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Journal articles on the topic 'Voting – Behavior – Great Britain'

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Published: 10 March 2023

Last updated: 11 March 2023

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1

Johnston, R. J., and C. J. Pattie. "A Dividing Nation? An Initial Exploration of the Changing Electoral Geography of Great Britain, 1979–1987." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 19, no. 8 (August 1987): 1001–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a191001.

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Commentators have suggested an increased spatial polarisation in voting behaviour within Great Britain over recent decades. Analyses designed to evaluate this suggestion for the period 1979–87 are reported. Entropy-maximising procedures were used to produce estimates of voting by occupational class at the 1979, 1983, and 1987 general elections; they show very clear patterns of increased polarisation over the period.

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2

Whitten, Guy D., and Harvey D. Palmer. "Heightening Comparativists' Concern for Model Choice: Voting Behavior in Great Britain and the Netherlands." American Journal of Political Science 40, no. 1 (February 1996): 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2111701.

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3

Johnston, Ron, Danny Dorling, Helena Tunstall, David Rossiter, Iain MacAllister, and Charles Pattie. "Locating the Altruistic Voter: Context, Egocentric Voting, and Support for the Conservative Party at the 1997 General Election in England and Wales." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 32, no. 4 (April 2000): 673–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a3294.

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Egocentric economic voting models are widely used in studies of voting behaviour in Great Britain: they suggest that people whose standard of living has risen recently as a perceived consequence of government policies are more likely to vote for the government's return to office than are those who blame government policies for a decline in their living standards. But many people whose living standards have increased vote against the government. Analyses reported here, using specially constructed bespoke neighbourhoods around the homes of respondents to the 1997 British Election Study, show that the latter group mainly live in areas of high local unemployment. This suggests a pattern of altruistic voting, of people who are prospering personally, but whose neighbours are not, voting against the incumbent government—a pattern confirmed by statistical analyses of both egocentric and sociotropic voting.

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4

Johnston, R. J., and C. J. Pattie. "Is the Seesaw Tipping Back? The End of Thatcherism and Changing Voting Patterns in Great Britain 1979–92." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 24, no. 10 (October 1992): 1491–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a241491.

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Accounts of British voting behaviour in the 1980s stressed the development of growing spatial divides within the country, especially a north-south divide which reflected economic success in the increasingly Conservative-dominated south and depression in the Labour-supporting north. A new geography of recession was emerging in the early 1990s, however, and the first general election since (in April 1992) suggests that the period of divergence has ended, to be replaced by convergence in the electoral geography of Britain though at spatially varying rates and at a pace insufficient to close the political divides entirely and lead to the government's demise.

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5

Jones, K., R. J. Johnston, and C. J. Pattie. "People, Places and Regions: Exploring the Use of Multi-Level Modelling in the Analysis of Electoral Data." British Journal of Political Science 22, no. 3 (July 1992): 343–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006426.

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There has been considerable recent debate about the importance of local context as an influence on political attitudes and voting behaviour in Great Britain. Resolution of that debate has been difficult, because analytical methods have not been available with which to evaluate the relative importance of both individual voter characteristics and the characteristics of their milieux as independent correlates of attitudes and behaviour. The technique of multi-level modelling has been developed by educational researchers to do just that. It is introduced here and illustrated using data for the 1987 British general election. The preliminary results suggest that place clearly does matter as a component of the processes that influence voters' choices.

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6

Malet, Giorgio. "Una nuova frattura in Europa?" Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale. QOE - IJES 74, no. 2 (December 30, 2015): 57–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-9257.

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In the enduring debate regarding the structure of political competition, substantial evidence has been accumulated on the emergence of a new European dimension and on its relevance in some national elections. Yet, there have been few attempts to match the supply side with the demand side of electoral politics through cross-national studies. To fill the gap, this article adopts a two-step procedure. On the one hand, it investigates the political potential of Euroscepticism tracing back the fault lines of a new cleavage to processes of economic competition, cultural diversity and political integration. On the other, it showcases the uneven process of politicization of the EU issues in Italy, France, and United Kingdom. In these countries the growing difficulties of mainstream parties to deal with issues that crosscut the traditional left-right dimension have paved the way to the success of new anti-establishment parties. These challengers have exploited conflicts and issues generated by the integration process thus undermining the conventional dynamics of party competition. Nonetheless, preferences on the integration process affect voting behaviour only in Great Britain and, partially, in France, while in the Italian case there is still little evidence of EU issue voting.

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7

Barrie, David G. "‘Epoch-Making’ Beginnings to Lingering Death: The Struggle for Control of the Glasgow Police Commission, 1833–46." Scottish Historical Review 86, no. 2 (October 2007): 253–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2007.86.2.253.

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Established in 1800, the Glasgow Police Commission is of great importance in the context of municipal history. As a specialist authority responsible for public services, the Commission was among the most advanced in Britain. Its wide-ranging achievements in law and order and public amenity provision helped create a new range of essential services in a rapidly expanding city. Moreover, the method of electing its representatives on a rotational ward basis provided a model for municipal reform later in the century. Yet, by the 1840s the Commission's incorporation into local government was keenly and successfully sought by those in influential circles after a bitter and prolonged conflict with commissioners and many lower-middle class/skilled working-class ratepayers. This article will analyse the political and social struggle behind the Commission's demise. Of principal benefit to those interested in police control and municipal governance, the study also uncovers a great deal about political and social representation by examining public attitudes, voting behaviour and electoral trends at annual police elections.

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8

Palamarchuk, Olha. "Effective management of the universities with the role of academic staff (practices of Ukraine)." International Scientific Journal of Universities and Leadership, no. 8 (November 20, 2019): 49–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31874/2520-6702-2019-8-2-49-62.

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The article deals with the participation of scientific and pedagogical workers in the management of Ukrainian universities. The statutes, regulations, codes of the five leading universities of Ukraine are analyzed. It is revealed that higher education management in Ukraine is carried out by the Academic Council of higher education institutions and self-government bodies. It is noted that in accordance with the statute of the universities, the direct management of the activities of the university is carried out by the rector. Scientific and pedagogical workers take part in university management and rector's elections. It is established that in the universities of Ukraine there are constantly functioning commissions (organizational, attestation, budget, commissions on ethics, education, science), which include scientific and pedagogical workers, and who deal there with questions in accordance to their expert issues. The codes of values of the universities of Ukraine that are consistent with the moral principles and norms of ethical behavior in the system of governance of the universities of Great Britain are analyzed. It is established that the main functions of scientific and pedagogical workers are participation in financial, administrative decisions, approval of educational programs and curricula, decision making on the organization of educational process, in determining the terms of training at the appropriate levels, adopting the main directions of conducting research and innovation activities, participate in the assessment of the scientific and pedagogical activities of structural units, consider many other issues related to the activities of a higher institution of higher education the bottom of his statute. The main functions of the Election Commission and the Organizing Committee are the organization, preparation, conduct of the voting, and the establishment of the voting results of the rector of the University.

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9

Lau, Richard R. "Voting Behavior in Britain." Contemporary Psychology: A Journal of Reviews 32, no. 10 (October 1987): 884. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/026437.

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10

Owens, John R., and Larry L. Wade. "Economic Conditions and Constituency Voting in Great Britain." Political Studies 36, no. 1 (March 1988): 30–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1988.tb00215.x.

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The extent to which levels and trends in local unemployment and income influenced the Conservative vote in 633 separate British constituency elections in 1983 is estimated in several regression models. Long-term influences on voting are controlled by the endogenous variables of social class and territoriality. It is argued that this research design is superior to previous ones that have treated general elections as national elections in exploring the economic theory of voting. Sensitivity analysis (the use of several models to illuminate the research problem posed) suggests that, unlike America congressional elections, current rates and trends in local unemployment and income exerted a substantial and systematic influence on constituency voting.

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11

Ashrafli, Nazifa. "The gender problem in the 19th century summary." Scientific Bulletin 1, no. 1 (2021): 40–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.54414/porv2035.

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This article addresses the gender issue of the 19th century. XIX century in England. This century is generally considered Victorian, although this is not quite the correct idea. The Victorian era refers to the period from 1837 to 1901, when Great Britain was ruled by Queen Victoria. So Queen Victoria began her reign only in 1837. In the Victorian era (1837-1901), it was the novel that became the leading literary genre in English. Women played an important role in this growth in the popularity of both authors and readers. Circulating libraries that allowed books to be borrowed for annual subscriptions were another factor in the novel's popularity. The 1830s and 1840s saw the rise of the social novel. It was a lot of things response to rapid industrialization, as well as social, political, and economic challenges associated with it and was a means of commenting on the abuses of government and industry and the suffering of the poor who did not profit from the English economy. Stories about the working-class poor were aimed at the middle class to help create sympathy and foster change. The greatness of the novelists of this period is not only in their veracity description of modern life, but also in their deep humanism. They believed in the good qualities of the human heart and expressed their hopes for a better future. At the end of the eighteenth century, two young poets, W. Wordsworth and S. Coleridge, published a volume of poems called "Lyric ballads". From this moment began the period of romanticism in England, although it did not last long, only three decades, but it was truly bright and memorable for English literature. It was this time that gave us many great novels. Even in the Middle ages, clear and distinct gender boundaries were drawn and stereotypes of gender behavior were defined. Everyone was assigned their own specific roles and their violation caused public hatred. A Victorian married woman was her husband's "chattel"; she had no right property and personal wealth; legal recourse in any question, if it was not confirmed by her husband. Socio-economic changes in the middle of the XIX century lead to changes in the status of women middle and lower strata: gaining material independence and sustainable development socio-economic status, women acquire a social status equal to that of men. Women are beginning to fight against double standards in relation to the sexes, for reforms in the field of property rights, divorce, for ability to work. The next step was to raise the issue of women's voting rights as a means to ensure legislative reform. Women they sought independence from men.

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12

Kondrichin, Sergei V., and David Lester. "Voting Conservative and Mortality." Perceptual and Motor Skills 87, no. 2 (October 1998): 466. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pms.1998.87.2.466.

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13

Galbraith, John W., and Nicol C. Rae. "A Test of the Importance of Tactical Voting: Great Britain, 1987." British Journal of Political Science 19, no. 1 (January 1989): 126–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005366.

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The issue of ‘tactical voting’ aroused a great deal of interest during the 1987 United Kingdom general election campaign. This Note considers the nature and importance of tactical voting in Britain and makes an attempt to detect its presence empirically using electoral data.

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14

Sabucedo, Jose M., and Duncan Cramer. "Sociological and Psychological Predictors of Voting in Great Britain." Journal of Social Psychology 131, no. 5 (October 1, 1991): 647–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00224545.1991.9924648.

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15

Johnston, R. J., and C. J. Pattie. "Tactical Voting in Great Britain in 1983 and 1987: An Alternative Approach." British Journal of Political Science 21, no. 1 (January 1991): 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006049.

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The analyses presented in this note have extended earlier work on tactical voting in Great Britain by looking at variations between constituencies in the flow-of-the-vote matrix that are consistent with hypotheses of tactical voting. They have suggested that about 4 per cent of the British electorate voted tactically in 1983, as did nearly 6 per cent in 1987. The volume of tactical voting was greater in Conservative-held than in Labour-held seats, and in both was greater the more marginal the seat. In general, the opposition party with the greatest chance of unseating the incumbent, as suggested by the result of the previous election, gained from the tactical voting process, and there is evidence that greater campaign effort, as indexed by constituency spending, helped them in this.

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16

MacAllister, Iain, Edward Fieldhouse, and Andrew Russell. "Yellow fever? The political geography of Liberal voting in Great Britain." Political Geography 21, no. 4 (May 2002): 421–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0962-6298(01)00077-4.

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17

JOHNSTON, RON, REBECCA SARKER, KELVYN JONES, ANNE BOLSTER, CAROL PROPPER, and SIMON BURGESS. "Egocentric economic voting and changes in party choice: Great Britain 1992–2001." Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties 15, no. 1 (April 2005): 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13689880500064692.

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18

Kleinowski, Marcin. "The impact of Brexit on the voting power in the Council of the European Union." Przegląd europejski 4 (August 6, 2019): 95–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.3456.

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The article analyses the potential impact of Brexit on the voting power of member states and indirect voting power of EU residents in the Council, in the case of adopting decisions by the qualified majority of votes. The leading hypothesis of the paper assumes that the fact of leaving the EU by Great Britain leads to another transfer of voting power to the benefit of five countries with the largest populations. The aim of the paper is also to determine to what extent the indirect voting power of residents from individual member states is equal. The obtained results indicate that a flow of voting power towards the five member states with the largest populations will be a consequence of Brexit.

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19

Marshall, John. "Education and Voting Conservative: Evidence from a Major Schooling Reform in Great Britain." Journal of Politics 78, no. 2 (April 2016): 382–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/683848.

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20

Birch, Sarah, and James Dennison. "How protest voters choose." Party Politics 25, no. 2 (March 28, 2017): 110–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817698857.

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Political scientists have identified protest voting – voting for an anti-establishment party as a protest against mainstream politics – as a consequence of dissatisfaction with traditional political options. Yet we know little about what motivates people to cast a protest vote or why voters select one such protest option over another. Taking as its empirical referent the 2015 General Election in Great Britain, this article assesses the ‘protest choice’ in parliamentary democracies. We test three possible theoretical explanations for protest voting: ideology, mistrust of political elites and campaign effects. We find that the most important factors affecting protest choice are issue positions and campaign effects. The findings suggest that protest voting is a complex phenomenon that cannot be reduced to knee-jerk anti-politics reactions.

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21

Longcore, Jerry R., Myrfyn Owen, G. L. Atkinson-Willes, and D. G. Salmon. "Wildfowl in Great Britain." Journal of Wildlife Management 53, no. 1 (January 1989): 274. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3801350.

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22

Raymond, Christopher. "The continued salience of religious voting in the United States, Germany, and Great Britain." Electoral Studies 30, no. 1 (March 2011): 125–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2010.10.001.

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23

Johnston, R. J., and C. J. Pattie. "Class dealignment and the regional polarization of voting patterns in Great Britain, 1964–1987." Political Geography 11, no. 1 (January 1992): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0962-6298(92)90020-t.

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24

Nadeau, Richard, Richard G. Niemi, and Timothy Amato. "Elite economic forecasts, economic news, mass economic expectations, and voting intentions in great britain." European Journal of Political Research 38, no. 1 (August 2000): 135–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.00530.

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25

Fieldhouse, Edward, and David Cutts. "Shared Partisanship, Household Norms and Turnout: Testing a Relational Theory of Electoral Participation." British Journal of Political Science 48, no. 3 (May 18, 2016): 807–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123416000089.

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Previous research shows that the household context is a crucial source of influence on turnout. This article sets out a relational theory of voting in which turnout is dependent on the existence of relational selective consumption benefits. The study provides empirical tests of key elements of the proposed model using household survey data from Great Britain. First, building on expressive theories of voting, it examines the extent to which shared partisan identification enhances turnout. Secondly, extending theories of voting as a social norm, it tests whether the civic norms of citizens’ families or households affect turnout over and above the social norms of the individual. In accordance with expectations of expressive theories of voting, it finds that having a shared party identification with other members of the household increases turnout. It also finds that the civic duty of other household members is important in explaining turnout, even when allowing for respondent’s civic duty.

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26

Cloke, Jon. "What is the 'Fight Against Corruption' in Nicaragua?" Encuentro, no. 89 (October 5, 2011): 110–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/encuentro.v44i89.554.

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Two hundred years ago in Great Britain, the political system was dominated by electoral power exercised through rotten boroughs, a system characterized by institutionalized corruption - these electoral boroughs were owned by local elites, and voting was restricted to a handful of people. Whilst industrially she was the wonder of the world, the political system in Great Britain was restricted, corruption was the norm, and it seemed impossible to imagine that such an ancient system could be changed. By the time of the Reform Act of 1832 however, Britain had already been going through a process of constitutional change lasting for hundreds of years – it is only now, from our position of 20/20 hindsight, that we choose to interpret all of the events since the signing of the Magna Carta in 1215 as if it were some seamless whole, an inevitable process that would lead to the position of superior moral governance that we appear to think we are in now.

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27

Simpson, D. A., and C. D. Preston. "Pondweeds of Great Britain and Ireland." Kew Bulletin 52, no. 1 (1997): 251. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4117865.

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28

De la Cuesta, Fernando. "Voting experience in a new era: The impact of past eligibility on the breakdown of mainstream parties." Research & Politics 10, no. 1 (January 2023): 205316802311572. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20531680231157288.

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This paper studies the influence of the context in shaping the effects on later voting behavior of first experiences with voting. I leverage from changes in the political context in Spain produced by the Great Recession to answer whether individuals’ first voting experience affects the electoral support for mainstream parties differently depending on the different political context that first voters experienced before and after the Great Recession. I use a novel database of pre-electoral surveys between 2000 and 2015 and a difference-in-differences analysis. I exploit the exogenous variation produced by the legal voting-age threshold in Spain (18 years-old) among people of the same cohort. I find that, after the Great Recession, second-time eligibility voters have a higher probability to vote for mainstream forces than their counterfactual equals. The results show that, in a context of political change, first voting experience strengthens the vote for mainstream parties. The results show that previous voting experience creates favorable inertia for mainstream parties that slow down the change of a political system.

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29

Johnston, Ron, and Charles Pattie. "The changing geography of voting Conservative in Great Britain: Is it all to do with inequality?" Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 48, no. 2 (November 26, 2015): 213–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308518x15617757.

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30

Pattie, Charles J., Ronald J. Johnston, and Edward A. Fieldhouse. "Winning the Local Vote: The Effectiveness of Constituency Campaign Spending in Great Britain, 1983–1992." American Political Science Review 89, no. 4 (December 1995): 969–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082521.

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Much recent analysis of British politics has assumed, explicitly or implicitly, that constituency campaigns have no impact upon an electorate that draws on an increasingly nationalized media for its information. We employ data on constituency campaign spending to challenge this interpretation. Local party campaigners are rational in their use of funds, spending most in seats where the competition is close and least where there is little hope of winning. What is more, campaign spending is clearly associated with voting, increasing support for the spending party and decreasing support for its rivals. Contrary to the accepted wisdom, local campaign spending can result in important shifts in the vote. However, local campaigning seems to be of much more value to challengers than to incumbents.

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31

Thandi, Susan Jere, and Allan Bupe Mwansa. "Factors Affecting Voting Behavior among Youth in Luapula Province, Zambia." American Journal of Law and Political Science 1, no. 1 (November 7, 2022): 15–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.58425/ajlps.v1i1.54.

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Purpose: The purpose of this study was to investigate the youth voting behavior considering how cultural factors, ethnicity, intergenerational factors, political ideologies and legal literacy determined voting behavior of the youth. Methodology: A Questionnaire was used to collect quantitative and qualitative data by including closed and open-ended questions. The quantitative data collected was analyzed using Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) while the qualitative data was analyzed using thematic analysis. The findings were presented in form of tables, percentages and bar charts. Results: The findings revealed that the youth were to an extent influenced by culture in their voting patterns. The patriarchal nature of the communities in the country determined voting behavior in that mostly men were voted in. Conclusion: The study concluded that the level of literacy influenced voting behavior whereby, those in leadership and literate had a great influence on the choices made by the less literate. Recommendation: The study recommends increased dialogue and leadership training programs for the youth. Efforts to reclaim credibility of the electoral system and process should be made by the government through proper implementation of laws and civic education.

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32

Parcel, Toby L., Lori Ann Campbell, and Wenxuan Zhong. "Children’s Behavior Problems in the United States and Great Britain." Journal of Health and Social Behavior 53, no. 2 (May 10, 2012): 165–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022146512436742.

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33

Johnston, R. J., and C. J. Pattie. "Class, Attitudes, and Retrospective Voting: Exploring the Regional Variations in the 1983 General Election in Great Britain." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 22, no. 7 (July 1990): 893–908. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a220893.

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34

Johnston, Ron, and Charles Pattie. "Geographical Scale, the Attribution of Credit/Blame, Local Economic Circumstances, and Retrospective Economic Voting in Great Britain 1997: An Extension of the Model." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 20, no. 3 (June 2002): 421–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c0120.

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Economic voting models have received a great deal of empirical support in Great Britain over the last decade, sustaining the general argument that governments tend to be rewarded for delivering econmic prosperity but blamed for declining prosperity. Voters evaluate governments both at the national scale (the performance of the national economy) and at the individual or household scale (changes in their own perceived financial situation). Results of a cross-sectional study of the respondents to a survey conducted after the 1997 General Election are consistent with this argument. The case is developed, however, that additional variables should be added, representing: an intermediate spatial scale—perceived changes in the voters' local economy; the attribution of credit/blame—governments should only be rewarded (punished) if voters associate economic changes with government policies; the local context—the actual situation in the voters' milieux; and the electoral context—do voters' economic evaluations have a differential impact depending on whether they voted for the successful party at the previous election. Expansion of the basic economic voting model to incorporate all four of these provides improved insights to voter decisionmaking at the 1997 election.

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35

Stel, Mariëlle, and Fieke Harinck. "Being Mimicked Makes You a Prosocial Voter." Experimental Psychology 58, no. 1 (May 1, 2011): 79–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1618-3169/a000070.

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People’s voting behavior has a great impact on the political road that is taken in our countries. The current research shows that mimicry, the imitation of nonverbal behavior, unconsciously affects our political voting behavior. Earlier research has shown that mimicry enhances prosocial thoughts and behaviors. As prosocial people are expected to be more attracted to left-wing parties, it was predicted that mimicry affects people’s voting behavior. As expected, mimickees voted more often for left-wing than for right-wing parties than nonmimickees. This effect was due to a shift in mimickees’ view of themselves as being more related to others. Thus, mimicry does more than making people more prosocial, it even affects their political decisions.

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36

Sander, William. "Unemployment and marital status in Great Britain." Biodemography and Social Biology 39, no. 3-4 (September 1992): 299–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19485565.1992.9988825.

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37

Gilbert, O. L., and O. W. Purvis. "Teloschistes Flavicans in Great Britain: Distribution and Ecology." Lichenologist 28, no. 06 (November 1996): 493. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0024282996000709.

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38

Gilbert, O. L., and O. W. Purvis. "Teloschistes Flavicans in Great Britain: Distribution and Ecology." Lichenologist 28, no. 6 (November 1996): 493–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/lich.1996.0047.

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AbstractOver the last century, the distribution of Teloschistes flavicans has contracted from being widespread in the southern half of England and Wales to being limited to South-West England with outlying populations in Pembrokeshire and North Wales. Twelve core sites have been identified where the species is well established: ten of these are saxicolous/terricolous habitats on windy coastal cliff tops; the other two are lines of sycamore trees near the coast. At 39 further localities, some inland, the species is in very small amounts (often on one tree) and vulnerable to extinction. It is normally a member of the Parmelietum revolutae or Ramalinetum scopularis associations. The conservation of the species is discussed.

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39

Hodgetts, N. G. "Measures to protect bryophytes in Great Britain." Biological Conservation 59, no. 2-3 (1992): 259–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0006-3207(92)90594-d.

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40

Hanly, Mark, and Joyce M. Dargay. "Car Ownership in Great Britain: Panel Data Analysis." Transportation Research Record: Journal of the Transportation Research Board 1718, no. 1 (January 2000): 83–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3141/1718-11.

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The analysis of the factors determining changes in travel behavior on the individual (or individual household) level requires information on the behavior of individuals over time. Such “transport” panel surveys are rarely available, particularly for a sufficiently long time period to examine such changes more than cursorily. For the United Kingdom, none exists for other than limited regions. However, the ongoing British Household Panel Survey (BHPS), begun in 1991, provides some information related to transport—specifically, household car ownership—as well as information on the economic and sociodemographic characteristics of the households surveyed. BHPS data for 1993 to 1966 are used to analyze car ownership and the factors determining car ownership decisions on an individual household level. As far as is known, this has not yet been done in any systematic manner. The relationship between car ownership, income, and sociodemographic factors such as household composition, residential location, and population density (persons per hectare in the local authority district in which the household resides) is investigated. Both descriptive statistical measures and formal modeling approaches, based on dynamic discrete choice models and panel data econometric techniques, are used.

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41

Karnefelt, Eric I., Ole W. Purvis, Brian J. Coppins, David L. Hawksworth, Peter W. James, and David M. Moore. "The Lichen Flora of Great Britain and Ireland." Taxon 42, no. 3 (August 1993): 741. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1222574.

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42

Dey, Jonathan P., O. W. Purvis, B. J. Coppins, D. L. Hawksworth, P. W. James, and D. M. Moore. "The Lichen Flora of Great Britain and Ireland." Bryologist 96, no. 4 (1993): 675. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3244006.

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43

Moore, Peter D. "The Changing wildlife of Great Britain and Ireland." Journal of Ecology 89, no. 6 (December 2001): 1098–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-2745.2001.610-4.x.

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44

ORANGE, Alan. "The Verrucaria fuscella group in Great Britain and Ireland." Lichenologist 36, no. 3-4 (May 2004): 173–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0024282904014252.

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Verrucaria canella, V. fuscella and V. polysticta occur in Great Britain and Ireland; these species have been widely confused, and have often incorrectly been called V. glaucina. Similar specimens parasitic on Aspicilia caesiocinerea may belong to an additional, undescribed species. A lectotype is selected for V. fuscella.

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45

Purvis, O. W., P. M. Jørgensen, and B. J. Coppins. "Ochrolechia Szatalaënsis Vers., new to Great Britain and Ireland." Lichenologist 26, no. 04 (October 1994): 393. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002428299400054x.

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46

Purvis, O. W., P. M. Jørgensen, and B. J. Coppins. "Ochrolechia Szatalaënsis Vers., new to Great Britain and Ireland." Lichenologist 26, no. 4 (October 1994): 393–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/lich.1994.1035.

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47

Porter, Richard. "Palynological evidence for jurassic microplankton provinces in great britain." Review of Palaeobotany and Palynology 56, no. 1-2 (August 1988): 21–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0034-6667(88)90072-3.

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48

Johnston, R. J., C. J. Pattie, and L. C. Johnston. "The Role of Ecological Analysis in Electoral Geography: The Changing Pattern of Labour Voting in Great Britain 1983-1987." Geografiska Annaler. Series B, Human Geography 70, no. 3 (1988): 307. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/490333.

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49

Johnston, R. J., C. J. Pattie, and L. C. Johnston. "The Role of Ecological Analysis in Electoral Geography: The Changing Pattern of Labour Voting in Great Britain 1983–1987." Geografiska Annaler: Series B, Human Geography 70, no. 3 (October 1988): 307–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/04353684.1988.11879575.

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50

ORANGE, Alan. "Caloplaca sol(Teloschistaceae), a new coastal lichen from Great Britain." Lichenologist 50, no. 4 (July 2018): 411–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0024282918000142.

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AbstractCaloplaca solis described as a new species from limestone and basic siliceous rocks on the southern and western coasts of Great Britain. It is characterized by a well-developed, crustose, non-placodioid, epilithic, cracked, orange-yellow thallus, almost concolorous apothecia up to 0·66 mm diameter, and ascosporesc. 11·0–12·2–13·0 µm long with a septumc. 0·4×the ascospore length.Caloplaca dalmaticais related but differs in the endolithic or only thinly epilithic thallus.Caloplaca marinais darker orange in colour, with more convex areoles, and is mostly confined to the splash zone of the seashore.Caloplaca maritimadiffers in the typically more convex, sometimes isolated areoles, and often in the presence of a crenulate thalline margin in young apothecia.Caloplaca itianais newly reported from Great Britain from coastal limestone; it differs fromC. solin the thallus being endolithic or almost so, and fromC. dalmaticain the more completely endolithic thallus and the larger ascospores.

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