Academic literature on the topic 'Voting – Brazil'

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Journal articles on the topic "Voting – Brazil"

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Leal, Ricardo P. C., and Andre Carvalhal da Silva. "Controlling shareholders and corporate valuation in Brazil." Corporate Ownership and Control 3, no. 2 (2006): 137–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv3i2p14.

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This paper investigates the relation between the ownership structure, valuation and performance of Brazilian companies. The results show that large shareholders keep control while holding only a small fraction of cash flow rights. The evidence also indicates that non-voting shares and pyramiding are the main devices set to entrench the large controlling shareholder. There is some evidence that firm valuation and performance are negatively related to voting concentration, and that foreign-owned firms perform the best while government-owned firms perform the worst.
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Saito, Richard. "Determinants of the Differential Pricing between Voting and Non-Voting Shares in Brazil'." Brazilian Review of Econometrics 23, no. 1 (May 1, 2003): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.12660/bre.v23n12003.2732.

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Power, Timothy J. "Compulsory for Whom? Mandatory Voting and Electoral Participation in Brazil, 1986-2006." Journal of Politics in Latin America 1, no. 1 (April 2009): 97–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x0900100105.

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Latin America contains roughly half of the world's countries that use compulsory voting, but this electoral institution has received only limited attention from researchers. This article examines the determinants of voter turnout in the world's largest electorate subject to mandatory voting, that of Brazil. In analyzing data from six national legislative elections held in Brazil between 1986 and 2006, the study finds that the impact of compulsory laws varies across social and economic groups. From a methodological perspective, the article argues that “compulsoriness” of mandatory voting legislation can be modeled by taking into account both exemptions to the law and the relevance of potential sanctions against non-voters. The issue of enforcement must be considered if we are to develop comprehensive models of electoral participation under conditions of compulsory voting.
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Lopez de Leon, Fernanda Leite, and Renata Rizzi. "A Test for the Rational Ignorance Hypothesis: Evidence from a Natural Experiment in Brazil." American Economic Journal: Economic Policy 6, no. 4 (November 1, 2014): 380–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/pol.6.4.380.

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This paper tests the rational ignorance hypothesis by Downs (1957). This theory predicts that people do not acquire costly information to educate their votes. We provide new estimates for the effect of voting participation by exploring the Brazilian dual voting system—voluntary and compulsory—whose exposure is determined by citizens' date of birth. Using a fuzzy RD approach and data from a self-collected survey, we find no impact of voting on individuals' political knowledge or information consumption. Our results corroborate Downs' predictions and refute the conjecture by Lijphart (1997) that compulsory voting stimulates civic education. (JEL D12, D72, D83, O12, O17)
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Power, Timothy J., and J. Timmons Roberts. "Compulsory Voting, Invalid Ballots, and Abstention in Brazil." Political Research Quarterly 48, no. 4 (December 1995): 795. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/448975.

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Power, Timothy J., and J. Timmons Roberts. "Compulsory Voting, Invalid Ballots, and Abstention in Brazil." Political Research Quarterly 48, no. 4 (December 1995): 795–826. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591299504800407.

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Freire, Alessandro, and Mathieu Turgeon. "Random votes under compulsory voting: Evidence from Brazil." Electoral Studies 66 (August 2020): 102168. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2020.102168.

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Karmanis, Karmanis. "ELECTRONIC-VOTING (E-VOTING) DAN PEMILIHAN UMUM (Studi Komparasi di Indonesia, Brazil, India, Swiss dan Australia)." MIMBAR ADMINISTRASI FISIP UNTAG Semarang 18, no. 2 (October 30, 2021): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.56444/mia.v18i2.2526.

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<p><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p>Indonesia sebagai negara demokrasi sudah menggunakan metode <em>E-Voting</em> sebagai sarana demokrasi, walaupun baru diterapkan di tingkat pemilihan kepala dusun dan kepala desa. Sistem pemungutan suara elektronik (<em>e-voting</em>) harus diseriusi dan menjamin transparansi, kepastian, keamanan akuntabilitas, dan akurasi. Selain kesiapan teknologi, tentunya harus didukung dengan kesiapan masyarakat dalam melaksanakan sistem <em>e-voting</em> ini ke depannya. Ketidaksiapan dan kurangnya sosialisasi pemerintah terhadap <em>e-voting</em> juga dapat menjadi faktor pemicu kegagalan dalam penerapan sistem ini. Sejak pandemi Covid-19 yang menyebar diseluruh dunia, melumpuhkan kegiatan manusia khusus di Indonesia. Pemilihan Kepala Daerah di Indonesia yang diselenggarakan pada 9 Desember 2020 mengalami polemik <em>physical distancing</em> ditengah pandemi Covid-19. Penerapan sistem <em>E-Voting</em> telah dilakukan oleh beberapa negara misalkan di Brajil, India, Swiss dan Australia mendapatkan respon positif dalam masyarakat, namun juga terdapat kekurangan dalam pelaksanaannya. Metode penelitian diskriptif kwalitatif dengan pendekatan perbandingan data sekunder. Hasil penelitian ini, sistem <em>E-Voting</em> dalam Pemilihan Umum dapat meningkatkan nilai demokrasi khusus peningkatan partisipasi masyarakat dan memberikan keefektivan serta keefesienan dalam proses pemilihan berlangsung. Namun, penerapan sistem <em>E-Voting</em> masih terkendala dengan adanya <em>hacker</em> yang bisa membobol sistem serta kesiapan pemerintah dalam penggunaan <em>E-Voting.</em></p><p><strong><em> </em></strong></p><p><strong>Kata kunci: E-Voting, Pemilu, Dan Demokrasi</strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong><em> Abstract</em></strong></p><p><em>Indonesia as a democratic country has used the E-Voting method as a means of democracy, even though it has only been implemented at the level of election of hamlet heads and village heads. Electronic voting systems must be taken seriously and ensure transparency, certainty, security, accountability and accuracy. In addition to technological readiness, of course, it must be supported by the readiness of the community to implement this e-voting system in the future. The government's unpreparedness and lack of socialization of e-voting can also be a trigger factor for failure in implementing this system. Since the Covid-19 pandemic, which has spread throughout the world, has paralyzed human activities, especially in Indonesia. The Regional Head Election in Indonesia which was held on December 9, 2020 experienced a polemic of Physical Distancing amid the Covid-19 Pandemic. The implementation of the E-Voting system has been carried out by several countries, for example in Brazil, India, Switzerland and Australia, getting a positive response in the community, but there are also shortcomings in its implementation. Qualitative descriptive research method using a comparative approach using secondary data.The results of this study, the E-Voting system in General Elections can increase the value of democracy, especially increasing public participation and providing effectiveness and efficiency in the electoral process. However, the implementation of the E-Voting system is still constrained by the presence of hackers who can break into the system and the government's readiness to use E-Voting.</em></p><p><em> </em></p><p><strong><em>Keywords: E-Voting, Election, and Democracy</em></strong><strong><em></em></strong></p><div id="gtx-trans" style="position: absolute; left: 267px; top: 315px;"> </div>
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Schneider, Rodrigo, and Kelly N. Senters. "Winners and Losers of the Ballot: Electronic vs. Traditional Paper Voting Systems in Brazil." Latin American Politics and Society 60, no. 2 (April 17, 2018): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2018.5.

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AbstractScholars concur that free and fair elections are essential for proper democratic functioning, but our understanding of the political effects of democratic voting systems is incomplete. This article mitigates the gap by exploiting the gradual transformation of voting systems and ballot structures in Brazil’s 1998 executive elections to study the relationship between voting systems and viable and nonviable candidates’ vote shares, using regression discontinuity design. It finds that the introduction of electronic voting concentrated vote shares among viable candidates and thus exhibited electoral bias. We posit that this result occurred because viable candidates were better able to communicate the information that electronic voters needed to cast valid ballots than were their nonviable counterparts. The article uses survey data to demonstrate that electronic voters responded to changes in ballot design and internalized the information viable candidates made available to them.
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Vancouver, CASIS. "Threats to Electronic Voting Systems in Canada." Journal of Intelligence, Conflict, and Warfare 1, no. 3 (January 31, 2019): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.21810/jicw.v1i3.821.

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Electoral voting systems have been the subject of several cybersecurity reviews, and speculation about them being vulnerable. In 2017, Communications Security Establishment noted that electronic voting tabulation may be vulnerable to third party cyberattacks (CSE, 2017). In March 2018, a report from Brazil demonstrated it was possible to attack the voting machine (Aranha et. al., 2018). Moreover, a 2018 report by Elections BC includes reference to the requirement that voting machines must maintain an internet connection, thus creating a vulnerability for a potential cyber-attack (Archer, 2018).
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Voting – Brazil"

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Bruce, Raphael Guinâncio. "Compulsory voting and TV news consumption: evidence from Brazil." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/12/12138/tde-24032016-111357/.

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Do people acquire more information when they are obligated to participate in elections? This dissertation presents empirical evidence on the effects of compulsory voting laws on the consumption of TV news. In Brazil, the law determines that every literate citizen over the age of eighteen and under seventy at the day of the election is subject to a number of penalties if they don\'t attend the ballots. This provides a natural experiment which allows us to identify the causal effect of being under a compulsory voting regime on information acquisition. Using national survey data on the consumption of media we find that, for those who have been exposed to the law for the first time, compulsory voting has a significant and substantial positive impact on the probability of an individual to watch Brazil\'s main newscast, Rede Globo\'s Jornal Nacional. No impact is found, though, for citizens who transition from the voluntary to the compulsory voting regime when they reach the age of seventy.
Pessoas que são obrigadas a votar procuram fazer isso de maneira informada? Essa dissertação procura saber se a lei de voto obrigatório brasileira induz eleitores a consumirem mais informação via noticiários televisivos. Mais especificamente, procuramos saber se o consumo de informações via o noticiário Jornal Nacional, transmitido pela Rede Globo, aumenta em decorrência da exposição à lei. No Brasil, todo cidadão alfabetizado com idade maior que dezoito e menor que setenta anos está sujeito a uma série de punições caso se abstenha sem justificativa nas eleições. Isso gera um experimento natural que nos permite utilizar a técnica de regressão descontínua para recuperar o efeito causal dessa lei sobre o consumo de informação por parte dos eleitores. Encontramos um aumento de 10,4% na probabilidade do eleitor jovem assistir o programa Jornal Nacional que pode ser atribuído especificamente ao fato desse cidadão ser obrigado a votar. Nenhum efeito é encontrado para cidadãos que deixam de ser obrigados aos setenta anos de idade
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DIAS, MARINA VILLAS BOAS. "DOES INFORMATION ON SCHOOL QUALITY AFFECT VOTING?: EVIDENCE FROM BRAZIL." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2017. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=31799@1.

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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE EXCELENCIA ACADEMICA
Esse artigo examine se eleitores reagem a informação sobre a qualidade dos serviços públicos. Exploramos um experimento natural no Brasil, no qual divulgou-se uma medida objetiva de qualidade para algumas escolas públicas, mas não outras. Isso cria variação na quantidade de informação disponível dentro de um município. Para explorar essa variação, olhamos para locais de votação localizados em escolas municipais e comparamos resultados eleitorais em eleições municipais em grupos de eleitores informados e não informados, antes e depois da divulgação de informação. Os resultados indicam que, quando os eleitores recebem boas notícias, o apoio pelo incumbente aumenta. Para as escolas com pior desempenho em nossa amostra, divulgar informação sobre qualidade das escolas leva a uma redução na proporção de votos recebida pelo prefeito incumbente concorrendo a reeleição. Esses efeitos são maiores em municípios com menor cobertura de mídia local. Não há heterogeneidades interessantes com relação a escolaridade dos eleitores.
This paper examines if voters act upon information about the quality of public service delivery. We explore a natural experiment in Brazil, which provided an objective measure of quality for some public schools, but not others. This creates variation in the availability of information to voters about the quality of schools inside a municipality. To use this variation, we look at polling stations located in municipal schools and compare electoral outcomes in mayoral elections in informed and non-informed groups of voters, before and after the information release. We find that, when the information received by voters is good news, the support for the incumbent increases. For the worst performers in our sample, providing information about school quality implies a decrease in the vote-share of the incumbent. We find that these effects are stronger in municipalities without local radios and/or newspapers. We do not find relevant heterogeneities when decomposing our effects according to schooling.
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Coelho, Thiago de Lucena. "A new playing field: retrospective voting and soccer in Brazil." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/13796.

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This paper purpose is to study the possible impact that emotional biases might have on voters’ judgements when we use a retrospective voting framework. In order to do so we use soccer as the instrument that may influence mood and emotions. Our fixed effect models show that wins on the election weekend are associated with a increase in incumbent voting, indicating that emotional biases (and soccer) may, in fact, influence voters.
O propósito deste estudo é analisar o possível impacto que um viés emocional possa ter nos julgamentos dos eleitores. Nesse sentido utilizamos o futebol como fonte exógena de um choque. O nosso modelo de efeitos fixos nos leva a concluir que vitórias de equipes no final de semana da eleição estão associadas a maior votação no incumbente indicando que um viés emocional pode influenciar o eleitor.
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Coelho, Bernardo Dantas Pereira. "Essays in applied economics: inequality and voting decision in Brazil." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/24097.

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Essa tese contém três capítulos. O primeiro capítulo estuda a relação entre o programa brasileiro de transferência condicional de renda Bolsa Família e os resultados das eleições de 2010. Nós procuramos estimar esse efeito utilizando uma abordagem estrutural, identificando características individuais que afetam o impacto eleitoral do programa. Fazemos isso utilizando um modelo mixed logit, um modelo de escolha discreta que considera tanto a distribuição paramétrica de variáveis não observadas quanto a distribuição não-paramétrica de variáveis conhecidas. Resultados indicam que o caráter redistributivo do programa possui um impacto eleitoral nos eleitores maior do que os ganhos individuais de renda dos beneficiários. O efeito marginal de ser um beneficiário do programa na decisão de voto é equivalente a um aumento de 81 reais na renda mensal do trabalho, menos do que o valor médio recebido por beneficiário que é de 90 reais. Nosso exercício contrafactual aponta que, sem o programa Bolsa Família, a incumbente, Sra. Rousseff, perderia 5,6% do total de votos, deixando o resultado da eleição inconclusivo. O segundo capítulo estuda a participação feminina na política, que aumentou na última década tanto em países ricos como em desenvolvimento. Não é claro, no entanto, se isso é parte de uma tendência ou apenas um crescimento reversível. A literatura apresenta argumentos teóricos tanto para um efeito de reforço quanto para um negativo da exposição a uma liderança negativa na probabilidade de apoio futuro a uma candidata mulher. Usando dados eleitorais e do Censo para o Brasil, testamos se o efeito da presença de uma prefeita mulher numa cidade impacta o apoio futuro a candidatas mulheres para Deputada Federal e não encontramos evidência de efeito significativo. Além disso, mostramos que apenas o uso de estatísticas agregadas, como médias demográficas, levaria a concluir equivocadamente que eleitores expostos ao governo de uma prefeita mulher teriam uma menor probabilidade de votar numa candidata mulher. O último capítulo investiga os determinantes para a queda de desigualdade de renda entre municípios brasileiros entre 2000 e 2010. Usando dados censitários, mostramos que a desigualdade caiu mais rápido em municípios com um maior nível de desigualdade em 2000 – sugerindo -convergência. Nós então, utilizamos a decomposição dinâmica (Shorrocks, 1982) para identificar a contribuição de mudanças nas condições do mercado de trabalho, como aumento do salário mínimo, formalização e melhoria na educação na convergência de desigualdade regional. Encontramos que a queda na desigualdade de renda no emprego formal foi o principal contribuinte para a redução de desigualdade de renda entre municípios no período.
This thesis contains three chapters. The first chapter studies the relationship between the Brazilian CCT program Bolsa Família and the outcome of the 2010 elections. We seek to estimate this effect using a structural approach, identifying individual characteristics that affect the electoral impact of the program. We do so by using a mixed logit model, a discrete choice model that considers both a parametrical distribution of unobserved variables and a non-parametrical distribution of known variables. Results indicate that the redistributive character of the program has a larger electoral impact on voters than the individual income gains of the beneficiaries. The marginal effect of being a beneficiary of the program on voting decision is equivalent to 81 Reais increase in monthly labor income, less than the average value received by a beneficiary, which is 90 reais. Our counterfactual exercise points that, without Bolsa Família, the incumbent, Mrs. Rousseff, would have lost 5.6% of the votes, making the election results unclear. The second chapter studies female participation in politics has increased in the last decade in both rich and developing countries. It is not clear, however, if this is part of a trend or just a reversible growth. Literature presents theoretical arguments for both a reinforcing force and a negative effect of the exposure to a female leadership on the probability of supporting a future female candidate. Using electoral and Census data for Brazil, we test the effect that the presence of a female mayor in a municipality has on future the support for a female candidate for Federal Deputy and find no evidence of a significant effect. Furthermore, we show that the use of aggregate statistics alone, as demographic averages, would mislead us to conclude that voters exposed to a female mayor have a smaller probability to support a female candidate. The last chapter investigates the determinants of the decline of income inequality across municipalities in Brazil between 2000 and 2010. Using censuses data, we show that inequality fell faster in municipalities with higher inequality levels in 2000 – suggesting - convergence. We, then, employ a dynamic decomposition (Shorrocks, 1982) to assess the contribution of changes in private labor market conditions as the increase in minimum wage, formalization and increase in education levels on the regional inequality convergence. We find that the fall in wage inequality in the private formal sector was the main driver of the reduction in income inequality across municipalities in the period.
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Moraes, Murilo Ferreira de. "Voting technology and political competition: lessons from overlapping political races in Brazil." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/12/12138/tde-16042013-143746/.

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This dissertation investigates changes in election results associated with adoption of different voting technologies. The empirical application uses election data for different offices from the period 1994-2002. We exploit a discontinuity associated with a change of the voting mechanism, from paper ballot to Direct Recording Electronic (DRE), conditioned on Brazilian election structure with overlap (local elections held two years out of phase with general elections) as a source of identification for election results determinants. We find robust evidence that the shift to an easier voting mechanism reflected on an enfranchising effect (increase in valid votes) which ultimately resulted in more political competitiveness. The impact on election outcome creates a source of identification for the determinants of mayors decision related to municipalities\' resource allocation. Specifically, we find evidence suggesting that facing an increase in political competition municipalities with a previous low level of competition reallocate public spending towards health care.
Essa dissertação consiste em uma análise das mudanças em resultados eleitorais associadas a adoção do voto eletrônico em 1998. Utiliza-se para essa investigação, a análise empírica de resultados das eleições para diferentes cargos entre 1994 e 2002. A partir da descontinuidade associada à adoção do voto eletrônico em 1998, em substituição à cédula de votação, e da estrutura sazonal das eleições brasileira (que, com um intervalo de dois anos, alterna as eleições municipais e as estaduais/federais) exploramos o impacto eleitoral da adoção da nova tecnologia e os desdobramentos em outras variáveis políticas. Encontramos forte evidência de que o voto eletrônico resultou em enfranchising (aumento dos votos válidos) e, em última instância, em maior nível de competição política. Usamos a mudança no grau de competição como fonte para identificação dos determinantes da alocação de gastos municipais. Especificamente, encontramos evidências que sugerem que aumentos no nível de competição política, para municípios com níveis menos acirrados de disputada eleitoral, tem impacto na realocação dos orçamento público municipal em direção aos gastos com saúde.
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Lyne, Mona Marie. "The voter's dilemma and electoral competition : explaining development policy and democratic breakdown in developing democracies /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9928618.

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Pereira, Bruna A. "The Impact of Periods of Crises on Voting Behavior in Brazil." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1555597990872246.

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Bueno, Leonardo da Rocha Loures. "Retrospective voting in Brazil: a case study of São Paulo’s smart-card policy." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/21939.

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Rejected by Pamela Beltran Tonsa (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br), reason: Boa tarde Leonardo, Para que possamos aprovar seu trabalho são necessários alguns ajustes conforme norma ABNT/APA. ESTRUTURA Capa (obrigatório)- Fonte: Arial / Tamanho da fonte: 12 Contra Capa - Fonte: Arial / Tamanho da fonte: 12 Ficha catalográfica/ Fonte: Arial / Tamanho da fonte: 12 ( Deve ser colocada exatamente como foi recebida da biblioteca, alterar apenas a numeração de pagina. Deixar as informações que estão fora do quadrado ) Folha de aprovação - Fonte: Arial / Tamanho da fonte: 12 - nesta folha NÃO tem SÃO PAULO 2018 - DEDICATÓRIA Fonte: Arial / Tamanho da fonte: 12 ( A PALAVRA DEDICATÓRIA DEVE SER MAIUSCULO/NEGRITO E CENTRALIZADO ) - Opcional - AGRADECIMENTOS - Fonte: Arial / Tamanho da fonte: 12 (A PALAVRA AGRADECIMENTO DEVE SER MAIUSCULO/NEGRITO E CENTRALIZADO ) - RESUMO (A PALAVRA RESUMO DEVE SER MAIUSCULO/NEGRITO E CENTRALIZADO): espaçamento simples (150 a 500 palavras), com palavras-chave (obrigatório). - ABSTRACT ( A PALAVRA ABSTRACT DEVE SER MAIUSCULO/NEGRITO E CENTRALIZADO ) em língua estrangeira . A numeração só pode aparecer a partir da Introdução (antes não pode ) Após os ajustes excluir o pdf já postado e submete-lo novamente para analise e aprovação. Qualquer duvida estamos a disposição, Att. Pâmela Tonsa on 2018-03-28T19:19:31Z (GMT)
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Retrospective voting is a major concern of scholars worried about democratic accountability. The work attempts to measure the retrospective voting of an important urban policy in Brazil’s largest metropolis, São Paulo - SP. The Bilhete Único policy was the first smart-card for public transportation in Brazil. Commuters with the smart-card were able to save up to three bus fares in a journey, a substantial amount of money for most of São Paulo’s citizens. Using a mixed method approach, I try to test the hypothesis that the policy improvement on welfare positively impacted the electorate performance of the incumbent mayor. My findings suggest that not all bus users rewarded the incumbent mayor for delivering the policy. In particular, students and students’ families seem to be the ones who actually felt the policy effects and cast a retrospective vote. This could be due to delivery network difficulties and to the timing of the policy. Additionally, I employ a normative discussion to establish benchmarks of better public goods. Retrospective voting does not necessarily reward the best policies, therefore the need to discuss benchmarks.
O voto retrospectivo é um grande tema de acadêmicos preocupados com a responsabilidade democrática. O trabalho tenta medir a votação retrospectiva de uma importante política urbana na maior metrópole do Brasil, São Paulo - SP. A política do Bilhete Único foi o primeiro cartão inteligente para transporte público no Brasil. Os passageiros com o cartão inteligente conseguiram economizar até três passagens de ônibus em uma viagem, uma quantia substancial de dinheiro para a maioria dos cidadãos de São Paulo. Usando uma abordagem de método misto, tento testar a hipótese de que a melhoria da política sobre o bem-estar impactou positivamente o desempenho do eleitorado da prefeita em exercício. Minhas descobertas sugerem que nem todos os usuários de ônibus recompensaram a prefeita por ter entregue a política. Em particular, alunos e as famílias dos alunos parecem ter sido os que realmente sentiram os efeitos da política e votaram retrospectivamente. Isso pode ser devido às dificuldades na rede de entrega e ao momento da política. Além disso, emprego uma discussão normativa para estabelecer benchmarks de melhores bens públicos. A votação retrospectiva não necessariamente recompensa as melhores políticas, por isso, a necessidade de discutir benchmarks.
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Bailey, Kathleen S. "Brazil for sale? does Sino-Brazilian trade or investment significantly influence Brazil's United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) voting pattern?" Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/10731.

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This thesis examines whether Sino-Brazilian trade or investment significantly influences Brazil's voting in the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA). To examine this relationship, this thesis regresses a dataset of UNGA votes, which the literature commonly uses to represent political influence, with trade and investment data. Understanding whether the growing Sino-Brazilian economic relationship politically impacts Brazil is important both to Brazil and to the United States. Any increase in Chinese influence on Brazil may translate into a corresponding decrease in U.S. influence, which may have implications for the health of Brazil's democracy, regional stability and U.S. national security. This thesis crafts, for the first time in the literature on Sino-Brazilian relations, an estimable empirical model that examines whether trade or investment influences UNGA voting behavior between these two nations; this is an improved methodology for evaluating this relationship as previous studies relied on simple correlations. This thesis makes five hypotheses, and tests them with two types of voting affinity measurements using both regression analysis and simple correlations. This thesis finds that Brazil's exports to China have a statistically significant, positive relationship, and U.S. aid has a statistically significant, negative relationship, to Sino-Brazilian voting affinity.
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Coelho, Allexandro Emmanuel Mori. "Análise dos determinantes do comportamento legislativo em política comercial - estudo do caso da votação da proposta de adesão da Venezuela ao MERCOSUL." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/101/101131/tde-30042015-142356/.

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Na literatura brasileira sobre o comportamento dos votos de congressistas brasileiros em política comercial, existe concordância de que ele é determinado por características institucionais, ideológicas e dos distritos eleitorais (federativas). Esta pesquisa buscou avançar a compreensão do comportamento destes votos, pela incorporação dos interesses de grupos organizados (lobby), identificados por contribuições de campanha, como fator determinante deste comportamento, na análise do caso da proposta de adesão da Venezuela ao MERCOSUL. Além disto, a pesquisa analisou se o comportamento dos votos dissidentes da orientação e da filiação partidária seria causado por características das bases eleitorais ou por interesses de grupos organizados. Os resultados confirmaram que características de ordem institucional e ideológica tiveram maior influência sobre o comportamento do voto que características locais dos distritos eleitorais (federativas). A inclusão dos interesses de grupos organizados através das contribuições de campanha adicionou capacidade explicativa ao modelo analítico, porém em pequena magnitude. A análise do comportamento dos votos dissidentes mostrou que a dissidência da coalizão do governo e da orientação de voto favorável à política comercial foi determinada por fatores diferentes em relação à dissidência da coalizão de oposição e da orientação de voto contrário à política comercial. No âmbito da análise que foi feita, a dissidência da coalizão do governo e da orientação de voto favorável à política comercial teria sido causada por fator local dos distritos eleitorais, a taxa de desemprego. Já a dissidência da coalizão de oposição e da orientação de voto contrário à política comercial teria sido causada por interesses de grupos organizados.
In the Brazilian literature on the Brazilian congressional voting behavior concerning trade policy, there is agreement that it is determined by institutional and ideological characteristics and also by the features of the electoral districts. This research aimed to advance the understanding of this voting behavior, by incorporating the interests of organized groups (lobby), identified by campaign contributions, as a determinant of this behavior, focused on the analysis of the adhesion proposal of Venezuela to the MERCOSUL. Furthermore, the research evaluated if the dissenting votes behavior from party guidance and party affiliation would be caused by characteristics related to electoral districts or related to interests of organized groups. The results confirmed that the institutional and ideological characteristics had greater influence on voting behavior than local characteristics of electoral districts. The inclusion of the interests of organized groups through campaign contributions added explanatory power to the analytical model, although in small magnitude. The analysis on the dissenting vote behavior showed that dissention from government coalition and from orientation for favorable vote to commercial policy was determined by different factors in relation to the dissention from opposition coalition and from contrary voting instruction to trade policy. The dissention from government coalition and from orientation for favorable vote would be caused by local factor of electoral districts, the rate of unemployment. The dissention from opposition coalition and from contrary voting instruction would be caused by the interests of organized groups.
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Books on the topic "Voting – Brazil"

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Carvalho, Nelson Rojas de. E no início eram as bases: Geografia política do voto e comportamento legislativo no Brasil. Rio de Janeiro, RJ: Editora Revan, 2003.

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Porto, Walter Costa. História eleitoral do Brasil. [Brasília: Gráfica do Senado Federal, 1989.

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Rabinovich, Salomão. Vamos recomeçar o Brasil!: Comportamento eleitoral do brasileiro. [São Paulo, Brazil]: Elevação, 2000.

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Oliveira, Adriano. Eleições não são para principiantes: Interpretando eventos eleitorais no Brasil. Curitiba: Juruá Editora, 2014.

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O voto no Brasil: Da colônia à 6a. República. 2nd ed. Rio de Janeiro, RJ: Topbooks, 2002.

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Porto, Walter Costa. O voto no Brasil: Da Colônia à 5a. República. [Brasília: Gráfica do Senado Federal, 1989.

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História do voto do Brasil. Rio de Janeiro, Brasil: Jorge Zahar Editor, 2002.

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Bercht, Fatima. House of Miracles: Votive sculpture from northeastern Brazil. New York: Americas Society, 1989.

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Silveira, Flávio E. A decisão do voto no Brasil. Porto Alegre: EDIPUCRS, 1998.

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A evolução da cozinha no Brasil. São Paulo, SP: Empresa das Artes Projetos e Edições Artísticas, 1997.

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Book chapters on the topic "Voting – Brazil"

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Qu, Xiaodong, Peiyan Liu, Zhaonan Li, and Timothy Hickey. "Multi-class Time Continuity Voting for EEG Classification." In Brain Function Assessment in Learning, 24–33. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-60735-7_3.

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RENNÓ, LUCIO R. "Corruption and Voting." In Corruption and Democracy in Brazil, 56–79. University of Notre Dame Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv19m61t1.7.

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"Legal Aspects of E-Voting in Brazil." In E-Voting Case Law, 95–118. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315581385-12.

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Roett, Riordan. "Conclusion." In Brazil. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190224523.003.0011.

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Was the 2014 presidential election totally unpredictable? As the Brazilian election cycle began in the spring of 2014—with the first round of voting on October 5—the general expectation was that the PT would nominate incumbent President Dilma Rousseff and that she would win, perhaps outright...
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"Urashima Taro’s Ambiguating Practices: The Significance of Overseas Voting Rights for Elderly Japanese Migrants to Brazil." In Searching for Home Abroad, 103–20. Duke University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780822385134-009.

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Somin, Ilya. "Foot Voting and Self-Determination." In Free to Move, 91–120. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190054588.003.0006.

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This chapter critiques claims that foot voting undermines the “self-determination” of current inhabitants of destination jurisdictions, who therefore must have a right to exclude migrants. It addresses both claims that ethnic or cultural groups have exclusive rights to control various territories, and more individualistic self-determination theories, such as those that analogize nations to homeowners and private clubs. The chapter also rebuts arguments to the effect that migrants’ home countries have a right to prevent them from leaving, based on a duty to develop your “own” nation and avoid “brain drain.” The chapter explains how these standard justifications for a right to exclude international migrants would, if applied consistently, also justify imposing severe restrictions on domestic mobility and civil liberties.
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Merida, Carolina, and Jasmyne Linhares Yassin. "A influência dos algoritmos e das fake news no processo eleitoral brasileiro: existem alternativas jurídicas para defesa do sistema democrático e proteção dos direitos humanos?" In Desafios e Tendências do Estado de Direito na Democracia no S, 157–77. JUS.XXI, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.51389/lgzq2734.

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The first decades of the 21st century are characterized by the separation of power and politics. In such a juncture, marked by the State crisis and the rise of private actors - in particular transnational technology and communication companies - in the exercise of power, the political implications arising from the use of robots and algorithms to identify the profile of voters and interfere in their Voting decisions have been increasingly resonating and are becoming a real threat to democracy and human rights. From the emblematic case of Cambridge Analytica, when the presidential elections around the globe are verified, there is an exponential growth in the influence of fake news in the electoral process and its direct association with the approval of candidates with authoritarian political bias, averse to the existing democratic system. Brazil, during the 2018 elections, was one of the countries in which fake news was directly used in the manipulation of voters to obtain votes. In view of this situation, and, mainly, of political polarization and intolerance to the debate of ideas, this study, in the phase of data collection, aims to assess how false news exponentially replicated on social networks are capable of affecting democracy and what risks they pose to the human rights of freedom and privacy. In order to carry out the research, a quantitative approach centralized in the city of Rio Verde - GO will be carried out, accompanied by a bibliographic review, based on the critical dialectical method, in an interdisciplinary analytical perspective. Thus, access to information and freedom of expression will be observed, as well as the right to the protection of personal data, in contrast to excesses and the manipulation of content itself, in order to leverage votes in favor of authoritarian candidates. The results achieved with the research can be used as a subsidy for the construction of legal alternatives that are effective in preventing the reiteration of the mentioned expedient in future elections and, thus, guaranteeing the validity of the democratic political regime.
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Sarwar, Chaudhary Imran. "E-Government, Robotic, and Conventional Government in Developing Countries." In Handbook of Research on E-Government in Emerging Economies, 521–36. IGI Global, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-0324-0.ch026.

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This chapter focuses on technology-enabled government via robotic government and electronic government (e-Government) and compares this with the conventional government approach. With increased popularity and dependence on virtual presence of government, it has become essential to focus on online government and design interventions on how to develop e-Government. Robotic operations and processes are also finding increased acceptance. This entails that future generations of government setup exploring robotic government may be worthwhile. This research is a step towards development and refinement of theories, principles, concepts, and practices for online government and robotic government in addition to conventional government. Exploration of technology related aspects in the government service is principal objective of this research. It also enlists facilities and services that may be provided by any government. Pros and cons of introducing e-Government and robotic government are qualitatively explored. Panel discussions are done. Experts in the government sector and related technology, brain stormed the issues in e-Government, robotic government, and conventional government. Furthermore, a survey was done to explore leadership aspects of people in governing positions. Introduction of technology has facilitated an improvement in the public sector performance. The study opines that the governed and governing are at ease with e-democracy, e-citizenship, e-identity, and e-voting and are willing to welcome robotic government. This chapter identifies and analyzes emerging issues in contemporary modes of government.
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Cohen, Robert. "The Making of a Mass Movement." In When the Old Left Was Young. Oxford University Press, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195060997.003.0009.

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Franklin Delano Roosevelt so dominated the American political scene from the fall of 1932 through the end of the Depression decade that historians refer to these years as the Age of Roosevelt. He won the 1932 presidential race in one of the greatest landslides in American history, trouncing Hoover—who the electorate blamed for the Depression—by almost seven million votes. FDR then presided over the extensive New Deal recovery, relief and reform programs, whose popularity helped keep him in the White House longer than any other president. But Roosevelt’s great popularity with the general public did not initially carry over onto college campuses. During most of his first term, neither FDR nor his major programs captured the imagination of the American student body. Roosevelt’s presidential campaign in 1932 failed to generate much excitement on campus, and from 1933 to 1935 the cause that most inspired college youth was world peace rather than the New Deal. If the choice had been left to college students, the straw polls show, Franklin Roosevelt would not have been elected president in 1932. FDR ran far behind Hoover in the campus polls taken shortly before election day. Only 31 percent of the collegians polled supported Roosevelt, while 49 percent endorsed Hoover. Roosevelt even did badly on campuses where he had direct, personal connections. At Harvard, FDR’s alma mater, the Democratic candidate lost to Hoover by a margin of more than three to one: 1211 students there voted for Hoover, while only 395 cast their ballots for Roosevelt. Support for Roosevelt was also weak among undergraduates at Columbia University, despite the fact that several of his key advisers, popularly known as the New Deal “brain trust,” including Raymond Moley, Rexford Tugwell, and Adolph Berle, were Columbia professors. With almost two thirds of Columbia undergraduates voting, FDR attracted only 221 votes, losing not only to Hoover, who drew 307 votes, but also to Norman Thomas, the socialist candidate, who won 421 votes. This enabled Columbia socialists to boast at the Norman Thomas rally at Madison Square Garden that “Columbia Professors May Write Roosevelt’s Speeches But Columbia Students Vote For Thomas.”
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Conference papers on the topic "Voting – Brazil"

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Jacintho, Lucas Henrique Mantovani, Tiago Pinho Da Silva, Antonio Rafael Sabino Parmezan, and Gustavo Enrique de Almeida Prado Alves Batista. "Brazilian Presidential Elections: Analysing Voting Patterns in Time and Space Using a Simple Data Science Pipeline." In Symposium on Knowledge Discovery, Mining and Learning. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/kdmile.2020.11979.

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Since 1989, the first year of the democratic presidential election after a long period of a dictatorship regime, Brazil conducted eight presidential elections. This period was marked by short and long-term shifts of power and two impeachment processes. Such instability is a case of study in electoral studies, e.g., the study of the population voting behavior. Understanding patterns in the population behavior can give us insight into factors and influences that affect the quality of democratic political decisions. In light of this, our paper focuses on analyzing the Brazilian presidential election voting behavior across the years and the Brazilian territory. Following a data science pipeline, we divided the analysis process into five steps: (i) data selection; (ii) data preprocessing; (iii) identification of spatial patterns, in which we seek to understand the role of space in the election results using spatial autocorrelation techniques; (iv) identification of temporal patterns, where we investigate similar trends of votes over the years using a hierarchical clustering method; and (v) evaluation of the results. It is noteworthy that the data in this work represents the election results at the municipal level, from 1994 to 2018, of the two most relevant parties of this period: the Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB) and the Workers’ Party (PT). Through the results obtained, we found the existence of spatial dependence in every electoral year investigated. Moreover, despite the changes in the political-economic context over the years, neighboring cities seem to present similar voting behavior trends.
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Alves, Matheus, Ana L. C. Bazzan, and Mariana Recamonde-Mendoza. "Social-Training: Ensemble Learning with Voting Aggregation for Semi-supervised Classification Tasks." In 2017 Brazilian Conference on Intelligent Systems (BRACIS). IEEE, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/bracis.2017.42.

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Furman, Daniel, Roi Reichart, and Hillel Pratt. "Finger flexion imagery: EEG classification through physiologically-inspired feature extraction and hierarchical voting." In 2016 4th International Winter Conference on Brain-Computer Interface (BCI). IEEE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/iww-bci.2016.7457445.

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Srinivasa, Gowri, Vivek S. Oak, Siddharth J. Garg, Matthew C. Fickus, and Jelena Kovacevic. "Voting-based active contour segmentation of fMRI images of the brain." In 2008 15th IEEE International Conference on Image Processing. IEEE, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icip.2008.4711951.

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Nordland, Kate, and Edward Hensel. "A Design Tool for Distributed Concept Development." In ASME 2008 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. ASMEDC, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2008-67751.

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This paper provides an overview of a database tool to support collaborative concept development in an asynchronous, distributed design environment. This paper will illustrate how an ideation method, such as as brainstorming, can be applied to a desired set of functions for a new design. The result of the brain-storming session for each articulated function can then be used in conjunction with a collaborative weighted voting tool to develop a rank-ordered morphological chart of the design space. A case study will be presented to illustrate how the information and knowledge generated in a prior working session by a design group can be introduced into a subsequent design session. The case study will illustrate how knowledge can be effectively transferred from one design project to the next, and preserve design intent over time.
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Contreras, Stewart, and V. Sundararajan. "Visual Imagery Classification Using Shapelets of EEG Signals." In ASME 2012 International Design Engineering Technical Conferences and Computers and Information in Engineering Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/detc2012-71291.

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The goal of this paper is to reconstruct three primitive shapes — rectangular cube, cone and cylinder — by analyzing electrical signals which are emitted by the brain. Three participants are asked to visualize these shapes. During visualization, a 14-channel neuroheadset is used to record electroencephalogram (EEG) signals along the scalp. The EEG recordings are then averaged to increase the signal to noise ratio which is referred to as an event related potential (ERP). Every possible subsequence of each ERP signal is analyzed in an attempt to determine a time series which is maximally representative of a particular class. These time series are referred to as shapelets and form the basis of our classification scheme. After implementing a voting technique for classification, an average classification accuracy of 60% is achieved. Compared to naive classification rate of 33%, we determine that the shapelets are in fact capturing features that are unique in the ERP representation of a unique class.
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Guang Yang, Kenji Nakayama, and Akihiro Hirano. "A dual-class voting mechanism for brain computer interface based on wavelet packet and support vector machine." In 2013 IEEE Conference Anthology. IEEE, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/anthology.2013.6784875.

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Xiaoxia Qu, Shaodong Ma, Jian Yang, Tingzhu Bai, and Yitian Zhao. "An unanimous voting of the multiple classifiers method for detecting focal cortical dysplasia on brain magnetic resonance image." In 2015 IET International Conference on Biomedical Image and Signal Processing (ICBISP 2015). Institution of Engineering and Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1049/cp.2015.0767.

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Westeng, Kjetil, Flávia Dias Casagrande, Saghar Asadi, Peder Aursa, Nils André Aarseth, Tanya Kontsedal, and Håvard Kvåle Simonsen. "Automatic Badlog Detection – A Key to Successful Digitalization in Subsurface." In 2022 SPWLA 63rd Annual Symposium. Society of Petrophysicists and Well Log Analysts, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30632/spwla-2022-0068.

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Qualification of good and badlog data is essential for both single well and multi-well interpretation and workflows. We use a combination of machine learning methods, each using single or multiple input curves to identify sections or samples of bad data. To automatically identify samples or sections with bad data, using rule-based and/or statistical methods can be powerful but not sufficient. The human brain can recognize patterns in curves or curve relationships that are difficult and perhaps impossible to identify by rules alone. Machine learning can be used to mimic human strategies in a way that can potentially match and even exceed the human brain in accuracy but with the efficiency of computer processing. In this work we have focused on identification of badlogs in three types of well logs - bulk density, compressional slowness, and shear slowness. The motivation behind this selection is that these logs usually undergo a detailed manual quality control over the full coverage of the logs in the process of generating continuous logs for geophysical studies. The objective has been to let the machine learn from and mimic this manual quality control in order to assist petrophysicists in this process. What is good enough data might vary between different companies, measurements, workflows, petrophysicists and lithostratigraphic units. Different strategies can be used to apply the result of quality control. One can remove the section with bad data, one can mark the section with a BadHoleFlag, or flag the individual logs with BadLogFlag and leave the data untouched. We find the BadLogFlag to be far superior to the other options as it is non-destructive, easily modifiable, transparent, creates little extra data and it enables one to choose different strategies for how to handle these data in the next step. Our badlog flagging solution is a combination of several unsupervised machine learning methods, addressing several reasons why a sample is anomalous. These methods can be divided into two groups based on the algorithms they use: heuristic methods and anomaly detection methods. The former tries to reproduce what a human interpreter would do in applying thresholds based on combinations of curves. The latter applies several machine learning outlier detection techniques using different combinations of input curves. These are thereafter combined through a voting process to flag a sample as anomalous, where a vote constitutes a score of abnormality of each sample.
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Lima Miranda Sousa, Marisa, and Alencar de Miranda Amaral. "Projeto de Mestrado: Materialidade ex-votiva no Piauí: Estudo comparativo das narrativas e objetos da Toca do Cruzeiro (Coronel José Dias), Cemitério dos Anjos (São Braz do Piauí) e Igreja do Senhor do Bomfim (Dirceu Arcoverde)." In XIV Semana de Ensino, Pesquisa e Extensão da Universidade Federal do Vale do São Francisco do ano de 2021. ,: Even3, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.29327/scientexunivasf.461805.

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