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Journal articles on the topic 'Voting behaviour of women'
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1
Pang, Xiaopeng, Junxia Zeng, and Scott Rozelle. "Does Women's Knowledge of Voting Rights Affect their Voting Behaviour in Village Elections? Evidence from a Randomized Controlled Trial in China." China Quarterly 213 (February 1, 2013): 39–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741012001531.
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AbstractOfficials in China claim that voting rates in rural village elections are high. However, the true voting rate is lower, especially for women. We postulate that women are less likely to vote owing to insufficient knowledge about their rights. The objective of this paper is to test whether the knowledge levels of women and village leaders about women's voting rights can affect women's voting behaviour. We report on the results of a randomized controlled trial (RCT) involving 700 women in China's Fujian and Liaoning provinces. Villages were randomly assigned to either a control group or one of three intervention groups. One intervention provided voting training to women only, another provided training to both women and village leaders, and the third provided training to village leaders only. After women received training, their scores on a test of voting knowledge increased, and they more fully exercised their voting rights. When only village leaders were trained, test scores and voting behaviour were not statistically different from the control villages.
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Badshah, Lal, Ashfaq U. Rehman, and Niaz Muhammad. "Political Determinants of Voting Behaviour in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 2, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/2.1.1.
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The aim of this study is to find the political determinants of voting behaviour in the selected districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. It is a quantitative study and aims at knowing the political factors of voting behaviour in the earlier three general elections i.e., 2002, 2008 and 2013. Its major purpose is to see the changing trend of the voters in the above-mentioned elections. It has investigated 292 respondents who had cast vote in any of the target elections. The researchers asked questions through Likert scale designed questionnaire under the purposive sampling technique. The study finds a significant association of political factors such as candidate’s affiliation, political party affiliation, party leadership affiliation and party ideology with the voting behaviour. The results of the data show changing scenario as the importance of numerous factors is replaced by others. The study recommends that local political leadership as well as the Election Commission of Pakistan should come forward to actively launch an awareness movement for women participation in elections. It should focus on the importance of vote towards increasing the ratio of participation in voting process, especially women’s voting.
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Hill, Lisa, and Kate Alport. "Voting Attitudes and Behaviour Among Aboriginal Peoples: Reports from Anangu Women*." Australian Journal of Politics & History 56, no. 2 (June 2010): 242–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2010.01552.x.
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Garrett, John C., and Charles I. Brooks. "Effect of Ballot Color, Sex of Candidate, and Sex of College Students of Voting Age on Their Voting Behavior." Psychological Reports 60, no. 1 (February 1987): 39–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1987.60.1.39.
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College students were asked to vote for one of two hypothetical candidates for political office. Three studies examined the influence of color of ballot (pink or green), sex of candidate, and sex of voter. Men generally preferred a green ballot and women preferred pink. Also, men tended to vote for men, and women tended to vote for women. Color of ballot interacted with candidate's sex in an unexpected way. For both male and female voters, the highest preference shown for a candidate was when the candidate was the same sex as the voter but whose platform was printed on the less favorable color.
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Ondercin, Heather L. "Marching to the Ballot Box: Sex and Voting in the 2020 Election Cycle." Forum 18, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 559–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2020-2105.
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Abstract With the 2020 election marking the 100th anniversary of the ratification of the 19th Amendment, our attention has been keenly focused on women voters. Media coverage of women voters portrayed them as swing voters and focused on a small subgroup of women (white, married, mothers). I argue that women’s and men’s voting behavior in 2020 was highly similar to past elections and does not support the claims that women or a subgroup of women are swing voters. I illustrate the diversity of women’s voting behavior through analyzing the intersection of gender with race, ethnicity, education, marital status, and parental status. Even though women were not swing voters, women still play an important role in electoral politics, representing the majority of members in both the Democratic and Republican Parties and holding stronger attachments to these parties than men.
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Pang, Xiaopeng, Junxia Zeng, and Scott Rozelle. "Learning but Not Acting in Rural China." Asian Survey 54, no. 6 (November 2014): 1009–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2014.54.6.1009.
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This paper studies women’s participation in village elections. It focuses on the impact of voting rights training on women’s knowledge, and their voting behaviors in Ningxia, China, a Hui nationality autonomous region with a conservative cultural environment for women. A randomized controlled trial has been used in the study.
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Giné, Xavier, and Ghazala Mansuri. "Together We Will: Experimental Evidence on Female Voting Behavior in Pakistan." American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 10, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 207–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/app.20130480.
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In many emerging democracies women are less likely to vote than men and, when they do vote, are likely to follow the wishes of male household and clan heads. We assess the impact of a voter awareness campaign on female turnout, candidate choice and party vote shares. Geographic clusters within villages were randomly assigned to treatment or control, and within treated clusters, some households were not targeted. Compared to women in control clusters, both targeted and untargeted women in treated clusters are 11 percentage points more likely to vote, and are also more likely to exercise independence in candidate choice, indicating large spillovers. Data from polling stations suggests that treating 10 women increased female turnout by about seven votes, resulting in a cost per vote of US$3.1. Finally, a 10 percent increase in the share of treated women at the polling station led to a 7 percent decrease in the share of votes of the winning party. (JEL D72, J12, J16, O12, O17, Z13)
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Frederick, Brian. "Gender and Roll Call Voting Behavior in Congress: A Cross-Chamber Analysis." American Review of Politics 34 (September 8, 2016): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2013.34.0.1-20.
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Numerous studies have examined the roll call voting behavior of women in Congress. Much of this scholarship has focused on whether female legislators tend to be more liberal than their male colleagues. However, most of this research has examined whether gender differences exist within a specific legislative chamber. This paper seeks to build on this past research by exploring whether the relationship between the descriptive and substantive representation of women is contingent upon the institutional context in which female legislators serve. Using Common Space Scores which estimate the roll call voting behavior of U.S. Senators and U.S. House members on a scale that allows for comparisons across each chamber this study analyzes the voting records of Female Senators, Male Senators, Female House Members and Male House Members in the 109th-111th Congresses. The results show that in the contemporary Congress, gender exerts minimal influence on how legislators cast their votes with the exception of female Republican Senators who are noticeably more liberal than Republicans in both the House and Senate.
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Crowder-Meyer, Melody, Shana Kushner Gadarian, and Jessica Trounstine. "Voting Can Be Hard, Information Helps." Urban Affairs Review 56, no. 1 (February 22, 2019): 124–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087419831074.
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Many U.S. elections provide voters with precious little information about candidates on the ballot. In local contests, party labels are often absent. In primary elections, party labels are not useful. Indeed, much of the time, voters have only the name of the candidate to go by. In these contexts, how do voters make decisions? Using several experiments, we find that voters use candidates’ race, ethnicity, and gender as cues for whom to support—penalizing candidates of color and benefiting women. But we also demonstrate that providing even a small amount of information to voters—such as candidate occupation—virtually erases the effects of candidate demographics on voter behavior, even among voters with high levels of racial and gender prejudice.
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van Erkel, Patrick F. A. "Sharing is caring: the role of voter-candidate similarities in intra-party electoral competition." European Political Science Review 11, no. 1 (December 7, 2018): 75–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s175577391800022x.
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AbstractPrevious studies have found similarities with presidential candidates or party leaders to be an important factor in explaining voting behaviour. However, with the exception of gender, few studies have structurally studied voter-candidate similarities in intra-party electoral competition. This study investigates the Belgian case and argues that voter-candidate similarities play a role in the decision-making process of citizens when casting preferential votes. Moreover, it investigates whether underrepresented groups, and especially women, are more guided by these voter-candidate similarities than overrepresented groups. To achieve this aim voter and candidate characteristics are modelled simultaneously. This enables an investigation of the decision-making process of voters while taking into account structural inequalities at the supply side. The results demonstrate that citizens are indeed more likely to cast preferential votes for candidates similar to themselves and that these effects are stronger for underrepresented groups. Hence, preferential voting could ultimately pave the way for better descriptive representation.
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Apu, Dwiganura. "Belis dan Perilaku Memilih Perempuan di Kabupaten Nagekeo, Flores, Nusa Tenggara Timur." PERSPEKTIF 10, no. 1 (January 6, 2021): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.31289/perspektif.v10i1.3844.
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This paper aims to examine the relationship between marriage / marriage with the belis system (dowry /dowry) and obedience (wife) to the husband, and whether these two factors influence women's voting behavior in the general election in Nagekeo. . Marriage by giving a belis that is felt to be of high economic value demands the wife's level of compliance with her husband, because with the granting of belis, the husband feels he has full power over women to approach this problem using the theoretical reference from the concept of Gender and Development, thus knowing the extent to which women are involved in determining their own choices, not only in a wider scope, but in a small scope within the family as well. Data collected through in-depth interviews with informants, and analyzed qualitatively. This study concludes that belis here is a cultural heritage contained with historical and social values in it. However, the belis did not have a full effect on the level of compliance and voting behavior of women in the elections in Nagekeo.
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Bjørnå, Hilde. "Gender Balance and Institutions in Local Government – Examples from Rural Norway." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 10, no. 2 (April 26, 2012): 129–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/10.2.129-152.
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While steps are taken to increase women’s representation in politics, it can often prove difficult to change patterns of recruitment and nomination to political positions. This article argues that not only formal regulation, but also informal institutions, like local norms, beliefs and values, history and traditional codes of conduct matter and should be taken into account in plans to achieve balanced gender representation. The article compares recruitment policies in rural municipalities in Norway. Case studies were conducted to identify factors affecting women’s willingness to stand as candidates, the factors local political parties take into account when nominating candidates, and voting behaviour. The study suggests that local issues, such as religious traditions, distributional conflicts and desire for community representation, affect women representation. Representation policies in local governments are, in other words, not only affected by rules and values “from above”, they must also be understood in a “bottom up” perspective, as the aggregated consequences of the rational behaviour of voters.
Keywords: women representation • representation policies • informal and formal institutions • local democracy
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Boyle, Kaitlin M., and Chase B. Meyer. "Who Is Presidential? Women’s Political Representation, Deflection, and the 2016 Election." Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 4 (January 1, 2018): 237802311773789. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2378023117737898.
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In 2016, Hillary Clinton was the first woman to gain the presidential nomination from a major political party in the United States, yet she was unsuccessful. The current study explores barriers to being elected as president for women generally and Hillary Clinton specifically. Using the propositions and tools of affect control theory, we demonstrate how women’s political representation shapes cultural sentiments about women and the president. In a nationwide sample of Americans surveyed shortly before the election, we find women’s representation on the state level influences voter preferences through these cultural sentiments: More women in politics makes a woman president feel less deflecting, which is associated with a greater likelihood of voting for Clinton. We also demonstrate how sentiments about Clinton—as an individual, not merely a woman running for president—conflict with Democratic voters’ expectations for presidential qualities and behaviors, which may have further prevented victory in 2016.
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Campbell, Rosie, and Oliver Heath. "Do Women Vote for Women Candidates? Attitudes toward Descriptive Representation and Voting Behavior in the 2010 British Election." Politics & Gender 13, no. 02 (May 15, 2017): 209–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000672.
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A growing body of work on candidate traits shows that people with a given social characteristic tend to prefer candidates or leaders who share that characteristic (Campbell and Cowley 2014; Cutler 2002). However, the existing evidence for whether women vote for women is mixed. For example, Kathleen Dolan found that candidate sex was a driver of voting behavior for the U.S. House of Representatives in 1992, but not in 1994 or 1996 (Dolan 1998, 2001, 2004). Eric Smith and Richard Fox used pooled U.S. data from 1988 to 1992 and found that well-educated women were more inclined to support women candidates in House but not Senate races (Smith and Fox 2001), and others have found that women are more likely to vote for women candidates only when they are perceived as being pro-feminist (Plutzer and Zipp 1996). By contrast Fulton (2014) found that women are not more likely to vote for women candidates in the United States, but that male Independents are somewhat less likely to vote for them. Others have found little evidence whatsoever of an association between candidate gender and vote choice (McElroy and Marsh 2010).
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Fullerton, Andrew S., and Michael J. Stern. "Explaining the Persistence and Eventual Decline of the Gender Gap in Voter Registration and Turnout in the American South, 1956–1980." Social Science History 34, no. 2 (2010): 129–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200011196.
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Recent studies of the gender gap in politics tend to focus on candidate choice rather than registration and turnout. This shift in focus away from gender inequality in political participation may be due to the finding in several studies of U.S. voting behavior since 1980 that differences in rates of registration and voting between men and women are modest and not statistically significant after controlling for traditional predictors of participation. However, we argue that researchers have overlooked the substantial gender gap in registration and voting in the South. While the gender gap in participation virtually disappeared outside the South by the 1950s, substantial gender differences in rates of voter registration and turnout remained in the South throughout the 1950s and 1960s. We test several explanations for the persistence of the gender gap in registration and voting in the South in the 1950s and 1960s and why it began to decline in the 1970s. These explanations include female labor force participation, resources, mobilization, and political engagement. Using American National Election Studies data for every presidential election year from 1956 to 1980, we employ heteroscedastic probit models within a cross-classified multilevel age-period-cohort framework to examine the declining gender gap in voter registration and turnout in the South. The results indicate that the decline of the gender gap is due to converging rates of political engagement and employment for women and men in the South during this time period. We conclude with a discussion of the theoretical implications.
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Southwell, Priscilla. "Vote-by-Mail: Voter Preferences and Self-Reported Voting Behavior in the State of Oregon." American Review of Politics 28 (July 1, 2007): 139–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2007.28.0.139-146.
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This research analyzes the results of a recent survey in Oregon in order to assess recent opinion on vote-by-mail and also to estimate the effect of vote-by-mail on the turnout of various demographic and partisan groups. The results show that Oregonians have maintained their overwhelming support for vote-by-mail elections—in particular, women, Independents, Republicans, and older voters. Self-reported responses regarding frequency of voting indicate that women and the employed are most likely to indicate that they have voted more often since the adoption of vote-by-mail. This survey also suggests that this increased turnout under vote-by-mail does not give an advantage to a particular party’s candidates.
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Barlai, Melani. "Voting advice applications in Hungary. Vokskabin in the multi-election year 2014 and beyond." Central and Eastern European eDem and eGov Days 325 (March 1, 2018): 547–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24989/ocg.v325.45.
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The objective of the paper is to introduce the first Hungarian scientifically developed online voting advice application project Vokskabin (www.vokskabin.hu). It was established on the occasion of the Hungarian super election year 2014, when three elections - parliamentary, the European Parliament and the municipal elections – took place. As a first step the study describes the development phase of the project as well as its structure and purpose. Furthermore, it analyses the user-statistics of the answered questionnaires, generated by the online-tool, for all three Hungarian elections and for the two questionnaires “Equality of men and women in Hungary” and “Roma in Hungary” which were developed 2015 to keep the civic education aspect of Vokskabin alive and addressing politically and socially relevant issues like gender equality and minority situation, also outside the election period.
The paper raises two main questions: 1. Are there any regional differences of Vokskabin users’ behavior? 2. How does Vokskabin influence the voting behavior (with focus on the electoral participation) and the political knowledge? This part of the study is based on survey questionnaires addressed to the users of Vokskabin.
In addition to the analysis of the statistics the paper aims to highlight the role of voting advice applications in general and the role of Vokskabin in particular, as means of civic education in the 21st century Hungarian society.
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Dolan, Kathleen, and Timothy Lynch. "The Impact of Gender Stereotypes on Voting for Women Candidates by Level and Type of Office." Politics & Gender 12, no. 03 (April 27, 2016): 573–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000246.
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Previous research has documented that the public often views women candidates through the lens of gender stereotypes. However, as much of this work draws on experimental designs and hypothetical candidates, we have less information about whether and how voters employ stereotypes in the face of real candidates for office. This project examines one important aspect of the impact of stereotypes on the fate of actual women candidates: whether gender stereotypes have a different influence on elections for different levels and types of offices. Previous research suggests that voters are more likely to apply male stereotypes and evaluate candidates differently as the level of office increases and as we consider executive versus legislative office. The research reported here draws on new data that capture voter attitudes and behaviors in real-world elections to test a series of hypotheses related to when and how gender stereotypes affect candidates for the U.S. Congress and governorships. In general, we find little evidence to support claims that voters stereotype women candidates differently when they seek different kinds of offices.
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Kambo, Gustian Anwar. "WOMEN AND POLITICS: A CASE STUDY ON WOMEN’S POLITICAL CHOICE IN MAKASSAR CITY, MAROS AND GOWA DISTRICTS." Journal of Humanity and Social Justice 1, no. 1 (January 11, 2019): 52–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.38026/journalhsj.v1i1.6.
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This study aims to understand the complexity of the dynamics of women's behavior in choosing which is tangible in their participation in female legislative candidates. Women's participation in politics is a reflection of the existence of justice in democracy which is now being tried to be realized in the transition period. The aspect of women's participation in democracy is not something that comes suddenly but requires awareness and care of all our society, especially for women themselves. The results of the study indicate that women's behavior shown in their political choices in the General Election reflects a rather weak participation, presented by women themselves. In this case, women's political choices are not only based on their desire to choose women themselves, but also based on other factors, such as pressure from the family, friends and even the electoral party. Although it is not generally applicable to all elements of women in this way, it shows that at least women's participation in voting is still not considered in the conventional form.
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Ratliff, Kate A., Liz Redford, John Conway, and Colin Tucker Smith. "Engendering support: Hostile sexism predicts voting for Donald Trump over Hillary Clinton in the 2016 U.S. presidential election." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 22, no. 4 (December 29, 2017): 578–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430217741203.
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This research investigated the role of gender attitudes in the United States 2016 presidential election between Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump. The results of three studies (combined N = 2,816) showed that, as expected, Trump voters were higher in hostile and benevolent sexism than were Clinton voters. Even after controlling for political ideology and gender (Studies 1, 2, and 3) and minority group attitudes (Study 3), greater hostile sexism predicted more positive attitudes toward Trump, less positive attitudes toward Clinton, and retrospective reports of having voted for Trump over Clinton (Studies 2 and 3). Benevolent sexism did not predict additional variation in voting behavior beyond political ideology and hostile sexism. These results suggest that political behavior is based on more than political ideology; even among those with otherwise progressive views, overtly antagonistic views of women could be a liability to women—and an asset to men—running for office.
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Phillips, Christian. "Wanting, and Weighting: White Women and Descriptive Representation in the 2016 Presidential Election." Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics 3, no. 1 (January 30, 2018): 29–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rep.2017.39.
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AbstractThis paper demonstrates that the relationship between wanting a descriptive representative based on gender, and giving that attitude weight in voting decisions, is weakest among White women voters. Among under-represented groups of voters, White women were uniquely positioned going into the 2016 presidential election—they had the option to choose “one of their own” in terms of race and gender. Yet, the majority did not vote for the White woman on the ballot, Hillary Rodham Clinton. This outcome is an opportunity to interrogate how descriptive representation functions in different ways across groups with distinct socio-political positions in American politics. I argue that the relationship between desiring descriptive representation, and giving it weight when deciding for whom to vote for, is different across groups. Using American National Election Survey (ANES) data, I show that this is the case in the 2016 election. Nearly two-thirds of White women who said that electing more women is important, voted for Trump. Moreover, White women's espoused belief in the necessity of electing more women had no significant effect on their ultimate vote choice. In contrast, the same desire for increased descriptive representation based on gender had large, positive, and significant effects on women of color's vote choice. This study bears on extant research considering descriptive representation's importance to voters based only on race, or gender, and on the broader literature linking group identities and voter behavior.
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Donald, Stephen G., and Daniel S. Hamermesh. "What Is Discrimination? Gender in the American Economic Association, 1935–2004." American Economic Review 96, no. 4 (August 1, 2006): 1283–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.96.4.1283.
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We illustrate problems of measuring discrimination using elections to AEA offices. With a new econometric technique, we find female candidates have a much better than random chance of victory. This advantage is either reverse discrimination or reflects beliefs that women are more productive. The former interpretation could be explained by an unchanging median voter whose preferences were not satisfied by suppliers of candidates; but there was a structural change in voting behavior in the mid-1970s. The results suggest it is generally impossible to claim differences in rewards, for different groups measure the extent of discrimination or even its direction.
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Reid, Rebecca, Susanne Schorpp, and Susan W. Johnson. "Trading Liberties for Security: Groupthink, Gender, and 9/11 Effects on U.S. Appellate Decision-Making." American Politics Research 48, no. 3 (October 11, 2019): 402–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x19881627.
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Does groupthink affect court deference to the government in times of heightened security concerns? We argue that male judges serving in homogeneous panels in federal appellate courts modified their behavior post-9/11, but that the presence of a female on the panel mitigated these effects. Using data on the U.S. Court of Appeals from 1978 to 2008 in search-and-seizure cases, we argue that women can safeguard against groupthink effects that otherwise trend toward a more deferential, less rights-oriented approach in times of heightened security. Our findings suggest women mitigate their male colleagues’ shift toward more deferential decisions by affecting panel outcomes that are more consistent with peacetime decisions. These results suggest the important role women exert in collegial panels beyond direct voting patterns. In times of heightened security concerns, panel diversity can avoid groupthink that might stand in the judiciary’s way of providing an effective check on executive and legislative power.
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Frasure-Yokley, Lorrie. "Choosing the Velvet Glove: Women Voters, Ambivalent Sexism, and Vote Choice in 2016." Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics 3, no. 1 (March 2018): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rep.2017.35.
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AbstractThis paper examines the extent to which ambivalent sexism toward women influenced vote choice among American women during the 2016 Presidential election. I examine how this varied between white women and women of color. The 2016 American National Election Study (ANES) features several measures from the Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (ASI)—a scale developed by Glick and Fiske (1996) to assess sexist attitudes toward women. An index of these measures is used to examine the extent to which ambivalent sexist attitudes influenced women's vote choice for Donald Trump, controlling for racial resentment, partisanship, attitudes toward immigrants, economic anxiety, and socio-demographics. On the one hand, my findings indicate that ambivalent sexism was a powerful influence on women's Presidential vote choice in 2016, controlling for other factors. However, this finding, based on a model ofall women votersis misleading, once an intersectional approach is undertaken. Once the data are disaggregated by gender and race, white women's political behavior proves very different than women of color. Among white women, ambivalent sexist views positively and significantly predicts vote choice for Trump, controlling for all other factors. However, for women of color, this relationship was negative and posed no statistical significant relationship to voting for Trump. Scholarship in gender and politics that does not account for group differences in race/ethnicity may present misleading results, which are either underestimated or overestimated.
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Beauvais, Edana. "The Gender Gap in Political Discussion Group Attendance." Politics & Gender 16, no. 2 (February 6, 2019): 315–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000892.
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AbstractAlthough women and men enjoy formally equal political rights in today's democracies, there are ongoing gaps in the extent to which they make use of these rights, with women underrepresented in many political practices. The gender gap in democratic participation is problematic because gendered asymmetries in participation entail collective outcomes that are less attentive to women's needs, interests, and preferences. Existing studies consider gender gaps in voting behavior and in certain forms of nonelectoral politics such as boycotting, signings a petition, or joining a protest. However, almost no work considers gendered variation in discursive politics. Do women participate in small, face-to-face political discussion groups at the same rate as men? And does gender intersect with other identities—such as ethnicity—to impact attendance at political discussion groups? I use data from the Canadian Election Study 2015 Web Survey to answer these questions. I find that women are significantly less likely to attend small-group discussions than men and that ethnicity intersects with gender in some important ways. However, I find no evidence that other social attributes—poverty or the presence of young children in the home—suppress women's participation in political discussion groups more than men's.
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Kaheny, Erin B., John J. Szmer, and Tammy A. Sarver. "Women Lawyers before the Supreme Court of Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 44, no. 1 (March 2011): 83–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842391000106x.
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Abstract. Recent work by Szmer, Sarver, and Kaheny (2010) exploring US Supreme Court decision making has suggested that lawyer gender might play a role in influencing judicial voting behaviour. Specifically, while women lawyers were not revealed to have a more difficult time winning cases before the US Supreme Court, the study did suggest they face a tougher challenge in gaining support from the more conservative justices on that bench. Here, we test whether women lawyers face similar challenges before the SCC. Our findings do not reveal any disadvantage for litigation teams with larger proportions of women and, in most instances, such teams have an advantage. Specifically, in our model of civil rights and liberties votes, litigation team gender had no bearing on individual SCC justice decisions. However, in a pooled model of all issues combined and in separate models of criminal and economic votes, SCC justices were more likely to side with litigation teams with larger proportions of women lawyers.Résumé. Une étude récente de Szmer, Sarver et Kaheny (2010) explore la manière dont la Cour suprême des États-Unis prend ses décisions, suggérant que le sexe des avocats pourrait avoir une influence sur le comportement décisionnel des juges. Plus spécifiquement, bien que les avocates n'aient pas plus de difficulté que leurs collègues masculins à gagner leurs procès à la Cour suprême des États-Unis, l'étude suggère que leur plus grand défi est d'obtenir le soutien des juges plus traditionnels de cette cour. Dans le présent article, nous cherchons à déterminer si les avocates canadiennes font face à un défi semblable à la Cour suprême du Canada. Les résultats de notre étude ne révèlent aucun désavantage pour les équipes d'avocats comprenant plus de femmes et dans la plupart des cas, ces équipes bénéficient même d'un avantage. Plus précisement, dans notre modèle décisionnel en matière de droits et libertés civiles, le sexe des membres des équipes d'avocats n'avait aucune incidence sur les décisions individuelles des juges de la Cour suprême du Canada. Cependant, dans un modèle commun réunissant tous les types de dossiers et dans des modèles séparés pour les décisions sur des dossiers criminels et financiers, les juges de la Cour suprême du Canada étaient plus enclins à prendre parti pour des équipes comportant une plus grande proportion d'avocates.
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Ananda Rezky Wibowo. "The Voters Behavior Towards Women Candidates in the 2019 Legislative Election in North Luwu Regency." Journal of Sosial Science 2, no. 1 (January 25, 2021): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.46799/jsss.v2i1.61.
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The results showed that the absence of female candidates who passed the legislative body in North Luwu Regency showed that the implementation of the policy affirmative action of the 30 percent quota of women's representation was not optimal, even though voter behavior was no longer significant in questioning gender issues in politics. This is due to the dominance of male political elites which still have a big influence because the voting community still sees the existence of these political elites. In addition, it is due to the failure of political parties to regenerate and build political commitment to women. Although in the 2014-2019 period there were two female representatives in the legislative body of North Luwu Regency, in the 2019-2023 elections they were not re-elected because they no longer had a network of power and kinship. The most crucial factor is that money politics is still a compromise tool in the electoral process, political actors play a role in money politics, so this makes no female candidates elected because of their inability to compete with the flow of money politics even though they have incurred political costs. which is not the least. Voters will choose a certain candidate if he feels there is a reciprocal that will be accepted as well as political candidates who are afraid of losing their votes, this irrational act (playing money politics) becomes the last resort.
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McCONNEL, JAMES. "THE FRANCHISE FACTOR IN THE DEFEAT OF THE IRISH PARLIAMENTARY PARTY, 1885–1918." Historical Journal 47, no. 2 (May 24, 2004): 355–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x03003510.
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This article examines Irish nationalist attitudes towards electoral reform between 1885 and 1918. It argues that before 1917 mainstream Irish nationalist opinion attached little importance to the franchise, being instead more concerned about the consequences for home rule if the number of Irish parliamentary seats was reduced through redistribution. However, the introduction of wartime legislation to reform the franchise and registration system repoliticized electoral reform in nationalist Ireland. While the Irish parliamentary party vociferously protested at the coalition government's belated attempt to redistribute Irish constituencies, its critics (a coalition of heterodox nationalists, socialists, and suffragettes) accused it of deliberately conspiring to exclude Ireland from the ‘fourth’ reform bill because the young men and women it would enfranchise intended to vote for Sinn Fein. This article argues that the concerns of the Irish party regarding redistribution were genuine and legitimate, while the conspiracy theory was essentially a propaganda device. None the less, the theory gained widespread attention because its underlying assumption about the voting behaviour of the new electorate was shared not only by its exponents, but by sections of the press, the British administration in Ireland, and the Irish party itself. Indeed, so convinced was the party that the cleavage in Ireland was as much generational as ideological that ultimately the franchise was a factor in its defeat at the 1918 general election.
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Rahmaturrizqi, Rahmaturrizqi, Choirun Nisa, and Fathul Lubabin Nuqul. "GENDER DAN PERILAKU MEMILIH: SEBUAH KAJIAN PSIKOLOGI POLITIK." Jurnal Psikologi Teori dan Terapan 3, no. 1 (August 19, 2012): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.26740/jptt.v3n1.p49-57.
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There are interesting developments of political psychology, particularly in the effort of women in politics arena. Until the mid-year 2007, at least 82 women were recorded following the elections in 232 provincial-level regions and districts level. Out of the above, 26 women (30.76%) registered as a candidate for the leader of region and 57 women (69.24%), registered as a deputy leader of the region, although only eight women who are successfully elected as the leader of region and 11 elected as deputy leaders of regional (Arifin, 2008). With direct elections as happened today, making the candidates should follow the "interest" of voters. Efforts to understand the voter’s behavior, feelings and thinking do not always easy. The old ways by making a donation of material deemed not affect voters more powerful. One possible solution is the assessment needs of the voter. To fulfill voter’s needs is not always easy because there are differences of character between communities, genders and individuals that influence their voting behavior. The study involved 90 students (45 women and 45 men). Data were collected from participants’ responses to scenarios about election for leader of region (bupati). All participants chose male or female candidates as a leader, or not vote at all. Each participants was asked to give a reason for their alternative answer to the scenarios. Data were analysed using qualitative thematic analysis and cross tabulation. The results showed that the number of subjects who choose a man as a leader was 68 people or 75.56%, and only 12 subjects or 13.33% who chose women as a leader. Subjects who abstained were 11 people or 11.11%. The results showed that women's voting behavior, are more likely to choose a man as a leader. From various reasons posed by participants, this study concluded that the tendency was caused by the participants’ beliefs, including women’s beliefs, that men are more entitled and deserved to be a leader than women.Abstrak: Ada perkembangan menarik dari psikologi politik, terutama dalam upaya perempuan untuk bersaing dalam arena politik. Sampai pertengahan tahun 2007, sedikitnya 82 perempuan tercatat mengikuti pemilihan di 232 daerah tingkat provinsi dan tingkat kabupaten. Dari data tersebut, 26 perempuan (30,76%) terdaftar sebagai calon pemimpin daerah dan 57 wanita (69.24%), terdaftar sebagai wakil pemimpin daerah, meskipun hanya delapan perempuan yang berhasil terpilih sebagai pemimpin daerah dan 11 terpilih sebagai wakil pemimpin daerah (Arifin, 2008). Pemilihan langsung seperti yang terjadi saat ini membuat calon harus mengikuti "kepentingan" pemilih. Namun, upaya untuk memahami perilaku, perasaan dan pemikiran pemilih tidak selalu mudah. Cara-cara lama dengan memberikan sumbangan ekonomi dianggap tidak terlalu kuat lagi dalam mempengaruhi suara pemilih. Salah satu solusi yang mungkin adalah melakukan analisis kebutuhan pemilih. Untuk memenuhi kebutuhan pemilih tidak selalu mudah karena ada perbedaan karakter antara masyarakat, jenis kelamin dan individu yang mempengaruhi perilaku memilih mereka. Penelitian ini melibatkan 90 mahasiswa (45 perempuan dan 45 laki-laki). Data dikumpulkan dengan cara memberikan cerita skenario tentang pemilihan pemimpin daerah (bupati) di mana setiap subjek harus memilih pria atau wanita sebagai pemimpin, atau tidak memilih sama sekali. Setiap alternatif jawaban, subjek diminta untuk memberikan alasan. Analisis data menggunakan tematik dan tabulasi silang kualitatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa subjek yang memilih pria sebagai pemimpin sebanyak 68 orang atau 75,56%, dan yang memilih perempuan sebagai pemimpin hanya 12 orang atau 13,33%. Subjek yang abstain berjumlah 11 orang atau 11,11%. Hasil ini menunjukkan bahwa perilaku pemilih perempuan, lebih cenderung memilih pria sebagai pemimpin. Dari berbagai alasan yang diungkapkan oleh subjek dapat disimpulkan bahwa hal ini terjadi karena sebagian besar subjek, termasuk perempuan, percaya bahwa pria lebih berhak dan pantas untuk menjadi pemimpin dibanding perempuan.
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McKay, David. "Voting behaviour." Contemporary Record 4, no. 2 (November 1990): 33–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619469008581122.
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Showalter, Therin Alrik. "The Effect of Whiteness and Attempts to Preserve It on Political Division in the United States." IU Journal of Undergraduate Research 4, no. 1 (December 16, 2018): 113–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.14434/iujur.v4i1.24172.
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Beginning in the early 1990s, the American public has become increasingly politically polarized. As party affiliations have become more rigid, a racial trend has emerged in which white voters are much less likely than black voters to identify as liberal or align with the Democratic Party. Using voting data from the 2016 presidential election, this study correlates the prevalence of whiteness in certain counties with those counties’ support for Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton. This paper first details the increasing polarization over the past decades and the dramatic shift of white voters away from liberalism. It then analyzes the political affiliations of other identity groups (such as women, millennials, and college graduates) that are majority liberal and demonstrates that, when restricted to their white members, those groups all lean conservative.
The research results find a significant correlation between concentrated whiteness and a rejection of Hillary Clinton. The correlation on a national level is weaker, however, than the correlation of counties when separated regionally, suggesting that the relationship between whiteness and anti-liberalism depends heavily on a county’s degree of whiteness (or anti-liberalism) in its geographical context. While it is impossible to determine whether the race of white voters consciously motivates their voting behavior, the results suggest that American democracy is informed, in some way, by the racial identities of its participants.
These results should encourage the public to discuss the current political climate and its intensely divided electorate from a racial perspective. If the nation perceives political division as a problem to be solved, it is essential to understand what factors might be causing the division. To that end, the results of this study would be fundamental to the nation’s dialogue and should be considered when voters make their decision on Election Day.
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Kaufmann, Karen, and John R. Petrocik. "The Changing Politics of American Men, Updated." Forum 18, no. 2 (September 29, 2020): 169–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2020-2005.
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AbstractThis analysis updates through 2016 the gender gap analysis in voting and party identification published by Kaufmann and Petrocik 20 years ago. Some, e.g., Box-Steffensmeier, J. M., S. DeBoef, and T. M. Lin. 2004. “The Dynamics of the Partisan Gender Gap.” American Political Science Review 98 (3): 515–28 suggested that the original findings would diminish in magnitude, but the updated data show that the gender gap continues to reflect male-only changes in party identification. Public officials, political operatives, and the media misstate, sometimes specifically but often only by implication, the nature of the gap. Commentary highlights the lower level of support among women for the Republican Party in both the vote and party identification. Their support for the GOP is considerably lower than it is among men as this paper reaffirms. However, as Kaufmann, K. M., and J. R. Petrocik. 1999. “The Changing Politics of American Men: Understanding the Sources of the Gender Gap.” American Journal of Political Science 43 (3): 864–87 noted, the gap emerged and has continued to grow because of changed attitudes and behavior among men.
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Mandeville, Kate L., Rose-Marie Satherley, Jennifer A. Hall, Shailen Sutaria, Chris Willott, Kielan Yarrow, Keerthi Mohan, Ingrid Wolfe, and Delan Devakumar. "Political views of doctors in the UK: a cross-sectional study." Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health 72, no. 10 (July 30, 2018): 880–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jech-2018-210801.
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BackgroundLittle is known about the political views of doctors in the UK despite doctors' importance in the functioning of the National Health Service (NHS).MethodsThis is a survey-based, cross-sectional study in which we asked questions about voting behaviour in 2015 and 2017 UK general elections and 2016 referendum on leaving the European Union (EU) (Brexit), and questions relating to recent health policies.Results1172 doctors (45.1% women) from 1295 responded to an online survey. 60.5% described their political views as ‘left-wing’ and 62.2% described themselves as ‘liberal’. 79.4% of respondents voted to remain in the EU in the 2016 referendum compared with 48.1% of voters as a whole (χ2=819.8, p<0.001). 98.6% of respondents agreed that EU nationals working in the NHS should be able to remain in the UK after Brexit. The median score for the impact of Brexit on the NHS on a scale of 0 (worst impact) to 10 (best impact) was 2 (IQR=1–4). Most respondents agreed with the introduction of minimum alcohol pricing in the UK (73.9%), charging patients who are not eligible for NHS treatment for non-urgent care (70.6%) and protecting a portion of national spending for the NHS (87.1%). 65.8% thought there was too much use of NHS-funded private sector provision in their medical practice. Specialty, income and grade were associated with divergent opinions.ConclusionsUK doctors are left-leaning and liberal in general, which is reflected in their opinions on topical health policy issues. Doctors in the UK voted differently from the general electorate in recent polls.
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McKay, David. "US voting behaviour." Contemporary Record 2, no. 5 (March 1989): 24–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619468908581017.
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Gulevich, O. A., and I. R. Sarieva. "Social Beliefs, Political Trust and Readiness to Participate in Political Actions: Comparison of Russia and Ukraine." Social Psychology and Society 11, no. 2 (2020): 74–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/sps.2020110205.
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Objectives. Analysis of the relationship between social beliefs, political trust and readiness to participate in normative and non-normative forms of political actions. Background. Amid growing politicization of citizens in different countries, the demand for an analysis of factors linked to the readiness of citizens to participate in various forms of political activity, from voting to street protests, is increasing. It is extremely important to identify universal and culturally specific factors that influence political behavior. Study design. The study examined the relationship between social beliefs, political trust, and readiness to participate in political activity. The presence and nature of the relationship was verified through correlation analysis and structural equation modeling (SEM). Participants. Russian sample: 440 people (76.4% of men, 23.4% of women) from 23 to 77 years old (M = 38.99; SD = 11.62). Ukrainian sample: 249 people (59.8% of men and 40.2% of women) from 23 to 65 years old (M = 35.55; SD = 10.76). Measurements. Russian-language versions of the scales of Belief in a dangerous world by J. Duckitt and Belief in a just world by C. Dalbert. Author’s scale of political trust and readiness to participate in political activity. Results. Belief in a just world increases political trust; belief in a dangerous world reduces it. Political trust positively predicts readiness to participate in various forms of normative political activity. The presence of cross-cultural differences in the characteristics of the model between the Russian and Ukrainian samples is established. Conclusions. There is a significant relationship between social beliefs, political trust and readiness to participate in various forms of political activity.
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REYNOLDS, ANDREW. "Representation and Rights: The Impact of LGBT Legislators in Comparative Perspective." American Political Science Review 107, no. 2 (March 21, 2013): 259–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055413000051.
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This article focuses on the link between the representation of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people in national legislatures and the existence of equality laws focused on sexual orientation. It addresses three interrelated questions: how many “out” LGBT legislators have served in national parliaments, what explains the cross-national variation in their legislative presence, and what is the relationship between the presence of gay legislators and the enactment of laws that treat gay and straight citizens equally? There is an established literature arguing that the representation of women and ethnic minorities “descriptively” in national legislatures improves the realization of their policy preferences and the position of the group within the society as a whole. This article draws on that literature and extends the analysis to LGBT communities. It finds that the presence of even a small number of openly gay legislators is associated significantly with the future passage of enhanced gay rights, even after including controls for social values, democracy, government ideology, and electoral system design. Once openly gay legislators are in office they have a transformative effect on the views and voting behavior of their straight colleagues. This “familiarity through presence” effect is echoed in studies of U.S. state legislatures and levels of social tolerance of homosexuality in the population at large.
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Sanders, David. "Voting behaviour in Britain." Contemporary Record 4, no. 3 (February 1991): 2–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619469108581127.
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Agarwal, Manmohan. "Book Reviews : Studying Voting Behaviour." International Studies 39, no. 1 (February 2002): 92–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002088170203900108.
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Dahlgaard, Jens Olav, Jonas Hedegaard Hansen, Kasper M. Hansen, and Martin V. Larsen. "How Election Polls Shape Voting Behaviour." Scandinavian Political Studies 40, no. 3 (May 15, 2017): 330–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.12094.
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Williams, Christopher, Vladimir Chuprov, and Julia Zubok. "The voting behaviour of Russian youth." Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 13, no. 1 (March 1997): 145–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523279708415338.
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Lähner, Tom. "Inconsistent voting behaviour in the FOMC." Applied Economics 50, no. 14 (August 29, 2017): 1617–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00036846.2017.1368994.
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Ekengren, Ann-Marie, and Henrik Oscarsson. "Party elites’ perceptions of voting behaviour." Party Politics 19, no. 4 (June 22, 2011): 641–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068811407603.
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Bergman, Matthew E. "Preferential Voting Systems: Influence on Intra-party Competition and Voting Behaviour." Representation 56, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 127–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2020.1720791.
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Lapatinas, Athanasios. "Understanding Voting Behaviour in Complex Political Systems." Mathematical Economics Letters 2, no. 3-4 (November 30, 2014): 59–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mel-2014-0001.
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AbstractWe suggest in this paper that voting in political systems can be profitably analysed using complex system analysis. We discuss how we can capture the complexity of voting behaviour by applying graph theory in networks and we develop a simplified theoretical model of voting choice adopting the basic heuristics of the behavioural decision theory. We feel that such a complex systems approach provides a superior basis for understanding voting behaviour compared to standard political economy analysis.
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KUMAR, SANJAY. "Religious Practices among Indian Hindus: Does that Influence Their Political Choices?" Japanese Journal of Political Science 10, no. 3 (October 30, 2009): 313–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109909990090.
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AbstractThe article focuses on the issue of patterns of religious engagement among Indian Hindus during last decade. It tries to look at both the issue of private religion practiced in the form of offering puja at home and public religion seen in terms of participation in Katha, Satsang, Bhajan-Kirtan etc. by Indian Hindus. Sizeable numbers of Indian Hindus offer puja every day; sizeable numbers of them are also engaged in public religious activities. This is more prevalent among the urban, educated, upper-caste, upper-class Hindus compared to their counterpart. Along with factors, which influence religious practices, is gender. Hindu women are more religious compared to the Hindu men. Similarly, upper-caste Hindus practice religious activities more regularly compared to other Hindus. There is hardly any change in patterns of engagement in religious activities among Hindus over the last five years. The levels of engagement in religious activities also have an impact on voting behavior. The higher the engagement in religious activities, the greater is the support for the BJP and vice versa. Between the 2004 and 2009 Lok Sabha elections, there had been a decline in the vote share of BJP due to its declining popularity amongst all the Hindu voters, but the decline in the support for the BJP is much sharper amongst highly religious Hindus compared to those who are not so religious. Along with other factors, this may be one of the important factors that led to the defeat of BJP in the 2009 Lok Sabha elections. The article draws evidence from the National Election Study 2004 and 2009 conducted by the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies during these two elections.
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Archer, Keith, and Marquis Johnson. "Inflation, Unemployment and Canadian Federal Voting Behaviour." Canadian Journal of Political Science 21, no. 3 (September 1988): 569–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900056821.
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AbstractIdentifying the effect of macro-economic performance on levels of partisan support in Canada has attracted considerable attention. Findings in Canada, as elsewhere, often diverge depending upon whether aggregate or individual-level data are used. This study employs individual-level data from 1974 to 1984 to examine the effect of changes in unemployment and inflation on support for the various parties. Controlling for partisan and leader effects, we find that the electoral effect of inflation and unemployment is highly variable over time, and is in an unstable partisan direction. Indeed, at times the partisan effect was perverse.
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Listhaug, Ola. "The Gender Gap in Norwegian Voting Behaviour." Scandinavian Political Studies 8, no. 3 (September 1985): 187–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.1985.tb00320.x.
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Harrop, Martin, Anthony Heath, and Stan Openshaw. "Does neighbourhood influence voting behaviour ‐ and why?" British Elections and Parties Yearbook 1, no. 1 (January 1991): 101–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13689889108412897.
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Adams, Samuel, and Kingsley S. Agomor. "Democratic politics and voting behaviour in Ghana." International Area Studies Review 18, no. 4 (June 12, 2015): 365–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865915587865.
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Leduc, Lawrence. "Opinion change and voting behaviour in referendums." European Journal of Political Research 41, no. 6 (October 2002): 711–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.00027.
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