Journal articles: 'Voting – Brazil'

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Leal, Ricardo P. C., and Andre Carvalhal da Silva. "Controlling shareholders and corporate valuation in Brazil." Corporate Ownership and Control 3, no. 2 (2006): 137–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv3i2p14.

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This paper investigates the relation between the ownership structure, valuation and performance of Brazilian companies. The results show that large shareholders keep control while holding only a small fraction of cash flow rights. The evidence also indicates that non-voting shares and pyramiding are the main devices set to entrench the large controlling shareholder. There is some evidence that firm valuation and performance are negatively related to voting concentration, and that foreign-owned firms perform the best while government-owned firms perform the worst.

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Saito, Richard. "Determinants of the Differential Pricing between Voting and Non-Voting Shares in Brazil'." Brazilian Review of Econometrics 23, no. 1 (May 1, 2003): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.12660/bre.v23n12003.2732.

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Power, Timothy J. "Compulsory for Whom? Mandatory Voting and Electoral Participation in Brazil, 1986-2006." Journal of Politics in Latin America 1, no. 1 (April 2009): 97–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x0900100105.

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Latin America contains roughly half of the world's countries that use compulsory voting, but this electoral institution has received only limited attention from researchers. This article examines the determinants of voter turnout in the world's largest electorate subject to mandatory voting, that of Brazil. In analyzing data from six national legislative elections held in Brazil between 1986 and 2006, the study finds that the impact of compulsory laws varies across social and economic groups. From a methodological perspective, the article argues that “compulsoriness” of mandatory voting legislation can be modeled by taking into account both exemptions to the law and the relevance of potential sanctions against non-voters. The issue of enforcement must be considered if we are to develop comprehensive models of electoral participation under conditions of compulsory voting.

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Lopez de Leon, Fernanda Leite, and Renata Rizzi. "A Test for the Rational Ignorance Hypothesis: Evidence from a Natural Experiment in Brazil." American Economic Journal: Economic Policy 6, no. 4 (November 1, 2014): 380–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/pol.6.4.380.

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This paper tests the rational ignorance hypothesis by Downs (1957). This theory predicts that people do not acquire costly information to educate their votes. We provide new estimates for the effect of voting participation by exploring the Brazilian dual voting system—voluntary and compulsory—whose exposure is determined by citizens' date of birth. Using a fuzzy RD approach and data from a self-collected survey, we find no impact of voting on individuals' political knowledge or information consumption. Our results corroborate Downs' predictions and refute the conjecture by Lijphart (1997) that compulsory voting stimulates civic education. (JEL D12, D72, D83, O12, O17)

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Power, Timothy J., and J. Timmons Roberts. "Compulsory Voting, Invalid Ballots, and Abstention in Brazil." Political Research Quarterly 48, no. 4 (December 1995): 795. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/448975.

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Power, Timothy J., and J. Timmons Roberts. "Compulsory Voting, Invalid Ballots, and Abstention in Brazil." Political Research Quarterly 48, no. 4 (December 1995): 795–826. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591299504800407.

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Freire, Alessandro, and Mathieu Turgeon. "Random votes under compulsory voting: Evidence from Brazil." Electoral Studies 66 (August 2020): 102168. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2020.102168.

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Karmanis, Karmanis. "ELECTRONIC-VOTING (E-VOTING) DAN PEMILIHAN UMUM (Studi Komparasi di Indonesia, Brazil, India, Swiss dan Australia)." MIMBAR ADMINISTRASI FISIP UNTAG Semarang 18, no. 2 (October 30, 2021): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.56444/mia.v18i2.2526.

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AbstrakIndonesia sebagai negara demokrasi sudah menggunakan metode E-Voting sebagai sarana demokrasi, walaupun baru diterapkan di tingkat pemilihan kepala dusun dan kepala desa. Sistem pemungutan suara elektronik (e-voting) harus diseriusi dan menjamin transparansi, kepastian, keamanan akuntabilitas, dan akurasi. Selain kesiapan teknologi, tentunya harus didukung dengan kesiapan masyarakat dalam melaksanakan sistem e-voting ini ke depannya. Ketidaksiapan dan kurangnya sosialisasi pemerintah terhadap e-voting juga dapat menjadi faktor pemicu kegagalan dalam penerapan sistem ini. Sejak pandemi Covid-19 yang menyebar diseluruh dunia, melumpuhkan kegiatan manusia khusus di Indonesia. Pemilihan Kepala Daerah di Indonesia yang diselenggarakan pada 9 Desember 2020 mengalami polemik physical distancing ditengah pandemi Covid-19. Penerapan sistem E-Voting telah dilakukan oleh beberapa negara misalkan di Brajil, India, Swiss dan Australia mendapatkan respon positif dalam masyarakat, namun juga terdapat kekurangan dalam pelaksanaannya. Metode penelitian diskriptif kwalitatif dengan pendekatan perbandingan data sekunder. Hasil penelitian ini, sistem E-Voting dalam Pemilihan Umum dapat meningkatkan nilai demokrasi khusus peningkatan partisipasi masyarakat dan memberikan keefektivan serta keefesienan dalam proses pemilihan berlangsung. Namun, penerapan sistem E-Voting masih terkendala dengan adanya hacker yang bisa membobol sistem serta kesiapan pemerintah dalam penggunaan E-Voting. Kata kunci: E-Voting, Pemilu, Dan Demokrasi AbstractIndonesia as a democratic country has used the E-Voting method as a means of democracy, even though it has only been implemented at the level of election of hamlet heads and village heads. Electronic voting systems must be taken seriously and ensure transparency, certainty, security, accountability and accuracy. In addition to technological readiness, of course, it must be supported by the readiness of the community to implement this e-voting system in the future. The government's unpreparedness and lack of socialization of e-voting can also be a trigger factor for failure in implementing this system. Since the Covid-19 pandemic, which has spread throughout the world, has paralyzed human activities, especially in Indonesia. The Regional Head Election in Indonesia which was held on December 9, 2020 experienced a polemic of Physical Distancing amid the Covid-19 Pandemic. The implementation of the E-Voting system has been carried out by several countries, for example in Brazil, India, Switzerland and Australia, getting a positive response in the community, but there are also shortcomings in its implementation. Qualitative descriptive research method using a comparative approach using secondary data.The results of this study, the E-Voting system in General Elections can increase the value of democracy, especially increasing public participation and providing effectiveness and efficiency in the electoral process. However, the implementation of the E-Voting system is still constrained by the presence of hackers who can break into the system and the government's readiness to use E-Voting. Keywords: E-Voting, Election, and Democracy<div id="gtx-trans" style="position: absolute; left: 267px; top: 315px;"> </div>

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Schneider, Rodrigo, and Kelly N. Senters. "Winners and Losers of the Ballot: Electronic vs. Traditional Paper Voting Systems in Brazil." Latin American Politics and Society 60, no. 2 (April 17, 2018): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2018.5.

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AbstractScholars concur that free and fair elections are essential for proper democratic functioning, but our understanding of the political effects of democratic voting systems is incomplete. This article mitigates the gap by exploiting the gradual transformation of voting systems and ballot structures in Brazil’s 1998 executive elections to study the relationship between voting systems and viable and nonviable candidates’ vote shares, using regression discontinuity design. It finds that the introduction of electronic voting concentrated vote shares among viable candidates and thus exhibited electoral bias. We posit that this result occurred because viable candidates were better able to communicate the information that electronic voters needed to cast valid ballots than were their nonviable counterparts. The article uses survey data to demonstrate that electronic voters responded to changes in ballot design and internalized the information viable candidates made available to them.

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Vancouver, CASIS. "Threats to Electronic Voting Systems in Canada." Journal of Intelligence, Conflict, and Warfare 1, no. 3 (January 31, 2019): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.21810/jicw.v1i3.821.

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Electoral voting systems have been the subject of several cybersecurity reviews, and speculation about them being vulnerable. In 2017, Communications Security Establishment noted that electronic voting tabulation may be vulnerable to third party cyberattacks (CSE, 2017). In March 2018, a report from Brazil demonstrated it was possible to attack the voting machine (Aranha et. al., 2018). Moreover, a 2018 report by Elections BC includes reference to the requirement that voting machines must maintain an internet connection, thus creating a vulnerability for a potential cyber-attack (Archer, 2018).

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ARARIPE, LUIS E., RAIMUNDO N. COSTA FILHO, HANS J. HERRMANN, and JOSÉ S. ANDRADE. "PLURALITY VOTING: THE STATISTICAL LAWS OF DEMOCRACY IN BRAZIL." International Journal of Modern Physics C 17, no. 12 (December 2006): 1809–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0129183106010200.

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We explore the statistical laws behind the plurality voting system by investigating the election results for the mayor in Brazil in 2004. Our analysis indicate that the vote partition among mayor candidates of the same city tends to be "polarized" between two candidates, a phenomenon that can be closely described by means of a simple fragmentation model. Complex concepts like "government continuity" and "useful vote" can be identified and even statistically quantified through our approach.

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Cepaluni, Gabriel, and F. Daniel Hidalgo. "Compulsory Voting Can Increase Political Inequality: Evidence from Brazil." Political Analysis 24, no. 2 (2016): 273–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpw004.

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One of the most robust findings on political institutions is that compulsory voting (CV) reduces the participation gap between poorer and wealthier voters. We present evidence that in Brazil, the largest country to use such a rule, CVincreasesinequality in turnout. We use individual-level data on 140 million Brazilian citizens and two age-based discontinuities to estimate the heterogeneous effects of CV by educational achievement, a strong proxy for socioeconomic status. Evidence from both thresholds shows that the causal effect of CV on turnout among the more educated is at least twice the size of the effect among those with less education. To explain this result, which is the opposite of what is predicted by the existing literature, we argue that nonmonetary penalties for abstention primarily affect middle- and upper-class voters and thus increase their turnout disproportionately. Survey evidence from a national sample provides evidence for the mechanism. Our results show that studies of CV should consider nonmonetary sanctions, as their effects can reverse standard predictions.

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Katz, Gabriel, and Ines Levin. "A General Model of Abstention Under Compulsory Voting." Political Science Research and Methods 6, no. 3 (November 15, 2016): 489–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2016.49.

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Invalid voting and absenteeism are alternative sources of abstention under compulsory voting. Previous research failed to systematically study the mechanisms behind each form of non-voting and the relationships between them. We develop an analytical framework and an empirical strategy to jointly examine invalid voting and absenteeism in Brazil, the world’s largest democracy with mandatory voting. Using Bayesian inferential methods and analyzing both individual and district-level data, we show that less educated and politically knowledgeable citizens are less likely to vote and, when they do, they are typically unable to successfully complete their ballot. Unlike absenteeism, invalid voting also has a political dimension reflecting voters’ disenchantment with elections and democratic performance. Both sources of abstention coexist and, together, undermine electoral participation.

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Musacchio, Aldo. "Laws versus Contracts: Shareholder Protections and Ownership Concentration in Brazil, 1890–1950." Business History Review 82, no. 3 (2008): 445–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000768050008260x.

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This article examines some of the institutional conditions that facilitated the development of equity markets in Brazil. A critical factor was the addition to corporate bylaws of protections for investors, which enabled relatively large corporations in Brazil to attract investors in large numbers. By availing themselves of this strategy, the firms generated a relatively low concentration of ownership before 1910. Archival evidence, such as company statutes and shareholder lists, reveals that the addition of voting rights to their bylaws, particularly maximum-vote provisions and graduated voting scales (which stipulated that less-than-proportional votes increase in parallel with shareholdings), allowed many Brazilian corporations to balance the relative voting power of their small and large investors. In companies that made such arrangements, the concentration of ownership and control was sharply lower than in the average company. Judging by the Brazilian companies examined for this article, it also appears that the concentration of control was significantly lower before 1910 than it is today.

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Musacchio, Aldo. "Laws versus Contracts: Shareholder Protections and Ownership Concentration in Brazil, 1890–1950." Business History Review 82, no. 3 (2008): 445–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007680500000143.

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This article examines some of the institutional conditions that facilitated the development of equity markets in Brazil. A critical factor was the addition to corporate bylaws of protections for investors, which enabled relatively large corporations in Brazil to attract investors in large numbers. By availing themselves of this strategy, the firms generated a relatively low concentration of ownership before 1910. Archival evidence, such as company statutes and shareholder lists, reveals that the addition of voting rights to their bylaws, particularly maximum-vote provisions and graduated voting scales (which stipulated that less-than-proportional votes increase in parallel with shareholdings), allowed many Brazilian corporations to balance the relative voting power of their small and large investors. In companies that made such arrangements, the concentration of ownership and control was sharply lower than in the average company. Judging by the Brazilian companies examined for this article, it also appears that the concentration of control was significantly lower before 1910 than it is today.

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Carvalhal da Silva, André Luiz, and Ricardo Pereira Câmara Leal. "Ownership, control, valuation and performance of Brazilian corporations." Corporate Ownership and Control 4, no. 1 (2006): 300–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv4i1c2p6.

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This paper analyzes the ownership and control structure of Brazilian companies and the effect of cash flow and voting rights on firm valuation and performance. Ownership is quite concentrated in Brazil with most companies being controlled by a single direct shareholder. We find evidence that non-voting shares and indirect control structures are largely used to concentrate control with reduced overall investment in the company. Our results support the hypothesis that firm valuation and performance are positively related to cash flow concentration, and negatively related to voting concentration and to the separation of voting from cash flow rights. Moreover, firm valuation and performance are relatively higher for firms with controlling shareholders when compared to firms without controlling shareholders.

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Dunaiski, Maurice. "Is compulsory voting habit-forming? Regression discontinuity evidence from Brazil." Electoral Studies 71 (June 2021): 102334. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2021.102334.

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Fujiwara, Thomas. "Voting Technology, Political Responsiveness, and Infant Health: Evidence From Brazil." Econometrica 83, no. 2 (2015): 423–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3982/ecta11520.

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Desposato, Scott W. "Comparing Group and Subgroup Cohesion Scores: A Nonparametric Method with an Application to Brazil." Political Analysis 11, no. 3 (2003): 275–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpg005.

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This article builds a nonparametric method for inference from roll-call cohesion scores. Cohesion scores have been a staple of legislative studies since the publication of Rice's 1924 thesis. Unfortunately, little effort has been dedicated to understanding their statistical properties or relating them to existing models of legislative behavior. I show how a common use of cohesion scores, testing for distinct voting blocs, is severely biased toward Type I error, practically guaranteeing significant findings even when the null hypothesis is correct. I offer a nonparametric method—permutation analysis—that solves the bias problem and provides for simple and intuitive inference. I demonstrate with an examination of roll-call voting data from the Brazilian National Congress.

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Pinto, Gabriela M. Engler. "Why they persist? An analysis of dual class structures and the unification process in the U.S. and Brazil." Revista Direito GV 10, no. 1 (June 2014): 23–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1808-24322014000100002.

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The unbundling of cash flow and voting rights has been severely criticized worldwide and yet, the dual class structure persists as an alternative widely adopted by firms. This paper aims to provide some explanations as to why this happens, particularly from a comparative perspective that analyzes the contexts of Brazil and the United States, two countries that take a rather different approach regarding corporate ownership structures. In order to do so, it reviews the panorama of dual class structures, their main characteristics and the unification process that both countries underwent. On top of these discussions, this paper presents some arguments to explain why the dual class structure still persists both in Brazil and in the U.S. (although with variable intensity), despite all the criticism aimed at the segregation of cash flow and voting rights.

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Schneider, Rodrigo. "Free or Fair Elections? The Introduction of Electronic Voting in Brazil." Economía 21, no. 1 (2020): 73–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eco.2020.0007.

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Barros, Lucia, Rafael Goldszmidt, and Carlos Pereira. "Why do voters choose corrupt candidates? The role of ideology on cognitive mechanisms." International Journal of Public Opinion Research 32, no. 4 (December 20, 2019): 676–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edz041.

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Abstract There is evidence that people vote for corrupt candidates even when they have information that their representatives have been engaged in corruption in the past. Based on a survey experiment in Brazil, we find evidence that ideology is an important factor to explain this voting behavior. We also found evidence of two psychological mechanisms that explain this effect: a change in perception of corruption and a cognitive cost-benefit evaluation. This study expanded previous findings, showing that ideology can affect voting behavior when there is information about corruption even in a country where voters are supposedly less loyal to a single party.

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Castanho Silva, Bruno, Mario Fuks, and Eduardo Ryô Tamaki. "So thin it’s almost invisible: Populist attitudes and voting behavior in Brazil." Electoral Studies 75 (February 2022): 102434. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2021.102434.

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Boas, Taylor C. "Pastor Paulo vs. Doctor Carlos: Professional Titles as Voting Heuristics in Brazil." Journal of Politics in Latin America 6, no. 2 (August 2014): 39–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x1400600202.

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Moisés, José Alvaro. "Elections, Political Parties and Political Culture in Brazil: Changes and Continuities." Journal of Latin American Studies 25, no. 3 (October 1993): 575–611. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00006672.

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The 1989 presidential elections confirmed the thesis that Brazilian voters use their ballots as weapons to express their dissatisfaction with the performance of their governments and, in particular, with the incumbents' ability to cope with the serious economic difficulties that have plagued Brazil in recent decades. Nearly thirty years after the last free presidential elections, the ballots cast across Brazil and in all segments of the society reflected a heightened plebiscitary tendency, especially in the most developed regions of the nation, that is, in modern Brazil. Looking at recent political history, we can observe that this trend became generalised in the 1970s, with the crisis of the authoritarian regime. Faced with a two-party system (Arena and MDB) imposed by the ruling military, the electorate voiced its protest by voting against authoritarianism and, in principle, in favour of democracy. Now that the authoritarian regime is no longer there, democracy seeks its consolidation – but the voters continue voting against; that is, they continue to use their ballots to reject incumbent governments (the 1986 elections being the only exception). The big change, however, is that now, in addition to reproving administrations which they deem inadequate, the voters are also protesting against the backwardness and vices of traditional Brazilian politics and, more specifically, against the practices of corruption, favouritism, and privatism.

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COELHO, Luiz Gonzaga Vaz, James Ramalho MARINHO, Robert GENTA, Laercio Tenório RIBEIRO, Maria do Carmo Friche PASSOS, Schlioma ZATERKA, Paulo Pimentel ASSUMPÇÃO, et al. "IVTH BRAZILIAN CONSENSUS CONFERENCE ON HELICOBACTER PYLORI INFECTION." Arquivos de Gastroenterologia 55, no. 2 (April 16, 2018): 97–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0004-2803.201800000-20.

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ABSTRACT Significant progress has been obtained since the III Brazilian Consensus Conference on H. pylori infection held in 2012, in Bento Gonçalves, Brazil, and justify a fourth meeting to establish updated guidelines on the current management of H. pylori infection. Therefore, the Núcleo Brasileiro para Estudo do Helicobacter pylori e Microbiota (NBEHPM), association linked to Brazilian Federation of Gastroenterology (FBG) held its fourth meeting again in Bento Gonçalves, RS, Brazil, on August 25-27, 2017. Twenty-six delegates, including gastroenterologists, endoscopists, and pathologists from the five regions of Brazil as well as one international guest from the United States, participated in the meeting. The participants were invited based on their knowledge and contribution to the study of H. pylori infection. The meeting sought to review different aspects of treatment for infection; establish a correlation between infection, dyspepsia, intestinal microbiota changes, and other disorders with a special emphasis on gastric cancer; and reassess the epidemiological and diagnostic aspects of H. pylori infection. Participants were allocated into four groups as follows: 1) Epidemiology and Diagnosis, 2) Dyspepsia, intestinal microbiota and other afections, 3) Gastric Cancer, and, 4) Treatment. Before the consensus meeting, participants received a topic to be discussed and prepared a document containing a recent literature review and statements that should be discussed and eventually modified during the face-to-face meeting. All statements were evaluated in two rounds of voting. Initially, each participant discussed the document and statements with his group for possible modifications and voting. Subsequently, during a second voting in a plenary session in the presence of all participants, the statements were voted upon and eventually modified. The participants could vote using five alternatives: 1) strongly agree; 2) partially agree; 3) undecided; 4) disagree; and 5) strongly disagree. The adopted consensus index was that 80% of the participants responded that they strongly or partially agreed with each statement. The recommendations reported are intended to provide the most current and relevant evidences to management of H. pylori infection in adult population in Brazil.

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ZUCCO, CESAR. "The President's ‘New’ Constituency: Lula and the Pragmatic Vote in Brazil's 2006 Presidential Elections." Journal of Latin American Studies 40, no. 1 (February 2008): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x07003628.

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AbstractThe 2006 presidential elections in Brazil witnessed a dramatic shift of Lula's voting base away from the more developed regions of the country and towards the poorest areas. This paper uses municipal-level data to argue that while this shift represents an important change for the support base of Lula himself, it can mostly be explained by the government's massive cash transfer programme, the Bolsa Familia, and by the empirical regularity with which presidential candidates from the incumbent party in Brazil always perform better in the less developed regions of the country.

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Ames, Barry, Andy Baker, and Lucio R. Renno. "Split-ticket voting as the rule: Voters and permanent divided government in Brazil." Electoral Studies 28, no. 1 (March 2009): 8–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2008.06.005.

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Neto, Octavio Amorim, and Andrés Malamud. "What Determines Foreign Policy in Latin America? Systemic versus Domestic Factors in Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico, 1946–2008." Latin American Politics and Society 57, no. 4 (2015): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2015.00286.x.

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AbstractIs it domestic politics or the international system that more decisively influences foreign policy? This article focuses on Latin America's three largest powers to identify patterns and compare outcomes in their relations with the regional hegemon, the United States. Through a statistical analysis of voting behavior in the UN General Assembly, we examine systemic variables (both realist and liberal) and domestic variables (institutional, ideological, and bureaucratic) to determine their relative weights between 1946 and 2008. The study includes 4,900 votes, the tabulation of 1,500 ministers according to their ideological persuasion, all annual trade entries, and an assessment of the political strength of presidents, cabinets, and parties per year. The findings show that while Argentina's voting behavior has been determined mostly by domestic factors and Mexico's by realist systemic ones, Brazil's has a more complex blend of determinants, but also with a prevalence of realist systemic variables.

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Rodrigues Filho, Jose. "E-Voting and the Creation of Trust for the Socially Marginalized Citizens in Brazil." JeDEM - eJournal of eDemocracy and Open Government 2, no. 2 (September 21, 2010): 184–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.29379/jedem.v2i2.26.

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Abstract: Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) have been implemented in a quite intensive way in both developed and developing countries. In the discourse of the New Public Management (NPM), the principal role of ICT is to improve the delivery of public services to citizens and the distrust of public administration. In responding to distrust and the challenges facing the simplistic technological determinism discourse of ICTs in general and ICT for development in particular, building on areas of trust associated with economic development seems to have been emphasized. On the other hand, despite the influence of institutions in the design and use of ICTs as a compelling enabler of change mentioned in the theory of social shaping and the ideas of citizens’ orientation, where technological artifacts are social constructions, it seems to be evident that these institutions can reinforce the same technological determinism and trust. In this paper an attempt is made to show that the use of a technology like e-voting in Brazil has not contributed to improve political participation and the delivery of public services, despite the attempt to promote and create trust in e-voting. With a more critical view of trust, an attempt is made to show how institutions and technology are enmeshed in a structure of vested interests in the public sector in such a way that a fabricated trust is created smoothly.

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Guimaraes, Paula, Ricardo P. C. Leal, Peter Wanke, and Matthew Morey. "Shareholder activism impact on efficiency in Brazil." Corporate Governance: The International Journal of Business in Society 19, no. 1 (February 4, 2019): 141–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/cg-01-2018-0010.

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Purpose This paper aims to investigate the long-term impact of shareholder activism on Brazilian listed companies. Design/methodology/approach This study uses a sample of 194 companies in 2010, 2012 and 2014 and a two-stage data envelopment analysis to generate an efficiency score based on corporate governance, ownership structure and financial characteristics of companies. In the second stage, the study applies a bootstrap truncated regression to identify whether there is a relationship between the efficiency scores and a company-level activism index. Findings The results show a negative correlation between the efficiency scores and the activism index, suggesting that activist shareholders tend to target less efficient companies. A time analysis over the period 2010-2014 does not offer evidence of impacts of activism on changes of the efficiency scores. Practical implications Activist shareholders target less efficient companies. Shareholder activism increased after regulation that facilitated shareholder voting and required greater company transparency was introduced. Originality/value The two-stage nature of the procedure used in the analysis ascertains that this result is not spurious, assuring data separability between productive resources and contextual variables. This study contributes to the scarce literature on activism in emerging markets.

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Voskanian, R. O. "Dual-Class System of Capital Company Formation in the BRICS Countries." MIR (Modernization. Innovation. Research) 12, no. 3 (October 4, 2021): 274–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.18184/2079-4665.2021.12.3.274-287.

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Purpose: this paper determinates the current level of penetration of the dual-class system of capital company formation in the BRICS group.Methods: are based on the use of methods of analysis, systematization, generalization. A comparative and synthesis methods have been also used to identify trends and patterns in the introduction of multi-voting shares in the BRICS group.Results: the dual-class system of capital company formation in Russia is practically not studied. The article reveals that in Brazil and Russia, despite the discussion of the possibility of distributing multi-voting shares, the legislation does not imply the possibility of using the dual-class system. This issue has not yet been discussed in South Africa.It has been identified that the main reason for the legislative permission for using multi-voting shares is the need to develop companies in the high-tech sector. Another reason is the massive listing of foreign high-tech companies on American stock exchanges, due to the possibility of using the dual-class system. This predetermined the introduction of amendments to the legislation of India and China, according to which companies in the high-tech sector that have not yet passed an IPO can use differential voting rights.It has been receiving that the Indian market is the only one where shares with differentiated voting rights are placed on the stock exchange. At the moment, three companies that passed the IPO before the amendments to the legislation use differentiated voting rights, but not upwards, but on the contrary – downwards: “four shares – three votes”. This characteristic determines the trading of such stocks at a discount.Conclusions and Relevance: harmonization of opportunities for the use of financial instruments in the BRICS market can strengthen the economic potential of states. Allowing the usage of multi-voting shares improves the business environment for high-tech companies and reduces the need for company founders to look for IPO opportunities in jurisdictions where a dual-class capital formation system is allowed.

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Voskanian, R. O. "Dual-Class System of Capital Company Formation in the BRICS Countries." MIR (Modernization. Innovation. Research) 12, no. 3 (October 4, 2021): 274–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.18184/2079-4665.2021.12.3.274-287.

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Purpose: this paper determinates the current level of penetration of the dual-class system of capital company formation in the BRICS group.Methods: are based on the use of methods of analysis, systematization, generalization. A comparative and synthesis methods have been also used to identify trends and patterns in the introduction of multi-voting shares in the BRICS group.Results: the dual-class system of capital company formation in Russia is practically not studied. The article reveals that in Brazil and Russia, despite the discussion of the possibility of distributing multi-voting shares, the legislation does not imply the possibility of using the dual-class system. This issue has not yet been discussed in South Africa.It has been identified that the main reason for the legislative permission for using multi-voting shares is the need to develop companies in the high-tech sector. Another reason is the massive listing of foreign high-tech companies on American stock exchanges, due to the possibility of using the dual-class system. This predetermined the introduction of amendments to the legislation of India and China, according to which companies in the high-tech sector that have not yet passed an IPO can use differential voting rights.It has been receiving that the Indian market is the only one where shares with differentiated voting rights are placed on the stock exchange. At the moment, three companies that passed the IPO before the amendments to the legislation use differentiated voting rights, but not upwards, but on the contrary – downwards: “four shares – three votes”. This characteristic determines the trading of such stocks at a discount.Conclusions and Relevance: harmonization of opportunities for the use of financial instruments in the BRICS market can strengthen the economic potential of states. Allowing the usage of multi-voting shares improves the business environment for high-tech companies and reduces the need for company founders to look for IPO opportunities in jurisdictions where a dual-class capital formation system is allowed.

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Avgerou, Chrisanthi. "Explaining Trust in IT-Mediated Elections: A Case Study of E-Voting in Brazil." Journal of the Association for Information Systems 14, no. 8 (August 2013): 420–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17705/1jais.00340.

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Aranha, Diego F., and Jeroen van de Graaf. "The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly: Two Decades of E-Voting in Brazil." IEEE Security & Privacy 16, no. 6 (November 2018): 22–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/msec.2018.2875318.

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de Caria Patrício, Raquel. "Brazil: Country on Hold, Political Tension Running High." ATHENS JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES 9, no. 2 (January 2, 2022): 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajss.9-2-3.

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This paper discusses the Brazilian 2022 presidential elections, presenting Bolsonaro and Lula as the two frontrunners who have too many other candidates to face, who compose a third way that together joins around 30% of voting intention. Approaching the way how Bolsonaro arrived at power in the 2018 elections – when Lula could not be a candidate because he was incarcerated – this paper also discusses Bolsonaro’s government so that it can be possible to understand from where Bolsonaro comes and who he is, which mistakes he is doing that justifies the low levels of popularity, especially compared to Lula. Looking forward to seeing what the best for Brazil is and based on the hypothesis that a coup led by Bolsonaro would never succeed, not because of the international support to Brazil but due to the resilience of internal defenders of the rule of law, this paper is theoretically supported on the paradigmatic theory and concludes from the scenarios structured that Lula seems to be victorious in all of them. Keywords: Brazil, 2022 elections, 2018 elections, Bolsonaro, Lula, third way

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Visconti, Giancarlo. "Economic Perceptions and Electoral Choices: A Design-Based Approach." Political Science Research and Methods 7, no. 4 (September 5, 2017): 795–813. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2017.26.

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Do economic perceptions affect voters’ electoral choices? There is ample evidence showing a correlation between how people perceive the current state of the economy and electoral decisions. However, there are reasons to believe that political preferences can also determine how voters evaluate economic conditions, which will reverse the causality arrow. The strategies previously implemented to address this problem have been based on the use of structural equations and instrumental variables, but they require very strong parametric or identification assumptions. In this paper, I follow a design-based approach by emphasizing the study design rather than statistical modeling. In contrast to previous studies that used the same panel data in Brazil, I find evidence that supports egotropic, rather than sociotropic, voting. This finding shows that traditional research designs may be overstating the magnitude of sociotropic economic voting.

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de Almeida, Leandro, Pedro V. Carelli, Nara Gualberto Cavalcanti, José-Dias do Nascimento, and Daniel Felinto. "Quantifying political influence on COVID-19 fatality in Brazil." PLOS ONE 17, no. 7 (July 12, 2022): e0264293. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0264293.

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The COVID-19 pandemic was severely aggravated in Brazil due to its politicization by the country’s federal government. However, the impact of diffuse political forces on the fatality of an epidemic is notoriously difficult to quantify. Here we introduce a method to measure this effect in the Brazilian case, based on the inhomogeneous distribution throughout the national territory of political support for the federal government. This political support is quantified by the voting rates in the last general election in Brazil. This data is correlated with the fatality rates by COVID-19 in each Brazilian state as the number of deaths grows over time. We show that the correlation between fatality rate and political support grows as the government’s misinformation campaign is developed. This led to the dominance of such political factor for the pandemic impact in Brazil in 2021. Once this dominance is established, this correlation allows for an estimation of the total number of deaths due to political influence as 350±70 thousand up to the end of 2021, corresponding to (57±11)% of the total number of deaths.

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Hunter, Wendy, and Natasha Borges Sugiyama. "Democracy and Social Policy in Brazil: Advancing Basic Needs, Preserving Privileged Interests." Latin American Politics and Society 51, no. 2 (2009): 29–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2009.00047.x.

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AbstractHas democracy promoted poverty alleviation and equity-enhancing reforms in Brazil, a country of striking inequality and destitution? The effects of an open, competitive political system have not been straightforward. Factors that would seem to work toward this goal include the voting power of poor people, the progressive 1988 Constitution, the activism of social movements, and governance since 1995 by presidents affiliated with center-left and left parties. Yet these factors have been counterbalanced by the strong political influence and lobbying power of organized interests with a stake in preexisting arrangements of social protection and human capital formation. An analysis of four key federal sectors, social security, education, health care, and public assistance, illustrates the challenges for social sector reforms that go beyond raising basic living standards to enhancing socioeconomic inequality.

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Viana Junior, Dante, and Vicente Crisóstomo. "The Effects of Voting Ownership Concentration on Social and Environmental Disclosure: Empirical Evidence from Brazil." Review of Business Management 21, no. 4 (October 2019): 906–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7819/rbgn.v21i5.4026.

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Piazza, Kelly Senters, and Rodrigo Schneider. "The Electoral Buzz: Rational Prospective Voting and the Politics of the Zika Epidemic in Brazil." Latin American Research Review 56, no. 3 (September 7, 2021): 575. http://dx.doi.org/10.25222/larr.916.

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Bailey, Stanley R. "Public Opinion on Nonwhite Underrepresentation and Racial Identity Politics in Brazil." Latin American Politics and Society 51, no. 4 (2009): 69–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2009.00064.x.

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AbstractBrazil has an “African-origin” population that is proportionally more than four times larger that of African Americans in the United States, but white Brazilians mostly dominate electoral politics. How do ordinary citizens explain this phenomenon? Drawing on a large-sample survey of public opinion in the state of Rio de Janeiro, this article explores perceived explanations for nonwhite underrepresentation in the political arena. It also examines attitudes toward a particular black candidate, Benedita da Silva, to discern the state ofnegroidentity politics. Most Brazilians in Rio de Janeiro cite racial prejudice to explain nonwhite exclusion, although whites do this less than nonwhites. Indicators of a racial undercurrent in political preferences suggest the importance of allegiances based on perceived common racial origins. Class is robustly associated with voting preferences, suggesting that, in contrast to the United States, class differences among nonwhites in Brazil could attenuate the success ofnegroidentity politics.

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De Souza Lima, Lívia, and Thiago Henrique Desenzi. "Legislative Representation and Governability in Brazil." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 20 (June 29, 2013): 149–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.20.11.

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Democracy is, ideally, an equality fostering tool in face of different demands present in any given society and that currently is put in practice by a representative democratic model. Nevertheless, several modern thinkers are pointing to an unmeasured scale of interests within the representation spheres, in which the most powerful society’s sectors overcome the less influential social and economical groups, turning democratic representation into an uneven scheme. By having this in mind, this reflection is aimed to make an analysis of the Brazilian democratic representation model, specifically in relation to its majoritarian government composition, that, in this country, is part of a unique legislative model named as “Coalition Presidentialism”. At the composition idealized by the Brazilian National Constitution, the federal parliamentary ministers have the responsibility for the formulation of laws as well as monitoring the executive power in consonance with the will of the society’s sectors that has got them elected by the voting system. The conflict is established though, when the actual governmental practices leave aside the constitutional principle of a plural representation in consequence of economic and power interests that act independently from the diverse interests and needs of other groups belonging to the Brazilian society. It can be argued that the establishment of governmental practices better aligned to the concept of global justice, in the Brazilian case, can be achieved by a better quality democracy, through adequate governance mechanisms and plural representation practices that are capable of attending the distinct demands of diverse society layers. Thus, this article is aimed to present how the Brazilian democratic representation works, exploring its conflicts and deployments and mainly its divergences in relation to the democratic morality that presupposes the existence of gradated ways to the reaching of higher social and political equality levels, closer to the general global justice ideas.

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Cavalcante, Pedro Luiz Costa. "Elections and local government performance in Brazil." Organizações & Sociedade 24, no. 83 (December 2017): 580–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1984-9240832.

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Abstract The 1988 federal Constitution introduced a complex and innovative institutional arrangement that not only reestablished political rights and democratic procedures, but also reinforced decentralization as a fundamental guideline for policy implementation in Brazil. As a result, municipalities have become pivotal actors in the policymaking process. Scholars of Latin American politics have given much emphasis to the causes and determinants of decentralization, but not much has been done toward a more general understanding of how this increased decentralization has affected policymaker behavior and policy outcomes. This paper aims to do exactly that. Specifically, it investigates how institutional arrangements and electoral competition affect local government performance. The theoretical basis is the electoral democratic theory that broadly highlights elections as instruments of citizen control in retrospective and prospective voting approaches. The research employs a large-N cross sub-national analysis based on a dataset of electoral, partisan, socioeconomic and public financial information collected from over 5500 municipalities. Local governments’ performance, our dependent variables, are synthetic indicators formulated from 2009 nationwide surveys on public education, health, housing and welfare services. The OLS regression results confirm the hypothesis that politics variables do matter in how politicians make decisions and implement policy under the new Brazilian democratic Era. The empirical evidences suggest that electoral competition does not present a direct effect on government performance, however, ideology and citizen participation do. Therefore, this paper helps to expand our understanding of a political system’s impact on public policy outputs, which is extremely important not only for academic purpose but also to support policymakers’ decisions.

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DESPOSATO, SCOTT W. "Correcting for Small Group Inflation of Roll-Call Cohesion Scores." British Journal of Political Science 35, no. 4 (August 22, 2005): 731–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123405000372.

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Roll-call cohesion scores are the most widely used measures of voting blocs in legislative studies, appearing in literally hundreds of studies since their introduction in 1924. Despite a staple of legislative studies, we know virtually nothing about the statistical properties of these scores. In this article, it is shown how such scores suffer a serious bias problem: scores are artificially inflated for small parties, especially those that are less unified. The problem is demonstrated and an intuitive solution proposed. It is illustrated with data from the United States and from Brazil.

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Torres, Damiana, Adriano Leal Bruni, Antonio Lopo Martinez, and Miguel Angel Rivera-Castro. "Ownership and control structure, corporate governance and income smoothing in Brazil." Corporate Ownership and Control 8, no. 4 (2011): 180–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv8i4c1p4.

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Income smoothing is a longstanding practice under the more general category of earnings management. As the name suggests, it consists of smoothing out the fluctuations of the income series. This article examines the association between the ownership and control structure, level of corporate governance and origin of capital (foreign or domestic) of Brazilian companies on their propensity to smooth income. Using a sample of nonfinancial firms with shares traded on the São Paulo Stock Exchange (Bovespa) at the end of 2007, we performed covariance analysis based on data from the preceding ten years, where the dependent variable was the index proposed by Eckel, an empirical proxy for smoothing. The results indicate that the more concentrated the shareholding and control structures of Brazilian firms are, both according to overall capital and voting capital, the more intensely they tend to smooth earnings to favor the interests of the majority shareholder. The results also show that this effect is less pronounced for firms with enhanced corporate governance levels and those with foreign capital.

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Pargendler, Mariana, and Henry Hansmann. "A new view of shareholder voting in the nineteenth century: evidence from Brazil, England and France." Business History 55, no. 4 (June 2013): 585–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00076791.2012.741972.

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Silva, Marcus Vinícius Amaral e., Admir Antônio Betarelli Júnior, and Fernando Salgueiro Perobelli. "Socioeconomic Factors, Income Transfer Program, and the Presidential Election of 2014: Regional Voting Patterns in Brazil." Latin American Business Review 20, no. 4 (August 12, 2019): 341–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10978526.2019.1644181.

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Zagonel, Timóteo, Paulo Renato Soares Terra, and Diogo Favero Pasuch. "Taxation, corporate governance and dividend policy in Brazil." RAUSP Management Journal 53, no. 3 (July 9, 2018): 304–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/rausp-04-2018-006.

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Purpose This study aims to analyze the influence of taxes and corporate governance on the dividend policy of Brazilian companies. Design/methodology/approach The authors identify the changes of the tax legislation in Brazil in the period 1986-2011 and check their effect on corporate dividend policies for preferred and common shares. The authors use panel data Probit and Tobit estimation to verify the probability of companies to pay dividends under different tax regimes. The final sample comprises 672 companies, 1,159 traded stocks and 30,134 observations Findings The authors’ results suggest that changes in the tax legislation have a significant influence on dividend payments. Also, firms do not follow target payout ratios, but dividends are moderately dependent on past payments. Dividend payouts are affected by stock voting rights, privatization and dividend deductibility. Changes in regulation that reduce the agency problems among shareholders affect positively payout ratios. Practical implications For managers, maximizing shareholders’ value requires taking into account the consequences of the taxation when designing financial policies for the firm. For investors, stock portfolio selection should take into account payout behavior and how changes in dividend taxation affect stocks’ value. For policymakers, the effects of changes in the tax code on corporate behavior are of utmost importance to stimulate private investment and economic growth. Originality/value There are several tax law changes in Brazil within the period analyzed, creating a good opportunity to study the effect of taxation on dividend policy and its dynamics over time.

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Graham, Suzanne. "South Africa's UN General Assembly Voting Record from 2003 to 2008: Comparing India, Brazil and South Africa." Politikon 38, no. 3 (December 2011): 409–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2011.623842.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Voting – Brazil'

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