Contents
Academic literature on the topic 'Voting – Behavior – Italy'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Voting – Behavior – Italy.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Voting – Behavior – Italy"
1
Mancosu, Moreno. "Contexts, networks, and voting behavior: the social flow of political communication in Italy." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 46, no. 3 (May 25, 2016): 335–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2016.13.
Full textAbstract:
Previous research demonstrated that different contextual sources can affect voting behavior. Homogeneous familiar networks affect individual behavior of people embedded in these networks toward voting for certain parties. Moreover, being exposed to higher levels of homogeneity in the geographical place where one lives contributes to developing higher propensities to vote for a certain political object. By means of 2006 National Italian Elections data (and by employing new measures of network political homogeneity), this paper tests, with multilevel models, the hypothesis according to which networks and geographical context interact while affecting individuals’ voting behavior. Results confirm such a hypothesis, showing that familiar networks represent a ‘social bubble’, which limits the likelihood of being affected by the broader context.
2
Cavazza, Nicoletta, and Piergiorgio Corbetta. "The political meaning of dining out: testing the link between lifestyle and political choice in Italy." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 46, no. 1 (October 20, 2015): 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2015.24.
Full textAbstract:
The debate that has arisen around the weakening of the traditional cleavages’ heuristic power in explaining vote suggests considering the role of lifestyles in designing politically meaningful social aggregates. We investigated the relationship between lifestyle and voting behavior, establishing the degree to which this relationship traces the effect of the socio-structural categories (e.g. social class) or is, at least in part, independent of them. Through a k-means clustering, we individuated a typology of four Italian lifestyles; we showed its relation to socio-demographic features and its ability to discriminate participants’ political attitudes. The subscription to each lifestyle was significantly associated with voting behavior, net of the variance accounted for by the traditional cleavages. The theoretical implication and further direction of research are discussed.
3
Leonardi, Salvo, and Mimmo Carrieri. "Populism and trade union internationalism: the case of Italy." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 26, no. 3 (July 10, 2020): 273–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258920934329.
Full textAbstract:
Voting analyses have documented how, behind worldwide successes of populist parties, lies growing support from manual workers, even those who are unionised. This reflects changes in political supply and demand, with manual workers frustrated by high costs they have paid in past years and disenchanted by the political vacuum left by traditionally pro-labour parties that had long given voice to their needs. What role do unions play? Can they still influence the voting of their declining but still more or less substantial membership? What are their narratives and organisational strategies on epochal challenges like immigration and EU integration? How can their sense of solidarity, universalism and labour internationalism cope with the growing fears, chauvinism and nationalism of a significant proportion of the working class? This article examines these questions from the perspective of Italy, using empirical data and qualitative insights on the partial success of union action. We conclude that there remains substantial potential for unions, through appropriate political choices, discursive strategies and socialisation with their members, to stem xenophobic and nationalistic inclinations in the world of work.
4
Carrieri, Luca. "The limited politicization of European integration in Italy: lacking issue clarity and weak voter responses." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 50, no. 1 (June 20, 2019): 52–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2019.16.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article analyzes the politicization of European integration in Italy. Has the euro crisis catalyzed a new electoral supply, which may have been matched by voters’ responses? After the crisis, Italian parties have increased their entrepreneurial efforts to prime EU issues into the political debate, trying to win over votes. This pattern may have led to a full politicization of European integration. To study the transformations in party strategies and voting behavior, I analyze the fluctuations in EU issue entrepreneurship and EU issue voting between 2009 and 2014. The findings reveal mixed results: parties have actually developed new strategies on EU issues, but without significantly changing voter preferences along the pro/anti-European dimension.
5
Sozzi, Fabio. "Asking territories: the constituency orientation of Italian and French members of the European Parliament." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 46, no. 2 (May 10, 2016): 199–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2016.9.
Full textAbstract:
In this article, we explore how electoral systems influence attitudes and behavior of elected representatives. Focusing on constituency representation, we consider how variation in electoral systems may shape forms of political representation. An analysis of written parliamentary questions (PQs) is an important instrument to look at the role of parliamentarians even where, as in the European Parliament, political parties enforce discipline in roll-call voting. This kind of investigation offers the opportunity to partially resolve empirical and theoretical problems related to other methods of research. Unlike voting and speeches, PQs face fewer constrains from party leaders. This article analyses the constituency focus of members of European Parliament from France and Italy. These countries differ with regard to two main dimensions of electoral systems: ballot structure and district magnitude. The study is conducted through a content analysis of 5343 written PQs during the sixth term (2004–09). The results suggest that, despite the lack of strong electoral connection, electoral institutions shape the legislative behavior of the Italian and French parliamentarians providing incentives to cultivate personal reputation and constituency-orientation.
6
Emanuele, Vincenzo, and Stefano Rombi. "Le primarie del Centro-Sinistra del 25 novembre e del 2 dicembre 2012: un'analisi descrittiva con dati aggregati." Quaderni dell Osservatorio elettorale QOE - IJES 71, no. 1 (June 30, 2014): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-9489.
Full textAbstract:
Despite primary elections in Italy continue to be asymmetric – i.e. carried out only by the center-left coalition – their ability to involve the electorate and their growing media impact make it a powerful democratic tool. In this article we study the 2012 Italian primary elections, held by the center-left coalition in order to select the prime ministerial candidatefor the 2013 general elections. In particular, we will shed light on three dimensions: turnout, electoral results and competitiveness. We will also take into account the role played by the new candidate selection rule – the two-round system – which will allow us to collect a lot of information about the voting behavior of the selectorate. What has been the turnout level in the2012 Italian primary elections? Which similarities and differences can be found in the patterns of participation between the first and the second round? Which factors may explain the territorial differences in turnout levels? What have been the territorial patterns of voting behavior for the main candidates? The 2012 primary elections have been more or less competitive with respect to the previous Italian national primaries? We will try to address these questions through the use of a mainly quantitative methodology with aggregate data.
7
KimJongBub. "Compare of 2008's General Elections between Italy and Korea: Focusing on analysis of political culture and voting behavior." Journal of Mediterranean Area Studies 11, no. 1 (February 2009): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.18218/jmas.2009.11.1.1.
Full text
8
Gherghina, Sergiu, and Huan-Kai Tseng. "Voting home or abroad? Comparing migrants' electoral participation in countries of origin and of residence." Nationalities Papers 44, no. 3 (May 2016): 456–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2015.1132690.
Full textAbstract:
The political participation of immigrants has received increased scholarly attention over recent decades. However, comparisons between the electoral behavior of immigrants in their countries of origin and of residence are still limited. This article addresses this gap in the literature and seeks to identify the determinants of Romanian immigrants' electoral participation in the local elections of four West European countries (Germany, France, Italy, and Spain) as compared to their turnout in their home country's legislative elections. Looking through the lenses of exposure theory, we hypothesize that contact with institutions, people, and values from the countries of residence are likely to have different effects in the two types of elections. We test the explanatory power of four main variables - time spent in the host country, social networks, degree of involvement in the local community, and the type of relationship with citizens of their host countries - to which we add a series of individual-level controls such as age, education, gender, and media exposure. To assess our claim, we employ binary logistic regression to analyze original web survey data collected in the summer of 2013. The result supports the empirical implications of exposure theory.
9
Garzia, Diego, and Gianluca Passarelli. "Italy in times of protest and negative voting: An introduction." Quaderni dell Osservatorio elettorale QOE - IJES 84, no. 2 (November 12, 2021): 3–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-12279.
Full textAbstract:
The classic heuristics of voting behaviour have been eroded overtime especially in well-established democracies. Ideology, party identification, and social class have been gradually replaced by short-period factors. In particular, the personalization has represented an innovative variable that significantly contributes to explain voting behaviour. Cross-pressures between party identification, candidate assessments and issue preferences paved the way to the diffusion of protest voting, both against the élite and the system. In this respect, Italy represents a very interesting case from both a theoretical and an empirical point view considering the presence of protest parties and the important diffusion of anti-system movements which surfed the protest to consolidate their positions. The editors conceived this special issue aiming at analysing and measuring the impact of protest/negative voting in Italy between 2016 and 2020, a period in which protest parties and voters’ discontent have significantly increased. Data presented by the different papers confirm, albeit under different perspectives, the relevance of this peculiar form of political behaviour.
10
Plescia, Carolina. "Portfolio-specific accountability and retrospective voting: the case of Italy." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 47, no. 3 (June 19, 2017): 313–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2017.11.
Full textAbstract:
How do voters attribute responsibility for government outcomes when they are the result of a collective decision taken by multiple parties within a coalition government? In this article we test the argument that in a multiparty coalition system, responsibility attribution should vary according to the quantity and quality of portfolios that the coalition partner controls. The article uses data from the Italian National Election Study in Italy, a country usually characterized by governments formed by more than two parties. We find no consistent empirical evidence that coalition parties collectively suffer from perceived negative performance. While the prime minister party is held responsible on average more than the other coalition partners, responsibility attribution decreases by party size in the parliament rather than by the quantity of ministerial portfolios the incumbent party controls. Issue saliency, however, plays an important role in the retrospective voting mechanism. These results have important implications for our understanding of electoral behaviour and democratic accountability.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Voting – Behavior – Italy"
1
Cavataio, M. "NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN VOTING BEHAVIOR BETWEEN CHANGE AND CONTINUITY, 1968-2013. A CASE STUDY ANALYSIS CONCERNING TWO LOCAL POLITICAL COMMUNITIES IN ITALY." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/219170.
Full textAbstract:
This academic work is based on a case study analysis concerning two local political communities in Italy, one in the North (Saronno) and the other in the South (Canicattì).
This Ph.D. thesis describes and analyzes electoral continuity and change at the level local, considering all the first and second order elections over the last 50 years (more than 150 elections studied and more than 120 electoral swing analyses elaborated).
It attempts to provide a new explanation of the North-South cleavage in Italy (in terms of voting behavior) and this explanation is in countertrend to the mainstream debate. In fact, the key assumption is the tendency towards convergence between Northern and Southern voting behavior since the beginning of the post-ideological period, with reference to voter turnout, personal vote and electoral volatility.
Finally, this Ph.D. thesis is one of the first studies in Italy that examines the last general elections of 2013, although at the local level
2
Welin, Matti. "The Populist Strategy in Times of Distrust : A Comparative Analysis of the Populist Successes in Italy and Sweden." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-104419.
Full textAbstract:
This essay researches the link between populism and political trust by comparing the development of these two phenomena in Sweden and Italy. Populism is defined as a political strategy in which one appeals to the people and uses anti-establishment rhetoric. The purpose of the study is to analyze if voters that are less politically trustful are also more prone to vote for anti-establishment populist candidates. By using a temporal comparative analysis with a historical perspective in mind, the development and linkage of political trust and populism is analyzed in the cases’ most recent four elections. The Swedish case is distinguished by relatively high levels of political trust but have in the latest decade seen an ever-growing proportion of their electorate turning to the right-wing populist Sweden Democrats. Italy, comparatively, is currently distinguished for low levels of political trust and has seen populist politicians thrive in the electorate ever since the 1990s ‘Mani Pulite’ scandal, and over a majority voted for the two populist parties Lega Nord and Five Star movement. The main research findings suggest that political trust, while not being a crucial determinant for contemporary populist successes, certainly helps populist parties gain attention and attraction. It also shows indications that the relation between populism and political trust can go in two directions. Sweden resembles a case where increased support for the SD have led to decreased political trust. In contrast, Italy’s political scandals, volatile voters and drastic decreases in political trust seems to have sparked increased support for populists.
3
MORISI, Davide. "The subtle influence of information on voting behaviour : referendums and political elections in Italy and the UK." Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/43884.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 4 November 2016Examining Board: Professor Diego Gambetta, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Professor Alexander H. Trechsel, European University Institute (Co-supervisor) ; Professor John T. Jost, New York University ; Professor Rune Slothuus, Aarhus University
This dissertation explores the effects of information on voting behaviour and political attitudes in three case studies, with a combination of original empirical data and secondary survey data. In Chapter 2 and Chapter 3, I explored how issue-based arguments influenced attitudes and voting behaviour in the cam-paign for the 2014 Scottish independence referendum. Data from a laboratory experiment, two follow-up surveys and additional survey data reveal that information led to different patterns of attitude polar-ization and depolarization, depending on the moderating elements of attitude relevance and decision about how to vote. With regard to voting intentions, campaign arguments increased the support for Scottish independence mainly through reducing the uncertainties related to this referendum option. In Chapter 4, the analysis of an online experiment, in combination with a representative panel survey, aims to identify how negative messages by party leaders affected support for parties in the 2015 British general election. Findings show that negative campaigning polarised the electorate along national iden-tity lines: among British voters, negativity increased support for some of the parties sponsoring the attacks, while among Scottish voters it actually increased support for the target of the attacks. Lastly, in Chapter 5, I examine how the recent introduction of digital television affected turnout and voting behaviour in a series of referendum and election consultations that took place between 2010 and 2013 in Italy. The method applied is a regression discontinuity design that exploits the heterogeneous diffusion of digital television in a quasi-experimental setting. The analysis of two extensive datasets with voting and socio-demographic data at the municipality level that I personally collected confirms that increasing the availability of entertainment channels reduced electoral participation in different referendum and electoral consultations. The studies presented in this thesis indicate that the effects of information on political behaviour might be subtler than early research generally conceived, due to the crucial role of different moderating vari-ables at the individual level. Nevertheless, in a complex political world, subtle effects can still contribute to winning elections. From a normative perspective, identifying how citizens make political decisions in response to information acquires substantial relevance not only for academic research, but also for improving democratic decisions. Without knowing the mechanisms of information processing and the consequences of these mechanisms on opinion formation, the idea that an informed society is a better society remains a vague ideal.
Books on the topic "Voting – Behavior – Italy"
1
Guiso, Luigi, and Paolo Pinotti. Democratization and Civic Capital. Edited by Gianni Toniolo. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199936694.013.0011.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter documents a sharp reversal in electoral participation between the North and the South of Italy after the 1912 enfranchisement which extended voting rights from a limited élite to (almost) all adult males. When voting was restricted to the élite, electoral turnout was higher in the South but falls significantly below that in the North after the enfranchisement. This gap has never been bridged over the following century and participation remains lower in the South despite the enrichment of democratic institutions and extension of voting rights to women during the post-war democratic republic. This pattern is consistent with a simple theoretical framework in which individuals' voting in political elections is affected by private benefits and civic duty. Only elites can grab private benefits from participation in politics, and civic culture differs across communities. Extension of voting rights to non-elites results in a significant transfer of power to their political organizations only among populations with a high sense of civic duties. Together with the gap in participation between North and South our findings suggest that democratization can benefit non-elites only when the latter have already a high sense of civic capital and is unlikely to induce norms of civic behavior.