the rate of inflation and unemployment a negative effect, on incumbency voting. The relationship between taxation and incumbency voting is negative, both through its effect on after-tax income and also directly, independent of income. The results are consistent with an interpretation which suggests that voters, responding to the public agenda for economic performance and to a private agenda for taxation, behave both as politic consumers and as economic citizens.
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bin Zaid, Hamzah, and Devin K. Joshi. "Where does Right-Wing Populism Succeed Sub-Nationally? Explaining Regional Variation within France." Populism 1, no. 2 (December 4, 2018): 87–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25888072-00001011.
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AbstractWhile many scholars have studied how right-wing populist parties (RWPP) have recently increased their vote shares in national elections in many countries, fewer studies have assessed why some sub-national regions favor RWPP more than others. Addressing this gap in the literature, we analyze regional variation in voter support for one of Europe’s most successful RWPP, the Front National (FN) Party of France which recently made it to the second round of France’s 2017 presidential elections. Our research design examines electoral results across French regions between 1992 and 2017 through the lens of four case studies analyzing regions where the FN has been consistently popular, gained in popularity, declined in popularity, and been consistently unpopular. Comparing these diverse regional cases, our study concludes that regional unemployment, urban support, and to a lesser degree past voting behavior are significant demand-side factors behind regional voting for right wing populism.
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Widhyharto, Derajad Sulistyo, Desi Rahmawati, and Norin Mustika Rahadiri Abheseka. "Silent Political Apathy in Urban Society: The Case of Medan 2018 Election." Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik 24, no. 2 (March 26, 2021): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jsp.51724.
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Studies on non-voting behavior and which depart from social perspectives have long been stagnated due to the dominance of analysis that puts systems, institutionalization, political mechanisms and participation as the main viewpoints of the studies. This study using social perspectives is useful to explain why voters were not present at polling stations during the Medan 2018 Election. It elaborates the social aspects that influenced non-voting behavior in the urban area of Medan in North Sumatra, Indonesia during the 2018 gubernatorial election. Utilizing mix- method strategies, instead of citing social aspects as a mere research context, this article argues that social aspects in the form of social cleavages worked behind the silent apathy, namely apathy that was implicitly indicated by voters who were not present at polling stations. Social cleavages including ethnicity, religion and gender indicated a paradox since they—with the exception of gender—were used by candidates as the main campaign substance. On the other hand, large numbers of people showed disinterest in these social cleavages during the election. This article explains why abstained voters hid their disinterest behind their excuses for not being present at the polling stations for economic (working activities) and other reasons.
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Marien, Sofie, Anke Schouteden, and Bram Wauters. "Voting for Women in Belgium's Flexible List System." Politics & Gender 13, no. 02 (August 12, 2016): 305–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000404.
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Proportional electoral systems tend to be more beneficial for women's descriptive representation than majority systems. However, within proportional systems the gender equality of election outcomes differs, highlighting the importance of studying the actual use of electoral provisions in proportional representation (PR) systems. Therefore, we investigate the determinants of voting for female candidates in Belgium's local elections. This case is particularly interesting given the equal number of men and women on the candidate lists due to quota regulations, the possibility to cast multiple preference votes (lowering competition), and the high visibility of these local elections and its candidates. At the individual level, we find that women are more likely than men to vote for several women, yet same-sex voting is more common among men. Politically sophisticated respondents vote more often for candidates of both sexes. Against our expectations, a left-wing orientation does not increase the likelihood of voting for women. At the electoral district level, a larger supply of women at the top list position increases the chance to vote for this top woman, but there is no spillover effect to women lower on the list. District magnitude affects the number of preference votes but, against expectations, not the likelihood of voting for women.
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Nyhuis, Dominic. "Defizite bei der Briefwahl in Deutschland – und fünf Vorschläge zur Abhilfe." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 53, no. 1 (2022): 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2022-1-75.
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In light of the growing interest in voting by mail, political science research has increasingly focused on this important aspect of democratic participation . Studies in this field have scrutinized the practical implementation of the mail ballot . A systematic review of the lit- erature on the practice of voting by mail shows possible reforms . Five approaches are dis- cussed, (1) a more generous deadline for submitting postal votes, (2) simplifying the mail- in ballots, (3) translating them, (4) personal notifications in case of rejected mail ballots, and (5) incorporating data about rejected mail ballots into the official election results . In this way, the number of erroneous votes can be reduced and more transparency about the voting process can be secured . It is also required as a measure of citizen-oriented public administration
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KRIESI, HANSPETER, and PASCAL SCIARINI. "The Impact of Issue Preferences on Voting Choices in the Swiss Federal Elections, 1999." British Journal of Political Science 34, no. 4 (September 8, 2004): 725–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123404210262.
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This Note presents a study of the impact of issue positions of political parties on electoral choice. Together with economic performance and the popularity of leaders and candidates, issue-specific considerations are the main ‘short-term’ forces influencing the voting choices of individual voters. Issue voting has been shown to matter in a large number of studies. Most recently, Alvarez et al. have demonstrated the power of issues in British general elections, which have long been known as an important case of class voting. They argue that one should no longer debate whether issues (and the economy) matter in British elections: ‘Instead, the focus should shift from whether to how much and to how their influence in particular elections compares to their influence on other British elections, and to elections in other nations.’
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van Erkel, Patrick F. A. "Sharing is caring: the role of voter-candidate similarities in intra-party electoral competition." European Political Science Review 11, no. 1 (December 7, 2018): 75–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s175577391800022x.
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AbstractPrevious studies have found similarities with presidential candidates or party leaders to be an important factor in explaining voting behaviour. However, with the exception of gender, few studies have structurally studied voter-candidate similarities in intra-party electoral competition. This study investigates the Belgian case and argues that voter-candidate similarities play a role in the decision-making process of citizens when casting preferential votes. Moreover, it investigates whether underrepresented groups, and especially women, are more guided by these voter-candidate similarities than overrepresented groups. To achieve this aim voter and candidate characteristics are modelled simultaneously. This enables an investigation of the decision-making process of voters while taking into account structural inequalities at the supply side. The results demonstrate that citizens are indeed more likely to cast preferential votes for candidates similar to themselves and that these effects are stronger for underrepresented groups. Hence, preferential voting could ultimately pave the way for better descriptive representation.
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Nolan-García, Kimberly A., and María Inclán. "Union Affiliation, Socialization, and Political Identities: The Case of Mexico." Latin American Politics and Society 59, no. 2 (2017): 53–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/laps.12018.
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AbstractThe literature on voting behavior has generally accepted that party identification largely determines voter choice. While many studies have found that party identification is largely transmitted through social learning, less studied are the processes of the construction of party identity by way of group membership. This study seeks to understand how group identity influences party identification among Mexican workers through an analysis of the effects of union affiliation on political behavior. It assesses the utility of corporatist legacies in explaining party identity in Mexico and provides a first assessment of party affinities among independent unionists. The evidence draws from original survey data collected during six demonstrations in Mexico City. The study finds that union membership does condition the party identity of corporatist workers but not that of independent unionists.
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Pumr, Jan. "Different Measures of Social Class – Different Results of Class Voting? The Colombian Case." HISTORICKÁ SOCIOLOGIE 13, no. 1 (May 17, 2021): 9–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/23363525.2021.2.
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Braun Binder, Nadja, Robert Krimmer, Gregor Wenda, and Dirk-Hinnerk Fischer. "International Standards and ICT Projects in Public Administration: Introducing Electronic Voting in Norway, Estonia and Switzerland Compared." Administrative Culture 19, no. 2 (May 29, 2019): 8–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32994/hk.v19i2.215.
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This research focuses on the interrelationship between international standards and e-voting projects. With the rise of e-government activities, a multitude of new international standards is discussed or adopted in conjunction with such innovative reform steps. In order to gain a perception which role international standards dealing with legal, organizational and technical aspects play in national contexts and whether they are actually implemented, this essay specifically examines standards used in e-voting projects, as this area can be clearly distinguished from other e-government projects. Case studies in Estonia, Norway, and Switzerland show that there is a general interest in international sources and that real international standards are considered to be more important and “binding” than private organizations’ standards or other documents. In all three countries, the Council of Europe Recommendation on e-voting, the only real international standard in this field, played a role in the respective e-voting projects, but did not coin all phases. Once the international standards were endorsed as national regulations, they only played a minor role for the continuation of the projects. However, they are used for orientation and evaluation purposes.
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Mitin, Dmitri. "Regional Economic Voting: Russia, Poland, Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic, 1990–1999." Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, no. 1 (March 2007): 263–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423907070357.
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Regional Economic Voting: Russia, Poland, Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic, 1990–1999, Joshua A. Tucker, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006, pp. xxii, 417.Recognizing and predicting the patterns of voting behaviour is a formidable task even in the case of mature and stable democracies. Needless to say, the identification of such trends in the wake of a fundamental political and economic restructuring, when the basic rules of the game are still in flux, can be frustratingly elusive. In this ambitious and methodologically sophisticated study, Joshua Tucker takes on the challenge and suggests a fresh approach for cutting through the fog of post-communist institutional ambiguity. The book reports on several prominent regularities in the voting outcomes that span five countries, several distinct institutional designs, twenty national elections and ten years of transition. In contrast to the studies that rely on micro-level survey data or small-n cross-country comparisons, Tucker aggregates and analyzes the election results at the intermediate, regional level. Cross-regional comparison provides enough resolution for detecting systematic voting patterns shaped by local economic conditions. Explaining the observed connection between regional economy and regional vote is the central theme of Tucker's study.
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Lefkofridi, Zoe, Nathalie Giger, and Anne Maria Holli. "When All Parties Nominate Women: The Role of Political Gender Stereotypes in Voters’ Choices." Politics & Gender 15, no. 4 (November 28, 2018): 746–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000454.
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AbstractDo political gender stereotypes exist in egalitarian settings in which all parties nominate women? Do they matter for candidate selection in systems of proportional representation with multiparty competition and preferential voting? To date, these questions remain unanswered because related research is limited to the U.S. case. Our pioneering study examines political stereotypes in one of the “least likely” cases, Finland—a global forerunner in gender equality. We find, first, that stereotypes persist even in egalitarian paradises. Second, when testing across settings of candidate choice, we find that the effect varies greatly: political gender stereotypes are powerful in hypothetical choices, but they work neither in favor of nor against female candidates when many “real,” viable, experienced, and incumbent female candidates are competing. Although in open-list systems with preferential voting, gender stereotypes can directly affect female candidates’ electoral success, in Finland, their actual impact in real legislative elections appears marginal.
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Kleiner, Andreas, and Benny Moldovanu. "Content-Based Agendas and Qualified Majorities in Sequential Voting." American Economic Review 107, no. 6 (June 1, 2017): 1477–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.20160277.
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We analyze sequential, binary voting schemes in settings where several privately informed agents have single-peaked preferences over a finite set of alternatives, and we focus on robust equilibria that do not depend on assumptions about the players' beliefs about each other. Our main results identify two intuitive conditions on binary voting trees, ensuring that sincere voting at each stage forms an ex post perfect equilibrium. In particular, we uncover a strong rationale for content-based agendas: if the outcome should not be sensitive to beliefs about others, nor to the deployment of strategic skills, the agenda needs to be built “from the extremes to the middle” so that more extreme alternatives are both more difficult to adopt, and are put to vote before other, more moderate options. An important corollary is that, under simple majority, the equilibrium outcome of the incomplete information game is always the Condorcet winner. Finally, we aim to guide the practical design of schemes that are widely used by legislatures and committees and we illustrate our findings with several case studies. (JEL D71, D72, I10, J16, J32, K10)
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Stojanović, Nenad, and Oliver Strijbis. "Electoral incentives for cross-ethnic voting: evidence from a natural experiment." European Political Science Review 11, no. 2 (May 2019): 197–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773919000079.
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AbstractProspects for democracy in multi-ethnic societies are generally more promising if elections are not mere ethnic censuses, in which people vote predominantly for co-ethnic parties and candidates. But what institutions facilitate or hinder ethnic voting? Unlike past studies, this article explores ethnic voting by conducting a natural experiment (rather than surveys or laboratory experiments). It examines the case of Fribourg, a bilingual (French/German) Swiss canton where elections at different levels of government, within the same electoral district, are held under both majoritarian and proportional systems. Coupled with the high territorial homogeneity of the linguistic groups, this unique setting allows us to conduct a robust empirical analysis of voter behaviour. We find that cross-ethnic voting is significantly more frequent in multi-member majoritarian elections than in list-PR elections or in two-member majoritarian elections. Our results yield qualified support to the centripetalist approach to electoral design in multi-ethnic societies, that favours majoritarian systems, rather than to the consociational school that advocates proportional representation.
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Slavinskaite, Neringa, Miloslav Novotny, and Dainora Gedvilaitė. "Evaluation of the Fiscal Decentralization: Case Studies of European Union." Engineering Economics 31, no. 1 (February 28, 2020): 84–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.ee.31.1.23065.
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Fiscal decentralization has been widely discussed at various levels and from various perspectives. The Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (the OECD), similar to the World Bank, also pays great attention to it. Fiscal decentralization has always been an interesting investigation topic, and the researchers, in addition to considering the future of the economy, study this problem from different perspectives, i.e. geographic, political and others. The effect of fiscal decentralization on the economic development of the state has been investigated by various authors. Three different hypotheses provide the proofs of the positive effect of fiscal decentralization. The main advantage of fiscal federalism are efficient and adequate public services which are provided locally through the mobility of the citizens, voting power and competition between the local governments in the created ecosystem. The potential advantages of the competition among the local government powers are similar to the advantages associated with the competition on the private markets. The paper is focussed on fiscal decentralization of the state. It aims to investigate the theoretical aspect of the impact of fiscal decentralization on the economic development to calculate the index of fiscal decentralization and to evaluate the effect of fiscal decentralization on the economic development in the particular states of the European Union. Thus, Bulgaria and Lithuania have the lowest fiscal decentralization index of EU-13 (0.28), while the Czech Republic has the highest index (0.46). The researchers have proved the effect of fiscal decentralization on the economic development of the EU-13 states to be statistically significant and positive. The originality of this paper is that it introduces a theoretical model for evaluating the fiscal decentralization effect on the economic development and assesses the fiscal decentralization effect on the economic development of the particular EU-13 states.
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Hamerly, Ivy, and Jerold L. Waltman. "Congressional Voting on Religious Issues: The Case of the Religious Liberty Protection Act of 1999." Journal of Church and State 51, no. 3 (2009): 454–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/csp094.
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Fertő, Imre, László Á. Kóczy, Attila Kovács, and Balázs R. Sziklai. "The power ranking of the members of the Agricultural Committee of the European Parliament." European Review of Agricultural Economics 47, no. 5 (July 30, 2020): 1897–919. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/erae/jbaa011.
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Abstract We aim to identify the most influential members of the Agricultural Committee of the European Parliament (COMAGRI). Unlike previous studies that were based on case studies or interviews with stakeholders, we analyse the voting power of MEPs using a spatial Banzhaf power index. We identify critical members: members whose votes are necessary to form winning coalitions. We found that rapporteurs, EP group coordinators and MEPs from countries with high relative Committee representations, such as Ireland, Poland or Romania are powerful actors. Italy emerges as the most influential member state, while France seems surprisingly weak.
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Bánnikova, Marina, and José-Manuel Giménez-Gómez. "The Unanimity Rule under a Two-Agent Fixed Sequential Order Voting." Games 13, no. 6 (November 17, 2022): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/g13060077.
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This paper studies how the cost of delay and voting order affect agents’ decisions in a unanimity voting mechanism. Specifically, we consider two-voter conclaves with commonly known preferences over two alternatives, the cost of delay, and the following novelty: each voter has a subjective deadline—a moment in time when he/she prefers immediate agreement on any alternative, rather than future agreement on his/her most-preferred alternative. Our key finding shows that patience is not necessarily a main attribute of strategic advantage. When the first voter is the same at every stage, this voter will obtain his/her preferred alternative, even if he/she is the least patient one. However, this first movement advantage disappears when agents alternate as the first voter of each stage: in this case, the most patient voter always wins.
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Oner, Mahir, and Alp Ustundag. "Combining predictive base models using deep ensemble learning." Journal of Intelligent & Fuzzy Systems 39, no. 5 (November 19, 2020): 6657–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/jifs-189126.
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Since information science and communication technologies had improved significantly, data volumes had expanded. As a result of that situation, advanced pre-processing and analysis of collected data became a crucial topic for extracting meaningful patterns hidden in the data. Therefore, traditional machine learning algorithms generally fail to gather satisfactory results when analyzing complex data. The main reason of this situation is the difficulty of capturing multiple characteristics of the high dimensional data. Within this scope, ensemble learning enables the integration of diversified single models to produce weak predictive results. The final combination is generally achieved by various voting schemes. On the other hand, if a large amount of single models are utilized, voting mechanism cannot be able to combine these results. At this point, Deep Learning (DL) provides the combination of the ensemble results in a considerable time. Apart from previous studies, we determine various predictive models in order to forecast the outcome of two different case studies. Consequently, data cleaning and feature selection are conducted in advance and three predictive models are defined to be combined. DL based integration is applied substituted for voting mechanism. The weak predictive results are fused based on Recurrent Neural Network (RNN) and Long Short Term Memory (LSTM) using different parameters and datasets and best predictors are extracted. After that, different experimental combinations are evaluated for gathering better prediction results. For comparison, grouped individual results (clusters) with proper parameters are compared with DL based ensemble results.
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Procaccia, A. D., and J. S. Rosenschein. "Junta Distributions and the Average-Case Complexity of Manipulating Elections." Journal of Artificial Intelligence Research 28 (February 28, 2007): 157–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1613/jair.2148.
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Encouraging voters to truthfully reveal their preferences in an election has long been an important issue. Recently, computational complexity has been suggested as a means of precluding strategic behavior. Previous studies have shown that some voting protocols are hard to manipulate, but used NP-hardness as the complexity measure. Such a worst-case analysis may be an insufficient guarantee of resistance to manipulation. Indeed, we demonstrate that NP-hard manipulations may be tractable in the average case. For this purpose, we augment the existing theory of average-case complexity with some new concepts. In particular, we consider elections distributed with respect to junta distributions, which concentrate on hard instances. We use our techniques to prove that scoring protocols are susceptible to manipulation by coalitions, when the number of candidates is constant.
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Maina Olembo, M., Timo Kilian, Simon Stockhardt, Andreas Hülsing, and Melanie Volkamer. "Developing and testing SCoP – a visual hash scheme." Information Management & Computer Security 22, no. 4 (October 7, 2014): 382–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/imcs-11-2013-0082.
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Purpose – The purpose of this study was to develop and test SCoP. Users find comparing long meaningless strings of alphanumeric characters difficult. While visual hashes – where users compare images rather than strings – have been proposed as an alternative, people are unable to sufficiently distinguish more than 30 bits, which does not provide adequate security against collision attacks. Our goal is to improve the situation. Design/methodology/approach – A visual hash scheme was developed using shapes, colours, patterns and position parameters. It was evaluated in a series of pilot user studies and improved iteratively, leading to SCoP, which encodes 60 distinguishable bits. We tested SCoP further in two follow-up studies, simulating verifying in remote electronic voting and https certificate validation. Findings – Participants attained an average accuracy rate of 97 per cent with SCoP when comparing two visual hash images, one placed above the other. From the follow-up studies, SCoP was seen to be more promising for the https certificate validation use case, with direct image comparison, while a low average accuracy rate in simulating verifiability in remote electronic voting limits its applicability in an image-recall use case. Research limitations/implications – Participants achieved high accuracy rates in unrealistic situations, where the images appeared on the screen at the same time and in the same size. Studies in more realistic situations are therefore necessary. Originality/value – We identify a visual hash scheme encoding a higher number of distinguishable bits than previously reported in literature, and extend the testing to realistic scenarios.
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King, Dwight Y., and Saptopo B. Ilkodar. "The conduct of the 1999 election in Sleman, D.I. Yogyakarta: a case study (with voting results)." Asian Studies Review 25, no. 4 (December 2001): 479–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357820108713322.
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Clark, Robert P. "‘Rejectionist’ voting as an indicator of ethnic nationalism: The case of Spain's Basque provinces, 1976–1986." Ethnic and Racial Studies 10, no. 4 (October 1987): 427–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.1987.9993581.
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Clarke, Harold D., and Alan C. Acock. "National Elections and Political Attitudes: The Case of Political Efficacy." British Journal of Political Science 19, no. 4 (October 1989): 551–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005639.
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Elections constitute a principal avenue of citizen involvement in political life, and knowledge of their effects on public attitudes towards the polity and the role of the individual therein has important implications for theories of democratic governance. One sucli attitude is political efficacy, ‘the feeling that individual political action does have, or can have, an impact on the political process’. Although many studies have documented that political efficacy is positively associated with electoral participation, the causal mechanisms involved are not well understood. Most researchers have simply assumed that the ‘causal arrow’ runs from efficacy to participation, i.e. from the attitude to the behaviour. Investigations of the hypothesis that the behaviour (participation) affects the attitude (efficacy) are rare. Rarer still are enquiries focusing on the impact of election outcomes on efficacy, and studies that examine both effects are virtually non-existent. In this Note covariance structure analysis is used to investigate the effects of voting, campaign activity and the outcomes of the 1984 national elections on political efficacy in the American electorate.
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Loy-Wilson, Sophie. "‘Reading in Brown Paper’: Beckett's Budget and the Sensationalist Press in Interwar Sydney." Media International Australia 131, no. 1 (May 2009): 70–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0913100109.
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This article addresses the audience reception of sensationalist newspapers in interwar Australia through a case study of Sydney weekly Beckett's Budget. During a libel trial brought against Beckett's in 1928, readers came to its defence and their testimony reveals overlaps between reading and political allegiances: reading Beckett's equated with voting Labor. While histories of sensationalist media in Australia have rightly emphasised illicit sexuality and public outcry, connections between sensationalism and working-class political movements remain on the margins of academic interest. Responding to the question ‘Do you read Beckett's?’ readers' evidence at the trial constitutes an audience response and invites debate over the ways gender and class could inform political engagement in the 1920s. Viewing Beckett's Budget outside of ‘brown paper’ and beyond the sensationalist genre reveals a shift in Australian political culture as party strategists embraced a broader electorate, using Beckett's Budget to tap into the culture and concerns of interwar society.
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Holbrook, Thomas M. "Economic Considerations and the 2008 Presidential Election." PS: Political Science & Politics 42, no. 03 (June 26, 2009): 473–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096509090763.
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The idea that economic conditions influence election outcomes and voting behavior is hardly novel and would appear to be close to uniformly accepted, especially in the case of American presidential elections. Beginning with the early aggregate studies (Arcelus and Meltzer 1975; Bloom and Price 1975; Kramer 1971; Tufte 1978) and the important individual-level work that followed soon thereafter (Kiewiet 1983; Kinder and Kiewiet 1979, 1981; Fiorina 1981), election scholars have devoted considerable attention to the influence of the economy on voting behavior and election outcomes. Although the findings are many and sometimes disparate, a few general conclusions have emerged: economic voting is incumbency oriented rather than policy oriented (Fiorina 1981; Kiewiet 1983); at the individual level, evaluations of the national economy are more closely tied to vote choice than are evaluations of personal finances (Kiewiet 1983; Kinder and Kiewiet 1979, 1981; Kinder, Adams, and Gronke 1989); and, with the exception of 2000, the incumbent party is habitually returned to office when economic times are good and tossed out when economic times are bad (Campbell and Garand 2000). In short, we know a lot about how the economy influences voters and elections, and it would seem that there are few issues left to resolve.
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Stanwick, Hannah. "A Megamayor for All People? Voting Behaviour and Electoral Success in the 1997 Toronto Municipal Election." Canadian Journal of Political Science 33, no. 3 (September 2000): 549–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900000196.
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Case studies of municipal elections hold little appeal for students of local government. Recent scholarship for the most part has focused on gender or the election of councillors, but studies of mayoral contests are virtually non–existent. This is somewhat surprising, considering the constituent size of several large Canadian municipalities where local government leaders are directly elected. If indeed local government is the level closest to the people, a study of municipal electoral behaviour in large cities can provide insights about the relationship between local politicians and the electorate.
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Krishnan, Jagan, and Zhongxia (Shelly) Ye. "Why Some Companies Seek Shareholder Ratification on Auditor Selection." Accounting Horizons 19, no. 4 (December 1, 2005): 237–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/acch.2005.19.4.237.
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Federal and state laws do not currently require companies to seek ratification from shareholders on auditor selection, but some companies do so. Previous studies document the determinants of voting behavior when such voting is solicited by the management, but do not examine why some companies seek shareholder approval on auditor selection while others do not. We examine whether companies avoid seeking ratification when they are likely to face nonratification. We find no strong evidence that this is the case. In fact, companies that pay higher total fees to auditors are more likely to ask shareholders to vote on auditor selection. Andersen clients are less likely to seek ratification, which we attribute to the fact that our sample time period coincides with the Enron-Andersen crisis. The only other indication that companies may shy away from shareholder ratification is a negative association between shareholder dissatisfaction with the board and the likelihood of seeking ratification. Finally, we find that financial expertise of audit committees is positively associated with the likelihood of seeking ratification, supporting results in other studies that show audit committee financial expertise has positive monitoring effects.
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Gauja, Anika. "‘Temporarily’ Abroad: Partisan Organisation and Mobilisation outside Australia." Parliamentary Affairs 73, no. 4 (July 28, 2020): 874–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsaa042.
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Abstract This article explores the relationship between partisan organisation outside a country of origin and the voting rights and migration patterns of its citizens. Using Australian political parties operating overseas as case studies, it examines the extent to which the electoral context of expatriate voting influences why and how parties establish organisational structures abroad. Electoral law in Australia allows citizens to vote while living overseas only for a limited period—as long as they intend to return to Australia within six years. Because of this relatively limited opportunity, we might expect party organisations abroad to exist primarily to mobilise support at election times in areas where there are high concentrations of Australian expatriate voters, rather than create lasting communities of partisan supporters. The article finds, in line with this expectation, that ‘parties abroad’ are relatively modest, geographically rooted in cities with large expatriate populations and facilitated by online and social media technologies.
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Darr, Benjamin, and Vicki Hesli. "Differential Voter Turnout in a Post-Communist Muslim Society: The Case of the Kyrgyz Republic." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 43, no. 3 (August 21, 2010): 309–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2010.07.005.
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Borrowing the dominant theoretical frameworks of studies of voter turnout in the developed world, this paper tests the applicability of these frameworks to a transitional democracy in a Muslim society. Using logistic regression, we estimate an individual’s likelihood of voting in Kyrgyzstan’s 2005 parliamentary and presidential elections.We find that traditional rural networks, rather than networks of voluntary associations, play the central role in the mobilization of voters. In addition, turnout is affected by long-standing cultural cleavages based on religion and ethnicity, and by education, occupation, and trust in government. Our findings suggest that the political behavior of the people of the Kyrgyz Republic is supportive of democracy, in spite of elite-level obstacles to a successful transition.
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Knuckey, Jonathan. "The Structure of Party Competition in the South: The Case of Florida." American Review of Politics 25 (April 1, 2004): 41–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2004.25.0.41-65.
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Although Florida has evolved from a one-party system into an intensely competitive two-party system, many studies of the state’s partisan and electoral politics continue to stress the importance of candidate-centered voting and weak party attachments, characteristics of a dealigned party system. This paper argues that such conclusions, based primarily on studies that employ individual-level data, are misleading. The paper examines the structure of the party vote across different political offices utilizing aggregate-level election returns at the county level through principal components factor analysis. Findings indicate that the New Deal vote alignment was disrupted at the presidential level in the 1960s, and a new stable alignment emerged in 1972. Consistent with the notion of a “top-down” or “creeping” realignment, the Post-New Deal alignment penetrated elections for U.S. Senate and governor from 1986 onwards, but came to structure cabinet office elections more gradually, with a culmination of this realignment in the 1990s. Overall, the paper argues that studies relying exclusively on individual-level data to examine Florida’s partisan and electoral politics have overlooked a great deal of structure and stability underlying the vote in this politically important state.
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Simon, Bryant. "RACE DOESN'T MATTER, RACE MATTERS." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 7, no. 2 (2010): 271–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x10000263.
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AbstractThis enthographically-based essay uses the case of Starbucks and the company's diversity policies and relationship with Magic Johnson to explore the desire for postracialism in post Civil Rights—post Martin Luther King, Jr. and post protest—mainstream America. Where did this desire come from and how did corporate America package this desire? What is the relationship between the selling of postracialism and voting for Barack Obama? What are the implications of these marketing moves? What do they tell us about business and about ourselves?