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1
Morgan-Collins, Mona. "First women at the polls : examination of women's early voting behaviour." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3320/.
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My dissertation research provides first systematic analysis of women’s early voting behavior. The key contribution of this thesis is that women’s suffrage made a significant dent into electoral politics. Such finding provides a direct contradiction to the so frequent claim that women voted as their husbands for most of the twentieth century. The thesis consists of three separate chapters, each addressing a distinct puzzle in the literature. In the first paper, I argue that, contrary to most of the extant literature, women contributed to the victory of the Republican Party in the 1920 election outside of the Black Belt. In the second paper, I argue that women in Protestant countries supported parties that appealed to their welfare and suffrage preferences in the first election after the vote was won. In the third paper, I argue that the redistributive effects of women’s suffrage were mediated by women’s support for parties with redistributive agendas. The key argument of this thesis is that women tended to vote on their redistributive preferences. Contrary to the conventional wisdom that women supported conservative parties, I find robust evidence that women’s suffrage mostly benefitted parties with redistributive agendas. While my research does not seek to challenge the notion that women held socially conservative preferences, it directly contradicts the notion that women voted on such preferences for conservative parties. In the Catholic South, women’s support for Christian Democratic parties most likely reflected women’s preference for Christian Democratic type of the welfare state, which emphasized family values. In the Protestant North, women supported Socialist parties for their welfare preferences, particularly once they entered the workforce. But even at the time of suffrage, women were mainly attracted to parties on the left, responding to both their welfare and suffrage appeals to women.
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Walker, Nancy J. "Gender and politics : political attitudes and voting in contemporary Great Britain and the United States." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.235723.
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Valdini, Melody Ellis. "Electoral institutions and information shortcuts the effect of decisive intraparty competition on the behavior of voters and party elites /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3310008.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed September 19 , 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.
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Mertens, Jennifer R. "Gender and the 1988 presidential election : a study of voting behavior in Middletown." Virtual Press, 1989. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/544130.
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This study examined gender differences in vote choice, made consequential by the recent emergence of a gender gap in support for Republican candidates. Explanations of the gender gap have included the following: 1)Self-interest explanations emphasizing women's greater dependence on social services and women's support of women's issues. 2)Socialization explanations emphasizing women's more pacifist attitudes.Data for the study came from a random sample of "Middletown." Variables in the analysis included Feminism, Social Traditionalism, the Ethic of Care, support for Child Care and support for Dukakis. In order to explore gender differences in voting behavior, analyses for vote choice were done for women and men, seperately. Path analyses of women's and men's support for Social Traditionalism, child care, and Dukakis are presented in the paper.Department of Sociology
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De, Neve Jan-Emmanuel C. J. M. "Essays in political economy and voting behaviour." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2011. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/199/.
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This thesis explores how political preferences are shaped by institutions, economic conditions, and personality. Each chapter is a distinct contribution and provides a different perspective on the formation of political preferences and, ultimately, voting behaviour. These different approaches relate to the fields of comparative political economy, behavioural economics, and political psychology. Methodologically, this thesis is empirically applied and the results of these separate enquiries into political preferences are grounded in statistical analysis. A first substantive chapter introduces a median voter data set that provides insight into the ideological position of the electoral centre in over 50 democracies. A second chapter uses this new data and studies cross-national voting behaviour in 18 Western democracies over 1960-2003. It is found that electoral behaviour is closely related to the salience of the following economic institutions: labour organization, skill specificity, and public sector employment. This research shows that political preferences are endogenous to economic institutions and implies the existence of institutional advantages to partisan politics. A third substantive chapter focuses on ideological change in the United States and tests the proposition that voters advance a more liberal agenda in prosperous times and shift towards being more conservative in dire economic times. A reference-dependent utility model relates income growth to political preferences by way of the demand for public goods and the optimal tax rate. This work thus links voting behaviour to economic business cycles and shows that ideological change is endogenous to income growth rates. Finally, a fourth chapter presents the largest study to date of the influence of the big five personality traits on political ideology. In line with prior research in political psychology, it is found that openness to experience strongly predicts liberal ideology and that conscientiousness strongly predicts conservative ideology. A variety of childhood experiences are also studied that may have a differential effect on political ideology based on an individual's personality profile. The findings of this final chapter provide new evidence for the idea that differences in political preferences are deeply intertwined with variation in the nature and nurture of individual personalities. Generally, this thesis provides some new insights into the complex world of political preference formation and does so by exploring the influential role of institutions, economic conditions, and personality.
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Mat, Jali Mohd Fuad. "Regionalism, ethnicity and voting behaviour in Malaysia." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.239695.
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Lui, Kwok-man Richard. "Construction and testing of causal models in voting behaviour with reference to Hong Kong /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1996. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B17311524.
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Mian, Takir. "The image of political parties and voting behaviour." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.488983.
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Traditional views on voting behaviour assume that decisions are based on party political issues and the state of the economy. Researchers are recognizing the role of the image of parties and politicians as being important but little research has been undertaken on what constitutes image in a political context and the extent to which this may influence voting behaviour. This research aims to increase our understanding of the role of image by testing the following hypotheses drawn from the marketing/reputation and political science literatures.
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Noh, Zamira. "Bias in voting behaviour : endogenous and exogenous factors." Thesis, University of Lincoln, 2017. http://eprints.lincoln.ac.uk/28661/.
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Despite the vast research on the social bias in decision-making, relatively little is known about biases in voting behaviour. The main aim of this research was to explore alternative indirect methods to observe biases in decision-making and voting behaviour. A proximity bias was first observed in the rather unusual setting of the Weakest Link TV game show, when contestants avoided casting negative votes against their closest neighbours. This proximity bias was most profound for the contestant closest to the voter. Two field experiments were designed to test whether this Neighbour Effect occurred in different social contexts, among the first-year undergraduate students. The first study asked first-year undergraduate students in a lecture (n=449) to vote for another person seated in the same row. The same Neighbour Effect occurred when the vote carried a nasty (negative) outcome for the recipient however, when the vote valence changed to a nice (positive) outcome the Neighbour Effect disappeared. In negative voting, the result of the field experiment confirmed the original observation in the Weakest Link. However, a reverse polarity voting pattern was also found in the positive voting. This suggests participants significantly favoured their closest neighbour(s). The second field experiment used Prisoner’s Dilemma with undergraduates in a lecture theatre (n= 229) to test the Neighbour Effect. The undergraduates played the game with another player seated in the same row and in the same block in a lecture theatre. The results showed a neighbour effect because the players were significantly more likely to cooperate with a neighbour that a non-neighbour. To conclude the findings from this study suggested that the Neighbour Effect is a robust bias in strategic decision-making and voting.
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Eklöf, Oskar. "Voting behaviour in the 2014 European Parliament election." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-376257.
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The European Parliament election is one of the most extensive elections in the world and affects more than 500 million people within the European Union. Prior research have mainly been using two different frameworks to explain voting behaviour in the European Parliament elections, namely the second-order election theory and the Europe-matters framework. The second-order theory states that national issues play a major role in the voting behaviour and the Europe-matters frameworks basically imply that European issues play a major role in the citizens’ voting behaviour. Prior research has relied too much on aggregate data, has operationalised the frameworks wrongly and has not given equal weight to the frameworks. In this study, I tried to come to terms with these problems and the research question was to test which of the frameworks that best explains the voting behaviour in the European Parliament election of 2014. The results are mixed and no framework seem to explain the voting behaviour better than the other. Nevertheless, other interesting results are possible to find and two of these results are that people tend to cast protest votes against their government if they disapprove it and that EU disapproval affects abstaining from voting more than government disapproval does, in the European Parliament election of 2014.
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Gidengil, Elisabeth 1947. "Class and region in Canadian voting behaviour : a dependency interpretation." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=72842.
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Matsimbe, Zef Alberto. "Voting behaviour in Mozambique : a case study of Maxixe District." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/60389.
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This thesis identifies and examines factors that shape voters' choice in Maxixe district in
order to understand how voters decide in general in Mozambique. It is a case study of Maxixe
district, one of the fourteen districts of Inhambane Province in southern Mozambique, which
is historically a stronghold for the ruling Frelimo party. It is an interesting region for study
because it is an economic hub and a cosmopolitan town, with a multi-ethnic population
comprising three ethnolinguistic groups, yet at times it has been assumed to be a
homogeneous region. As such, one cannot rush to conclude that ethnicity plays a major role
in politics and voting behaviour. Yet no studies on voting behaviour have been conducted in
this region. The study is based on four theoretical frameworks commonly used in election
studies, namely the sociological, socio-psychological, rational choice and the cognitive
awareness approaches. Methodologically, it prioritises the social constructivism paradigm,
case study research design and qualitative research approach. Findings confirm that ethnicity
does not determine party choice or voting behaviour in Maxixe. Age forms an important
cleavage among voters as the elderly always vote for Frelimo while younger voters are more
independent. Party identification influences voting choice to some extent, but mainly for
strategic purposes. While the economy determines voting behaviour to some extent, voters do
not use their dissatisfaction to punish the incumbent ruling party and political sophistication
does not influence voting.Thesis (DPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2017.
Political Sciences
DPhil
Unrestricted
13
Li, Pang-Kwong. "Elections and political mobilisation : the Hong Kong 1991 direct elections." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1995. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1372/.
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Previous studies of the first direct elections to the Hong Kong Legislative Council (LegCo) in 1991 were largely focused on the effect of the Tiananmen Incident on voters' choice, neglecting the domestic dimension of social conflict evolving within Hong Kong from the 1970s. Adopting the social cleavage approach, the present thesis argues that two electoral cleavages, centre-periphery and collective consumption, were important by 1991. It, therefore, explores the international, social and political contexts within which the 1991 LegCo direct elections took place in order to explain the political alignments and electoral cleavages during the period 1982-1991. First, the study examines the Sino-British attitudes towards political reforms in Hong Kong and the development of the centre-periphery cleavage in the 1980s as the two countries negotiated the transfer of sovereignty. Second, the expansion of the Hong Kong Government's activities and its privatisation programmes are analyzed in order to describe the increasingly intimate relations between government and society and to show that, as a result, conflicts evolved over issues of collective consumption. Third, the emerging competition at the time of the 1991 elections is discussed with reference to political mobilisation and alignments during the previous decade. Fourth, the electoral market of 1991 is examined to explain voters' choice. Finally, the election results are analyzed to demonstrate that two electoral cleavages, centre-periphery and collective consumption, played a significant role. The data used in this study were collected from: official documents, such as the Hong Kong Government Gazette, the Sino-British Joint Declaration, the Basic Law, the Hong Kong Census and By-census reports, the annual reports of various government departments; opinion polls and one exit poll of the 1991 LegCo direct elections; personal interviews with leading political leaders; campaign materials and election debates on television; and newspaper cuttings.
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Leithner, Christian. "The Economic Voting Hypothesis : Australia, Canada and New Zealand." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.362145.
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Henig, Simon Antony. "Regional voting behaviour in Britain : explaining the growing divide 1955-1992." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.318911.
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Trumm, Siim. "The dynamics of voting behaviour in the post-2004 European Parliament." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/4284.
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The European Parliament offers a unique setting for studying the behaviour of elected representatives and the way they interpret their mandate. In contrast to national legislatures, where legislators face domestic geographical and partisan pressures, Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) must balance both national and supranational loyalties. While existing studies on MEPs’ parliamentary behaviour provide useful insight into the voting dynamics in the European Parliament, few scholars address the heterogeneity of the post-2004 parliaments, and how it shapes the approach of contemporary MEPs to representation in the European Parliament. This dissertation uses the changes in the European Parliament’s institutional make-up that occurred over the last decade to explore MEPs’ voting behaviour in the Sixth and Seventh Parliaments. In particular, I focus on how the diversity among MEPs and the variety of voting procedures used in the European Parliament affect MEPs’ voting behaviour. Combining post-2004 MEPs’ individual-level roll call voting data and original MEP survey data, I explore the following questions: (i) How likely are post-2004 MEPs to vote with their European Parliament party group, national delegation, and national party delegation? (ii) How do individual- and contextual-level characteristics shape the voting behaviour of MEPs? (iii) How is MEPs’ approach to parliamentary representation influenced by the choice of voting procedure? The findings indicate that national parties remain post-2004 MEPs’ primary principal, and that MEPs continue to hold their secondary loyalty to their supranational party group. I also find that diversity among MEPs shapes how they approach parliamentary representation; individual- and contextual-level characteristics, such as MEPs’ role perception and the degrees of ideological diversity within the parliamentary sub-groups, provide incentives for MEPs to alter their voting behaviour. Finally, a noteworthy voting procedure effect is visible within MEPs’ self-perceived approach to parliamentary representation. The findings suggest that a univocal interpretation of the European mandate may be misplaced given that significant systematic differences exist, both across MEPs and voting procedures, in post-2004 voting dynamics.
17
Min, Byung-O. "Electoral change and voting behaviour of independent voters in South Korea, 1992-2002 : are independent voters rational in voting choice?" Thesis, Online version, 2004. http://bibpurl.oclc.org/web/26005.
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Simkin, Alexandre F. "Political beliefs and social attitudes in Britain and Japan : a cross-national study of youth elites." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.336255.
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D'Oliveira, Manuela. "The determinants of vote choice in Portugal." Thesis, Open University, 1989. http://oro.open.ac.uk/57273/.
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The Reasoned Action model was applied in Portugal to study the factors which determine vote choice among Portuguese voters. Covering three elections (the 1980 Presidential election, the 1982 Local elections and the 1983 General election) the study was started six years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974 which restored Democracy after 48 years of the Salazar-Caetano Dictatorship. The Reasoned Action model, successfully tested in one American Presidential election and in one British General election, assumes that voting intentions are directly related to a) attitudes towards voting for each candidate or party based on knowledge voters possess about important issues and about the candidates or parties stands on them, and b) social influence factors based on voters' beliefs on the opinions of trusted referents as to whom they should be voting for. The results obtained in the three Portuguese electoral studies give strong support to the thesis that in spite of their undemocratic background Portuguese voters like their American and British counterparts make reasoned choices based on their knowledge of important issues and of the differences between the candidates' or parties' stands on such issues. As in the American and British studies the weight of the attitudinal component of the Reasoned Action model was found to be a much more significant determinant of voting intentions than its social influence component.
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Clarke, Stephen John. "The dynamics of Catholic voting behaviour surrounding denominational education reform in Newfoundland." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ54873.pdf.
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Russell, Andrew T. "Spatial variations in economic attitudes and voting behaviour in Britain, 1983-92." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1996. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/15089/.
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The objective of this thesis is to assess the role of geography in the construction of economic attitudes and electoral behaviour in Britain during the 1980s and the early 1990s. Aggregate and individual level data are used to separate two specific time periods - the economic recovery of the 1980s and the 'new' recession of the early 1990s. The new recession also coincided with the long campaign leading to the 1992 General Election, when the Conservatives were returned for a fourth successive term. A two stage model of the relationship between social class, geography, economic attitudes and party support is constructed. Initially the link between geography and economic attitudes appears enigmatic. However, as the analysis progresses a clearer picture emerges of the geographic basis of prospective and retrospective, egocentric and sociotropic economic evaluations. Analysis of Variance and Multiple Classification Analysis techniques reveal the extent of the growing geographic divide in party support and certain economic attitudes during the 1980s. A particularly crucial theme emerges with the investigation of partisanship during inter-election periods. Groups that tend to form the core of the Conservative vote in Election years, are identified as reluctant Conservatives in non-election years. Important contextual effects are perceived in the analysis of reported vote intention, geography and economic attitudes in the run-up to the 1992 General Election. As well as the orthodox personal economic expectations variable, ascription of economic responsibility and economic approval for the Government's programme are shown to be critical to levels of Government support - and are spatially variable. Ordinary Least Squares and Logistic regression analysis reveal the precise role of geography in economic attitudes and party support. Here the 'devil is in the detail' as the interactions effects of the dependent variables reveal that when an individual's economic evaluations clashes with their geographic context, the contextual effect either dilutes - or overcomes completely - the economic effect. The analysis of individual level data represents an advance for electoral geography and for the study of geographic milieux and local socialisation effects.
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Trench, Bowles Nora. "How were the factors that led to the defeat of the first referendum on the Nice Treaty addressed in subsequent Irish referendum campaigns on the EU?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-207292.
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Wroe, Andrew J. "Why proposition 187 won : explaining the success of California's 1994 illegal-immigration initiative." Thesis, University of Essex, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.284612.
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Dean, Dianne. "Consumption of politics : it's not always a rational choice : the electoral decision-making of young voters." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/198.
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The aim of this thesis was to explore the efficacy of the rational choice model in the electoral decision making of young people. The initial view was that this was too narrow a concept to apply to a real world situation. Therefore, consumer behaviour theory was reviewed in order to find out how marketers understand consumer decision making and explore if this could add anything to electoral decision making. Using an ideographic approach, this research revealed a number of different groups that did not conform to the rational choice model. Moreover, it was interesting to discover that many voter and non-voter groups exhibit what can be described as irrational behaviour. Using education as a key variable and the Elaboration Likelihood Model as an analytical framework, it was possible to identify the different ways in which the groups built up their political knowledge and what effect this had upon the extent of their engagement with the electoral process. Two models were developed that described the various groups and their electoral behaviour. The thesis concludes by suggesting that engagement is limited to a small number of groups and the level of engagement is determined by a complex mix of education, life stage and the notion of risk.
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Spiteri, Jonathan. "Essays on media reportage and economic behaviour." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/31037.
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This thesis looks at the economics of mass media from a variety of perspectives. The main aim is to analyse the key factors that influence media reporting behaviour, and in turn the impact of reportage on individual decision-making processes. The first chapter provides a brief summary of the contextual background of this thesis, by presenting the main points tackled in the subsequent chapters as well as a concise overview of the main contributions across various fields of study. The second chapter explores the relationship between advertisers and the media using a simple model of horizontal and vertical product differentiation in a duopolistic setting. In this framework, when a news story is published one firm will benefit in terms of higher consumer demand and profits, while the other will suffer. Firms can influence the media's decision to publish the news story or withhold it via advertising expenditure. The main result shows that in equilibrium when news signals conform to people's prior beliefs, extreme or strong stories will be withheld from publication by the media. This is because strong stories will result in a drastic decline in profits for one firm, thus providing it with an incentive to switch over and change its production process to mimic the other (beneficiary) firm, thereby eliminating vertical product differentiation. Therefore, the beneficiary firm would have an incentive to ensure that the news story is withheld to prevent this increase in competition and the subsequent erosion of its profit margins. The results provide an alternative rationale to explain recent evidence on under-reporting by the U.S. media in relation to various issues like climate change and the nutritional content of food. The third chapter looks at the responsiveness of individual private behaviour to media coverage of a particular news story. Survey data on charitable gift-giving in the U.S. are used in order to analyse the impact of newspaper coverage of the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami on both the likelihood and magnitude of monetary disbursements towards the relief effort. The identification strategy employed in this paper exploits differences in county-level growth rates of violent crime in order to account for the variation in newspaper coverage of the tsunami, thus circumventing potential endogeneity problems. The results show that media coverage only had a modest effect on people's decision to donate or not, but conversely had a significant and non-trivial impact on the amount of money donated. Furthermore, this impact was larger for young adults within the 25-34 age bracket and individuals who had undertaken some form of voluntary work in the previous year. These results hold even after the implementation of various robustness tests, and serve to highlight the growing influence of the media on people's behaviour. The final chapter analyses the impact of media reports on electoral outcomes, and in particular the extent to which soft or sensationalist news reportage influences voting. Survey data on individual voting behaviour during the 2000 U.S. Presidential election is used, together with a novel dataset on the amount of coverage afforded to the Monica Lewinsky scandal over the period January 17, 1998 to August 31, 2000. We first show that Lewinsky coverage was not driven by the newspapers' political bias, but rather by other factors including tabloid journalism. This independence enables us to focus solely on the impact of media reports on voting, in contrast to the rest of the literature which deals with the electoral influence of politically-biased media outlets. We then look at how newspaper coverage of the Lewinsky scandal influenced voting patterns in the 2000 U.S. Presidential election. To account for potential endogeneity issues we use county-level variation in the number of deaths caused by extreme weather events as an instrument for Lewinsky articles. We find that media coverage of the scandal had a positive and statistically significant impact on the likelihood of voting for George W. Bush, and conversely a negative influence on the probability of voting for Al Gore: this pattern is visible among both Democrats and Republicans. The results are robust to various tests, and raise several questions regarding the media's role within the democratic process.
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Fazzi, Gómez Caterina Joanna. "Sedentary behaviour in morbidly obese pregnant women." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/33188.
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Introduction: Obesity during pregnancy is linked to many negative health effects for mothers and offspring. The majority of interventions with obese pregnant women based on physical activity have had limited success suggesting alternative approaches are needed. Sedentary behaviour is defined as waking activities that expend very low energy, 1.5 metabolic equivalents or below, while reclining, lying or sitting. Spending too much time sedentary has been identified as a risk factor for health, regardless of physical activity levels. We hypothesised that targeting sedentary behaviour may be a suitable alternative to reduce health risks during gestation among pregnant women who are morbidly obese (defined as body mass index, BMI > 40 Kg/m²). Aim and objectives: The aim was to explore sedentary behaviour among obese pregnant women and to propose an intervention to reduce the time obese pregnant women spend sedentary, through an active sitting exercise intervention. To conduct a systematic review of the literature to determine the proportion of time spent in sedentary behaviour among pregnant women, and the association of sedentary behaviour with pregnancy outcomes in mothers and offspring. To estimate total energy expenditure, and energy expended in sedentary activities in morbidly obese and lean pregnant women. To assess the feasibility of an active sitting exercise intervention for morbidly obese pregnant women, designed using a patient involvement in research method. Systematic Review: A systematic review of the literature reporting sedentary behaviour during pregnancy and its effects on pregnancy outcomes was conducted. Twenty six publications were included in the systematic review up until October 2015, and a further 18 were identified in the update completed in April 2018. Pregnant women spent at least 50% of their time in sedentary activities. Associations between increased time sedentary and higher risk of macrosomia, higher risk of pre-eclampsia, higher risk of developing gestational diabetes mellitus, and larger new-born abdominal circumference were observed, as the main findings. Most of included studies scored an intermediate quality, only two of the 44 studies scored a good quality. Cross-sectional study. A cross-sectional study was conducted, using the Pregnancy Physical Activity Questionnaire (PPAQ), and the Actical accelerometer, to assess energy expenditure, and energy expended in sedentary behaviour. Based on the PPAQ, women who were morbidly obese expended significantly more energy per day, as total expenditure, than lean pregnant women, which was confirmed by the Actical. During sedentary behaviour lean pregnant women expended significantly less energy than morbidly obese pregnant women, based on the PPAQ. No differences were observed between lean and morbidly obese pregnant women in the proportion of time spent in sedentary activities, nor in time sedentary. Exercise Intervention Design A patient involvement in research approach was used to design an active sitting exercise intervention for morbidly obese pregnant women. Twenty three women took part in the design of the intervention, enabling design of a final protocol including six exercises, to be performed in two sets of 10 repetitions. Active sitting exercise intervention An intervention based on active sitting exercises for morbidly obese pregnant women to reduce sedentary time was conducted to assess the feasibility. Thirty morbidly obese pregnant women were recruited of whom 20% completed the exercise intervention. The main reason not to complete the intervention was lack of time. Conclusion: A better understanding of sedentary behaviour is needed for the design of effective interventions to help to reduce the adverse effects of morbid obesity on pregnancy, especially as prevalence is growing. More time spent in light intensity activities rather than in sedentary behaviour may play a role as contributing to reduce those risks associated with obesity during pregnancy, and to reduce time spent sedentary. Participants have shown real interest in helping to design an effective exercise intervention. Involving and empowering participants in how to take care of themselves as part of the intervention helps to increase their commitment. Giving participants the tools to take care of their own health and their babies' should be considered as part of the intervention with very obese pregnant women. Providing the information in how and why exercise might help, and basing the intervention in giving participants easy and realistic tasks that they could do on their own and around their own environment, will help to increase their commitment. This appears to be a feasible and effective strategy.
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Lui, Kwok-man Richard, and 呂國民. "Construction and testing of causal models in voting behaviour with reference to Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31235153.
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Popescu, Marina. "Media effects and contingencies : a cross-national analysis of television influences on voting behaviour." Thesis, University of Essex, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.446015.
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Millican, Adrian Simon. "Voting : duty, obligation or the job of a good citizen? : an examination of subjective & objective understandings of these drivers and their ability to explain voting behaviour." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/21251.
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This thesis explores subjective and objective understandings of civic duty, obligation and good citizenship. Despite the importance of these drivers of behaviour, a lack of empirical understanding about what these drivers are and how they are understood has left a significant gap in our understanding of voting behaviour. My research contributes to the field by examining three central themes; Are duty, obligation and good citizenship understood the same? Are one or more of these traits suitable for cross-national research? Can a new conceptual model of civic duty help further the use of civic duty in studies of voting behaviour? In order to do this, this thesis analyses the following issues: (1) objectively exploring duty, obligation and good citizenship (2) analysing subjective understandings of these concepts (3) demonstrating individual level drivers of these concepts (4) demonstrating the impact of institutions, and cross-national differences have upon duty, obligation and good citizenship (5) showing how these concepts relate to voting behaviour (6) by testing and proving that a new approach to measuring civic duty can provide a model that explains not only long term immutable voting habits, but why individuals may vote out of duty sometimes, and abstain at others and (7) finally providing substantial evidence from what is an exploratory study to help in the formation of future representative research and to demonstrate the importance of taking civic duty seriously in forthcoming voting behaviour research. Using the theoretical and philosophical literature, I argue that despite the empirical literature treating obligation, good citizenship and civic duty as the same concept and driver of voting behaviour, that individuals understand these traits uniquely, and that they are all separate motivators, with duty being contingent on external forces (social capital) and obligation being contingent on personal or inward pressures. I argue that given the limited literature on good citizenship, there is no clear idea of what it means and that good citizenship will be contingent on what an individual deems to be "good". Finally, I argue that old models of civic duty are outdated, and that a new conceptual framework of duty needs to be introduced to accurately demonstrate how individuals understand it, and actually demonstrate its impact upon individual level voting behaviour. Using data from a pilot study, with an embedded survey experiment (N=735) collected in the United Kingdom, the United States, New Zealand, Australia and Ireland, I demonstrate that not only are duty, obligation and good citizenship understood differently, but the drivers of the concepts are significantly different. While obligation shows no relationship to voting behaviour within or across countries, good citizenship appears to be a good driver of second order elections while civic duty appears to drive first order and high saliency elections. Duty appears to be contingent upon external factors, while good citizenship appears to be contingent upon the behaviour of politicians, and citizenship education suggesting a social contract type relationship. Institutional factors appear to indirectly impact voting behaviour with a mediating effect on the strengths of duty and good citizenship. Finally, evidence suggests that previous notions of an "immutable" sense of duty are unfounded, and that an individuals’ sense of duty is contingent on a range of internal and external pressures. The first empirical chapter focuses on individual level understandings of duty, obligation and good citizenship, before the second empirical chapter expands this to look at cross-national differences in the understanding of, and drivers of duty obligation and good citizenship. Finally, the third empirical analyses a new model of civic duty and suggests that its previous use has been limited by ineffective measures. While the evidence presented in this thesis is exploratory and not generalisable or representative of any of the countries sampled, the evidence from the sample strongly suggests that future development of the study of civic duty, and further analysis of how duty, obligation and good citizenship are understood in representative samples are needed to confirm the findings presented in this thesis, and build upon what is a successful pilot study. This research finds its limitations in the number of survey items available to build a complete picture of all drivers of individual understandings of duty, obligation and good citizenship.
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McGrath, Shelly A. "Explaining the gender gap in voting using feminist consciousness theory." Virtual Press, 2003. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1266034.
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Previous research shows that women are more likely to vote Democrat than men. Using the 2000 Middletown Area Survey this paper tests the Feminist Consciousness Theory as a possible explanation for the gender gap in voting. Results indicate that women in the study voted more Democrat than men. Those who scored higher on the NonTraditional Gender Role Ideology scale, the Support for Gender Equality Scale and who said that they were a feminist were more likely to vote Democrat. Women were more likely to support gender equality and identify as being a feminist than were men. This means that because women are more likely to have a feminist conscious they are more likely to vote Democrat.Department of Sociology
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Martin, Adina. "Political Information & Ethnic Voting : A study on the impact of political information on ethnic voting behavior in Africa." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-432412.
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Does political information lower the incidence of ethnic voting in Africa? Even though a significant amount of research has been dedicated to African ethnic voting behaviour,not much capacity has been dedicated to studying the function of ethnic cues as informational shortcuts. Considering voters use cognitive shortcuts like party affiliations or ideology when making decisions, it is also plausible that voters in elections characterized by ethnic voting use demographic cues in lieu of more comprehensive information. The aim of this thesis was therefore to contribute to the existing research on how informational context affects ethnicity as a determinant for voting behaviour, testing a theory developed by Conroy-Krutz suggesting more political information reduces the incidence of ethnic voting. Using Afrobarometer survey data from 2016-2018, regression analysis was conducted measuring the effects of access to and consumption of political information on ethnic voting in Kenya. The results are ambiguous and do not lend support to the theory in its current form, but instead suggests that what kind of political information and how it is perceived might affect the relationship with ethnic voting. Another possibility is that the content of the political information, bringing about factors like media coverage and press freedom, should be accounted into the model. More research is needed to dismiss or develop the theory, and so this thesis opens up for more research to be made concerning our understanding on the effects of political information on ethnic voting behavior.
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Reimink, Elwin. "Electoral reform: why care? Opinion formation and vote choice in six referendums on electoral reform." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209040.
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This PhD thesis explores the question how citizens react when they are confronted with complex institutional questions related to politics. Specifically, we look at how citizens vote when they are asked for their opinion in a referendum on amending the electoral system of their country. Traditionally, electoral systems have been considered the political playing ground of political elites. It is hence interesting to see what happens when the ‘power of decision’ shifts to citizens, who are supposed to have little interest in, or knowledge about, electoral systems. We observe that citizens partially mimic political elites in their behaviour, by following partisan considerations: citizens judge electoral reforms on the consequences for their favoured parties. Moreover, citizens tend to incorporate values when judging electoral reforms: a particular effect is caused by the left-right-distinction, with left-wing voters being more attracted towards more proportional systems. Finally, we observe that how citizens react to electoral systems is affected by their baseline knowledge on politics. More knowledgeable citizens tend to judge more on substantial grounds, while less knowledgeable citizens rather tend to judge on miscellaneous grounds. We conclude by arguing that citizens can and do form substantial opinions on complex subjects like institutional reforms, but that some baseline knowledge is nonetheless required in order to substantially participate in the democratic decision-making process.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
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King, Simon. "Parties, issues and personalities : the structural determinants of Irish voting behaviour from 1885 to 2000." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367533.
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Birnberg, Gabriele. "The voting behaviour of the European Union member states in the United Nations General Assembly." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/23/.
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Despite their explicit intent to speak with a single voice in foreign affairs, EU member states manage to do so only some of the time. Which are the factors that determine whether or not the EU member states successfully coordinate their positions in the international arena? To find out, I propose to examine the voting behaviour of the EU member states inside the United Nations General Assembly; a forum in which, notwithstanding heterogeneous policy preferences, they intend to coordinate their votes and are thus subject to coordination pressures. This means that for divisive resolutions, each member state must try to reconcile its national policy preference with the objective of casting a unified vote. I hypothesise that the balance a member state strikes generally depends on how important it views the issue at hand, how powerful it is, what type of relationship it maintains with the EU and under certain conditions, what type of relationship it maintains with US. I further argue that the balance is expected to tip in favour of EU unity when increasing the collective bargaining power by working together becomes a tangible objective. By adopting a multi-method approach, the thesis shows that the EU member states make a genuine and continuous effort to coordinate their votes inside the General Assembly. Significantly, the thesis illustrates that member states, at times, are able to override their heterogeneous national policy preference in order to stand united. I conclude by connecting the findings with the constructivist/rationalist debate, which juxtaposes foreign policy cooperation according to the logic of appropriateness with the logic of consequence. The results obtained have implications not only for the study of EU voting behaviour in the United Nations, but also for theoretical debate underlying it.
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Cabeza, Pérez Laura [Verfasser], and André [Gutachter] Kaiser. "Party Strategies and Voting Behaviour in Multi-level States / Laura Cabeza Pérez ; Gutachter: André Kaiser." Köln : Universitäts- und Stadtbibliothek Köln, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1148623701/34.
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Hollingworth, Samantha. "The contraceptive behaviour of young women in Australia /." St. Lucia, Qld, 2002. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe17767.pdf.
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Appleby, L. "Suicide and self-harming behaviour in childbearing women." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.640564.
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The first postnatal year is a period when the rate of psychiatric disorder is high, and a correspondingly high rate of suicide might be expected. Age-adjusted mortality ratios for suicide by women in the first postnatal year were therefore calculated from population data for England and Wales for a twelve-year period. The overall mortality ratio was found to be 17- that is, the actual total was one sixth of that expected. The low rate was not found after stillbirth which was associated with a rate of suicide six times that in all women after childbirth. Women who committed suicide after childbirth most often did so in the first postnatal month and there was a tendency to use violent methods. One explanation of the low rate of suicide is that motherhood exerts a protective effect, and further studies were carried out to explore this possibility. In study two, the age-standardised mortality ratio for suicide during pregnancy was calculated by the same method to be 5 - that is, the actual rate was one twentieth of that expected. In study three, the rate of parasuicide by women in the first postnatal year was calculated from catchment area data to be less than half that of age-matched women (odds ratio 0.43). In study four, a cognitive explanation for these results was studied. Women with postnatal depression were found to score less on a questionnaire measuring cognition related to worthlessness, hopelessness and self-harm than women with depression arising at other times. This result suggests that childbearing women, despite their risk of psychiatric disorder, are protected against suicide and self-harm by their relative absence of suicide-related cognitions, and that such cognitions should be a focus for the treatment of other groups at risk of suicide.
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Henneberg, Stephan C. M. "Voting behaviour as a special case of consumer behaviour : a political marketing oriented theory of voter behaviour and the implications for the concept of political marketing management." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285001.
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Dirke, Lundberg Tora. "Voting Women? : A Quantitative Analysis of the Effects of Electoral Systems on Women's Electoral Participation." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-402757.
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The matter of a gender gap in electoral participation is a fact in many parts of the world but has mostly been investigated by, and studied within, the Global North. In spite of this, scholars have not reached an undisputed conclusion for why this is. Scholars have argued for the importance of studying the institutions and systems composing voting in order to explain electoral participation, especially since the form and degree of direct influence of voters are differing within different electoral systems. Relying on the rational voter hypothesis in combination with feminist theory this thesis suggests that women have different experiences of civic duty and influence, and therefore participate in elections to a lesser extent than men. The main results suggest that presidentialism, to an extent which is neither statistically nor practically significant, decrease women’s electoral participation while majoritarian electoral rules seem to have an even smaller, but similar, effect. Testing electoral systems’ effect on the gender gap, statistically significant results points to the fact that presidentialism increases the gender gap in electoral participation. Majoritarian electoral rules do too increase the gender gap, but to a more restricted extent. This thesis concludes that electoral systems do have a gendered effect on electoral participation and that these effects need to be further investigated by future research.
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Henn, Matt. "Opinion polling in comparative contexts : the challenge of change in contemporary societies." Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.309567.
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This thesis aims to examine both the extent to which political opinion polling can contribute to democratic processes in different countries, and the degree to which polling is tied to the developing processes of restructuring and transition which contemporary advanced societies are tending to undergo. Specifically, the examination will focus on political opinion polling in both 'late-capitalist' and 'post-communist' societies. In doing so, it will consider two key related issues: firstly, how shifting political contexts impact upon the ability of polls to carry out their perceived tasks of measuring public opinion and contributing to political democratisation; and secondly, whether polls extend or inhibit democratic processes. The principal concept around which this analysis is organised is that of 'Complex Politics'. This has as its core an analytical framework which focuses upon those aspects of political systems similar to both late-capitalist and post-communist societies, which impinge directly upon political opinion polling. These are Political Culture, Party Systems, Mechanisms for Political Participation, and the Policy Process. It is argued that, despite the obvious differences in context and recent history, the complexity of contemporary political envirorunents in which polls operate in both types of political system are such as to display broadly similar problems for pollsters. In order to project the course of development of polling, the likely issues that pollsters will need to address in the future, and the shape and nature of the links between polling and the processes of democratisation in late-capitalist societies, it is instructive to refer to the current experiences of pollsters and polling in the transitional states of Central and Eastern Europe. As the processes of political pluralisation and restructuring take place in these former communist societies, this will help to identify the major problems which pollsters are likely to face in countries such as Britain and elsewhere in continental Europe when attempting to gauge political opinions, beliefs, orientations and behaviour as their own societies become more variable and complex.
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Shorrocks, Rosalind. "Generational change in gender gaps in political behaviour and attitudes : the roles of modernisation, secularisation, and socialisation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:432bf9d1-46e3-46dd-9133-413739743ac2.
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This thesis examines to what extent there are generational differences in gender gaps in political behaviour and attitudes, and what explains this generational variation. Generations differ considerably on factors such as women's role in the family and the workplace, gender inequality, and formative experiences, and I argue this leads to different gender gaps for different generations. I examine such generational variation in gender gaps in vote choice, left-right self-placement, attitudes towards spending and redistribution, and attitudes towards gender-egalitarianism. Broad cross-national trends in Europe and Canada are identified, as well as country-specific patterns using Britain and the US as case studies. This thesis finds that generally, in the countries studied, men are more left-wing than women in older birth cohorts, whilst women are more left-wing than men in younger birth cohorts. This 'gender-generation gap' is produced through processes of modernisation, especially secularisation. In addition to this broad trend, the political context or zeitgeist during a generation's formative years produces gender gaps in both vote choice and attitudes that differ between generations according to this socialisation experience. The influences of modernisation and such political socialisation interact to create complex patterns of generational variation in political gender gaps that differ across political contexts. For example, in the British case, women of younger cohorts are not more left-wing in their vote choice than men. These results suggest that we should focus on gender gaps at the level of generational subgroups in order to fully understand political differences between men and women. Furthermore, they predict that gradually, the gender gap where women are more left-wing than men will grow over time through generational replacement. However, they also indicate that this will not occur in all contexts, and that more work needs to be done to understand how the political context shapes gender gaps.
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Davey, Jeremy D. "Young women, drinking and gender : behaviour, motivations and outcomes /." [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2003. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe17255.pdf.
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McParlin, Catherine. "Physical activity behaviour in overweight and obese pregnant women." Thesis, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/2996.
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Background: Increasing physical activity (PA) may help to reduce the risk of obesity related pregnancy complications. However little is known about the amount, type and intensity of PA obese pregnant women engage in, or the most appropriate measurement method. Previous research suggests that obese pregnant women receive limited advice concerning PA from midwives. Objectives: To investigate the amount of PA carried out by this population and how this changes during pregnancy, to compare measurement methods, and to describe the knowledge, attitudes and practice of midwives surrounding PA. Methods: 1. 130 pregnant women, BMI≥25kg/m2, consented to PA measurement at 2 or 3 time points using the Actigraph accelerometer and Recent Physical Activity Questionnaire. 2. Questionnaires were designed and distributed to midwives within 3 NHS Trusts on Tyneside (n=365) with the aim of identifying barriers to discussing and advising PA with obese pregnant women. The design used the Theoretical Domains Framework approach which uses behavioural determinants to investigate implementation difficulties. Results: 1. At 12-16 weeks gestation over half of the participants achieved 30 minutes of moderate or vigorous PA, decreasing by 36 weeks to 24%. Women who were more active at baseline decreased their PA during pregnancy; those who were less active remained so. Self-reported PA also fell but did not correlate with objectively measured PA. 2. Midwives scored highest on knowledge and social-professional role and lowest on skills, capabilities and environment/context/resources domains. Regression analysis indicated that skills and memory/attention/decision domains had a significant influence on discussing PA. Conclusion: Research is needed to find methods to encourage obese women to increase and maintain PA levels before and during pregnancy, and to find the most appropriate PA measurement methods. Midwives feel knowledgeable and believe giving PA advice to be part of their role, but lack skills, capabilities and resources. Strategies to remove such barriers are needed.
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Jones, Rebecca Loveday. "Older women talking about sex : a discursive analysis." Thesis, Open University, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.288351.
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李月娥 and Yuet-ngor Cecilia Li. "Psychosocial factors associated with smoking behaviour among young Asian women." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1993. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31210909.
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Vera-Toscano, Esperanza. "Modelling the labour market behaviour of women in rural canada." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302482.
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This thesis develops and applies the neo-classical approach to labour supply to analyse differences between rural and urban women's labour market behaviour. Thus, one of the questions addressed is - what are the socio-economic factors affecting the labour supply of women in rural areas, and, thus do they differ between rural and urban female workers? Further beyond the general issue as to whether rural labour markets are functioning in the same way as their urban counterparts, the study also considers whether the labour market outcomes of women in poor households differ from the rest of the rural female workforce and/or their urban counterparts. First, an in-depth exploration of rural women is presented, focusing on the major barriers faced by women when entering rural labour market. Further explanations are also provided on the additional limitations among the rural poor workforce. Second, background information of employment in rural areas of Canada and, more specifically, aggregate evidence of particular differences in labour market behaviour are presented. Thus, we will have both theoretical and empirical work motivations for modelling rural-urban differences. Finally, through the use of the Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics individuals' and other socio-economic factors such as individual and household characteristics, job attitudes and place of residence are controlled for in order to model, at a micro/individual level, the labour market behaviour of women both in rural and urban areas. In particular, emphasis is placed on labour market participation, wages and hours of work supplied. Given the lack of previous economic studies in this field, this thesis represents a reasonable first step to the economic analysis of the impact of various socio-economic factors on any rural-urban differences.
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Kyomuhendo, Grace Bantebya. "Treatment seeking behaviour among poor urban women in Kampala Uganda." Thesis, University of Hull, 1997. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:4928.
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This thesis examines women's treatment seeking behaviour for their own illnesses and that of children underfive in Kamwokya . The focus is on the extent to which women's access to money and time use patterns affect treatment seeking. It has been argued that women's treatment seeking behaviour is influenced more by their time use than their access to and availability of money.The findings obtained through the use of case histories and in-depth interviews indicate that though women in Kamwokya have access to their own money, mainly through participation in income generating activities (business), illness management for children under-five and even more for the women themselves, remains problematic. Women are overworked and manage fragile businesses that require their personal attention and presence. Hence, treatment seeking is done in a manner that will ensure minimal disruption of businesses. Consequently children's health, and even more so, that of women , is compromised for the sake of other family needs.This thesis demonstrates that illness management is not context free, and that no one factor can explain the whole process ; it both affects and is affected by other things happening in the family. Due to the multiple roles women have to fulfil, "time use "is found to be the organising and central factor in illness management for both women and children in Kamwokya, whether from rich or poor households.The thesis concludes by suggesting that policy makers, health care providers and professionals ought to take into account the daily routines of family life in their plans and programmes. Strengthening of private sector health providers, health education programmes and increased awareness raising of male responsibilities towards their families are recommended as a way of improving the health of women and children in Uganda.
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Radice, Paula Kim Vandersluys. "Identification, interests and influence : voting behaviour in four English constituencies in the decade after the Great Reform Act." Thesis, Durham University, 1992. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1189/.
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This study - based on the four constituencies of Leicester, Guildford, Durham City and North Durham - examines voter behaviour, both in aggregate and at the level of the individual, in the ten or so years after the Reform Act of 1832. The impact of Reform on levels of participationt on the transmission of political (and social) values through language and behaviour, and on voters' attachment to a party-based model of political identifications are central focuses, analysed statically and - by employing computer-assisted nominal record linkage - longitudinally. The methodology of the record linkage process (here, between runs of pollbooks, and between the pollbooks and other sources of data such as ratebooks and denominational membership lists) is made explicit. Detail is also given of the contextual framework within which voter behaviour took shape, since, as is demonstratedg only the specific events, languaget candidate structures and "influence"-wielding of specific contests in unique constituencies can fully explain the significance of voting patternsg especially given the subtleties of the double-vote system through which all four electorates transmitted their political sentiments. Structural phenomena, especially turnover rates and patterns of voting persistence, are described with particular reference to their interrelationship with the work of developing permanent local party organizations and other agencies of electoral mobilization. Variations of behaviour between sub-groups within the electoratel defined by franchise qualificationg occupation, "wealth", geographical location and (as far as is possible) religious affiliation, are examined to determine the relative effects (if any are discernible) of socio-economic attributes on electoral reactions.
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Hällmark, Kristin, and Baldesi Angelo Ljungquist. "Political views as neighbourhood effects : A study of Swedish voting behaviour using spatial analysis and socio-economic factors." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statistiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-356145.
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Hofmann, Lukas. "The Effect of Extreme Weather on Voting Behaviour : Evidence from the Record Summers 2018 and 2019 in Germany." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Nationalekonomiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-445780.
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This paper investigates how exposure to extreme weather affects public support for climate policies. I use temperature data from the extreme heatwaves during the summers of 2018 and 2019 and examine whether temperature anomalies affected the results of five German state elections held in the autumn of these years. Using the vote share change of the Green Party as a measure of public support for climate policies, I do not find a general baseline effect of extreme temperatures. When considering possible heterogeneities however, I find that there is a positive effect of temperatures in electoral districts with more employed in the agricultural sector and in electoral districts with more informed voters. The estimated interaction effects are large compared to the mean vote share of the Green Party and the estimates obtained for other parties.