Academic literature on the topic 'Vo Nguyen Giap'

AbstractSince the end of the Vietnam War thirty years ago, Western scholars have made countless attempts at explaining that conflict's course and rationalizing its outcome. These attempts have considered a wide variety of elements ranging from the personalities of those involved in the decision- making process in Washington to the technologies used by American forces against their enemies in Indochina. Ironically, few scholars have considered the element that may have been most important in determining the outcome of the war, mainly the North Vietnamese leadership. As a result, little is known about the nature of that leadership. For many Western scholars, Ho Chi Minh inspired the North Vietnamese war effort, Vo Nguyen Giap coordinated it, and Pham Van Dong, as prime minister of the Democratic Republic of (North) Vietnam (DRVN), supervised the implementation of Ho and Giap's policies. That others may have been involved and influential in the decision-making process in Hanoi is rarely considered in Western scholarship. We accept the notion that the Ho-Giap-Dong axis led the effort against the United States, and the zeal of the North Vietnamese people carried Hanoi to victory.

Du lịch nông nghiệp đã được nhiều quốc gia như Nhật Bản, Đài Loan,...triển khai rất hiệu quả, ở Việt Nam du lịch nông nghiệp phát triển mạnh ở khu vực đồng bằng Sông Cửu Long và Tây Nguyên. Nghiên cứu này được triển khai nhằm đánh giá tiềm năng và định hướng phát triển du lịch nông nghiệp huyện Võ Nhai, tỉnh Thái Nguyên. Chúng tôi đã sử dụng một số phương pháp nghiên cứu chủ yếu là phương pháp điều tra số liệu, tài liệu thứ cấp, phương pháp phỏng vấn bán cấu trúc, phương pháp điền dã, phương pháp thống kê, phân tích, so sánh tổng hợp, để đánh giá tiềm năng phát triển du lịch nông nghiệp của huyện Võ Nhai. Đồng thời nghiên cứu đã phân tích và chỉ ra những khó khăn, thuận lợi, từ đó đề xuất một số định hướng và giải pháp phát triển du lịch nông nghiệp huyện Võ Nhai trong thời gian tới. Du lịch nông nghiệp là lựa chọn mới, một hướng đi mới của nhiều địa phương trong thời gian tới, để áp dụng có hiệu quả phát triển ngành Du lịch nông nghiệp thì huyện Võ Nhai cần thiết phải mở rộng điều tra phân tích xây dựng đề án cụ thể về phát triển du lịch nông nghiệp, có như vậy thì việc triển khai thực hiện mới tranh thủ được sự điều tiết ngân sách của trung ương, của tỉnh Thái Nguyên, đồng thời mới thu hút được nhiều nguồn đầu tư, xã hội hóa của doanh nghiệp, sự đồng thuận và nhận thức được sâu sắc khi tham gia phát triển du lịch nông nghiệp của người trên địa bàn toàn huyện.

In the development process and social movements, the literary genres do not exist independently but have interaction with each other. Novels are capable of performing genres interaction because “the novel allows to put into it many different genres, including artistic genres (short stories, lyric poems, epics, speech plays...) and non-artistic genres (literature in daily life, rhetoric, science, religion...)”[1]. Novels with traditional writing style about contemporary Vietnamese history (prominent writers such as Nguyen Xuan Khanh, Vo Thi Hao, Nguyen Mong Giac...), the interaction among literary genres is considered as the most common form. Typical forms of genre interaction in novels with historical themes are the interaction between short stories and novels, poetry and novels... Genre interaction expresses the writer’s sense of creativity and experience in the innovation requirement of literary life practice.

Kết quả khảo sát 152 cán bộ quản lí (CBQL) và giáo viên (GV) của 3 trường trung học phổ thông (THPT) chuyên tại Hà Nội cho thấy thực trạng các yếu tố ảnh hưởng đến quản lí hoạt động dạy học (QLHĐDH) của GV trường THPT chuyên theo tiếp cận năng lực (TCNL) được đánh giá ở mức khá. Điều này có nghĩa là các yếu tố được khảo sát ảnh hưởng khá nhiều đến QLHĐDH của GV trường THPT chuyên theo TCNL. Trong 3 nhóm yếu tố được khảo sát, nhóm yếu tố thuộc về môi trường quản lí và điều kiện làm việc ảnh hưởng nhiều nhất. Yếu tố được đánh giá ảnh hưởng nhiều nhất trong các yếu tố được khảo sát là “Chế độ, chính sách đối với GV tại trường THPT chuyên”. Sự đánh giá của nhóm cán bộ quản lí và nhóm GV khá tương đồng về mức độ ảnh hưởng của các yếu tố. Dang, T. H. (1995). Cac li thuyet va mo hinh giao duc huong vao nguoi hoc o phuong Tay [Theories and models of student-centered education in Western countries]. Hanoi: Vietnam National Institute of Educational Sciences Publishing House.Nguyen, K. (1996). Mo hinh day hoc tich cuc lay nguoi hoc lam trung tam [Positive student-centered learning model]. Hanoi: Agriculture Publishing House.Dao, T.L., Nguyen, T.H.V. (2013). De xuat phuong an to chuc day hoc phan hoa o truong trung hoc pho thong sau nawm 2015 [Proposing personalized teaching method in high schools after 2015]. Journal of Educational Science, 89(2). Vo, V. L. (2020). Quan li hoat dong day hoc theo tiep can nang luc hoc sinh o cac truong trung hoc co so vung Tay Nam Bo [Management of competency-based teaching in secondary schools in the southwest of Vietnam]. Doctoral dissertation. Graduate Academy of Social Sciences, Hanoi. Nguyen, D. M. (2014). De xuat mo hinh danh gia chuong trinh giao duc pho thong sau nam 2015 [Proposing a model for evaluation of the general educaiton program after 2015]. Journal of Educational Science, 101(02).Phan, T. N. (2005). Day hoc va cac phuong phap day hoc trong nha truong [Teaching and teaching methods]. Hanoi: Education University Publishing House. Tran, T.T.O. (2013). Doi moi dong bo phuong phap day hoc va kiem tra, danh gia ket qua hoc tap cua hoc sinh trong nha truong pho thong [Innovations in teaching methods and student evaluation in secondary schools and high schools]. Journal of Educational Science, 92(5).Oliva, P. F. (2005). Developing the curriculum. London: Pearson.Nguyen, T. L. P. (2014). Quy trinh xay dung chuan danh gia nang luc nguoi hoc theo dinh huong phat trien chuong trinh giao duc pho thong moi [Stages to build a capacity-based evaluation criteria using the new general education program], Journal of Educational Science, 101(02).Trinh, L. H. P. (2014). Xac dinh he thong cac nang luc hoc tap co ban trong day hoc hoa hoc o truong trung hoc pho thong chuyen [Identifying key capabilities in learning chemistry at specialized schools]. Journal of Science, Ho Chi Minh University of Education, 59.

Imaging buried geological boundaries is one of a major objective during the interpretation of magnetic field data in Geophysics. Therefore, edge detection and edge enhancement techniques assist a crucial role on this aim. Most of the existing edge detector methods require to obtain special points such as in general the maxima of the resulting image. One of the useful tools in estimating edges from magnetic data is the tilt angle of the analytical signal amplitude due to its value slightly dependence on the direction of magnetization. In this study, the maxima of the tilt angle of analytical signal amplitudes of the magnetic data was determined by a curvature-based method. The technique is based on fitting a quadratic surface over a 3×3 windows of the grid for locating any appropriate critical point that is near the centre of the window. The algorithm is built in Matlab environment. The feasibility of the algorithm is demonstrated in two cases of synthetic data as well as on real magnetic data from Tu Chinh-Vung May area. The source code is available from the authors on request.ReferencesAkpınar Z., Gürsoy H., Tatar O., Büyüksaraç A., Koçbulut F., Piper, JDA., 2016. Geophysical analysis of fault geometry and volcanic activity in the Erzincan Basin, Central Turkey, Complex evolution of a mature pull-apart basin. Journal of Asian Earth Sciences, 116, 97-114. Beiki M., 2010. Analytic signals of gravity gradient tensor and their application to estimate source location, Geophysics, 75(6), 159-174.Blakely R. J., and Simpson R.W., 1986. Approximating edges of source bodies from magnetic or gravity anomalies, Geophysics, 51, 1494-1498.Chen An-Guo, Zhou Tao-Fa, Liu Dong-Jia, Zhang Shu, 2017. Application of an enhanced theta-based filter for potential field edge detection: a case study of the LUZONG ORE DISTRICT, Chinese Journal of Geophysics, 60(2), 203-218.Cooper G.RJ., 2014. Reducing the dependence of the analytic signal amplitude of aeromagnetic data on the source vector direction, Geophysics, 79, 55-60.Cordell L., 1979. Gravimetric Expression of Graben Faulting in Santa Fe Country and theEspanola Basin, New Mexico. In Ingersoll, R.V., Ed., Guidebook to Santa Fe Country, New Mexico Geological Society, Socorro, 59-64.Cordell L and Grauch V.J.S., 1985. Mapping Basement Magnetization Zones from Aeromagnetic Data in the San Juan Basin, New Mexico, The Utility of Regional Gravity and Magnetic Anomaly Maps, Society of Exploration Geophysicists, Tulsa, 181-197.Hsu S.K., Coppense D., Shyu C.T., 1996. High- resolution detection of geologic boundaries from potential field anomalies: An enhanced analytic signal technique, Geophysics, 61, 1947-1957.Le D.C., Application of seismic exploration methods to identify geological structural characteristics supporting for hydrocarbon potential assessment in TuChinh - Vung May basin, Ph.D. Thesis, Hanoi University of Mining and Geology.Li X., 2006. Understanding 3D analytic signal amplitude: Geophysics, 71(2), 13-16.Miller H.G. and Singh V., 1994. Potential Field Tilt a New Concept for Location of Potential Field Sources, Journal of Applied Geophysics, 32, 213-217.Nabighian M.N., 1972. The analytic signal of two-dimensional magnetic bodies with polygonal cross-section: Its properties and use of automated anomaly interpretation, Geophysics, 37, 507-517.Nguyen N.T., Bui V.N., Nguyen T.T.H., 2014. Determining the depth to the magnetic basement and fault systems in Tu Chinh - Vung May area by magnetic data interpretation, Journal of Marine Science and Technology, 14(4a), 16-25.Nguyen X.H, San T.N, Bae W., Hoang M.C, 2014. Formation mechanism and petroleum system of tertiary sedimentary basins, offshore Vietnam, Energy Sources, Part A, 36, 1634-1649.Phillips J.D., Hansen R.O. and Blakely R.J., 2007. The use of curvature in potential-field interpretation, Exploration Geophysics, 38(2), 111-119.Rao D.B., and Babu N.R., 1991. A rapid method for three-dimensional modeling of magnetic anomalies, Geophysics, 56(11), 1729-1737.Roest W.R., Verhoef J., and Pilkington M., 1992. Magnetic interpretation using the 3-D analytic signal, Geophysics, 57, 116-125.Tran N., 2017. Sediment geology of Vietnam, VNU Press.Tran T.D., Tran N., Nguyen T.H., Dinh X.T., Pham B.N., Nguyen T.T., Tran T.T.T.N., Nguyen T.H.T., 2018. The Miocenedepositional geological evolution of Phu Khanh, Nam Con Son and Tu Chinh - Vung May basins in Vietnam continental shelf, VNU Journal of Science: Earth and Environmental Sciences, 34(1), 112-135.Vo T.S., Le H.M., Luu V.H., 2005. Three-dimensional analytic signal method and its application in interpretation of aeromagnetic anomaly maps in the Tuan Giao region, Proceedings of the 4th geophysical scientific and technical conference of Vietnam, Publisher of Science and Engineering 2005.Wijns C, Perez C and Kowalczyk P, 2005, Theta map: Edge detection in magnetic data, Geophysics, 70, 39-43.

Climate change induced sea-level rise (SLR) is on its increase globally. Regionally the lowlands of China, Vietnam, Bangladesh, and islands of the Malaysian, Indonesian and Philippine archipelagos are among the world’s most threatened regions. Sea-level rise has major impacts on the ecosystems and society. It threatens coastal populations, economic activities, and fragile ecosystems as mangroves, coastal salt-marches and wetlands. This paper provides a summary of the current state of knowledge of sea level-rise and its effects on both human and natural ecosystems. The focus is on coastal urban areas and low lying deltas in South-East Asia and Vietnam, as one of the most threatened areas in the world. About 3 mm per year reflects the growing consensus on the average SLR worldwide. The trend speeds up during recent decades. The figures are subject to local, temporal and methodological variation. In Vietnam the average values of 3.3 mm per year during the 1993-2014 period are above the worldwide average. Although a basic conceptual understanding exists that the increasing global frequency of the strongest tropical cyclones is related with the increasing temperature and SLR, this relationship is insufficiently understood. Moreover the precise, complex environmental, economic, social, and health impacts are currently unclear. SLR, storms and changing precipitation patterns increase flood risks, in particular in urban areas. Part of the current scientific debate is on how urban agglomeration can be made more resilient to flood risks. Where originally mainly technical interventions dominated this discussion, it becomes increasingly clear that proactive special planning, flood defense, flood risk mitigation, flood preparation, and flood recovery are important, but costly instruments. Next to the main focus on SLR and its effects on resilience, the paper reviews main SLR associated impacts: Floods and inundation, salinization, shoreline change, and effects on mangroves and wetlands. The hazards of SLR related floods increase fastest in urban areas. This is related with both the increasing surface major cities are expected to occupy during the decades to come and the increasing coastal population. In particular Asia and its megacities in the southern part of the continent are increasingly at risk. The discussion points to complexity, inter-disciplinarity, and the related uncertainty, as core characteristics. An integrated combination of mitigation, adaptation and resilience measures is currently considered as the most indicated way to resist SLR today and in the near future.References Aerts J.C.J.H., Hassan A., Savenije H.H.G., Khan M.F., 2000. Using GIS tools and rapid assessment techniques for determining salt intrusion: Stream a river basin management instrument. 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Impact of sea level rise on 10 insular biodiversity hotspots. Global Ecology and Biogeography, 23, 203-212. Doi: 10.1111/geb.12093. Berg H., Söderholm A.E., Sönderström A.S., Nguyen Thanh Tam, 2017. Recognizing wetland ecosystem services for sustainable rice farming in the Mekong delta, Vietnam. Sustainability Science, 12, 137-154. Doi: 10.1007/s11625-016-0409-x. Bilskie M.V., Hagen S.C., Medeiros S.C., Passeri D.L., 2014. Dynamics of sea level rise and coastal flooding on a changing landscape. Geophysical Research Letters, 41, 927-934. Doi: 10.1002/2013GL058759. Binh T.N.K.D., Vromant N., Hung N.T., Hens L., Boon E.K., 2005. Land cover changes between 1968 and 2003 in Cai Nuoc, Ca Mau penisula, Vietnam. Environment, Development and Sustainability, 7, 519-536. Doi: 10.1007/s10668-004-6001-z. Blankespoor B., Dasgupta S., Laplante B., 2014. Sea-level rise and coastal wetlands. Ambio, 43, 996- 005.Doi: 10.1007/s13280-014-0500-4. 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The impact of sea level rise on developing countries: A comparative analysis. Climatic Change, 93, 379-388. Doi: 10.1007/s 10584-008-9499-5. Delbeke J., Vis P., 2015. EU climate policy explained, 136p. Routledge, Oxon, UK. DiGeorgio M., 2015. Bargaining with disaster: Flooding, climate change, and urban growth ambitions in QuyNhon, Vietnam. Public Affairs, 88, 577-597. Doi: 10.5509/2015883577. Do Minh Duc, Yasuhara K., Nguyen Manh Hieu, 2015. Enhancement of coastal protection under the context of climate change: A case study of Hai Hau coast, Vietnam. Proceedings of the 10th Asian Regional Conference of IAEG, 1-8. Do Minh Duc, Yasuhara K., Nguyen Manh Hieu, Lan Nguyen Chau, 2017. Climate change impacts on a large-scale erosion coast of Hai Hau district, Vietnam and the adaptation. Journal of Coastal Conservation, 21, 47-62. Donner S.D., Webber S., 2014. Obstacles to climate change adaptation decisions: A case study of sea level rise; and coastal protection measures in Kiribati. 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FAO - Food and Agriculture Organisation, 2007.The world’s mangroves 1980-2005. FAO Forestry Paper, 153, Rome, Italy. Farbotko C., 2010. Wishful sinking: Disappearing islands, climate refugees and cosmopolitan experimentation. Asia Pacific Viewpoint, 51, 47-60. Doi: 10.1111/j.1467-8373.2010.001413.x. Goltermann D., Ujeyl G., Pasche E., 2008. Making coastal cities flood resilient in the era of climate change. Proceedings of the 4th International Symposium on flood defense: Managing flood risk, reliability and vulnerability, 148-1-148-11. Toronto, Canada. Gong W., Shen J., 2011. The response of salt intrusion to changes in river discharge and tidal mixing during the dry season in the Modaomen Estuary, China.Continental Shelf Research, 31, 769-788. Doi: 10.1016/j.csr.2011.01.011. Gosian L., 2014. Protect the world’s deltas. Nature, 516, 31-34. Graham S., Barnett J., Fincher R., Mortreux C., Hurlimann A., 2015. Towards fair outcomes in adaptation to sea-level rise. 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Australian Mekong Resource Centre, University of Sydney, Australia, 1-70. Hibbert F.D., Rohling E.J., Dutton A., Williams F.H., Chutcharavan P.M., Zhao C., Tamisiea M.E., 2016. Coral indicators of past sea-level change: A global repository of U-series dated benchmarks. Quaternary Science Reviews, 145, 1-56. Doi: 10.1016/j.quascirev.2016.04.019. Hinkel J., Lincke D., Vafeidis A., Perrette M., Nicholls R.J., Tol R.S.J., Mazeion B., Fettweis X., Ionescu C., Levermann A., 2014. Coastal flood damage and adaptation costs under 21st century sea-level rise. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 111, 3292-3297. Doi: 10.1073/pnas.1222469111. Hinkel J., Nicholls R.J., Tol R.S.J., Wang Z.B., Hamilton J.M., Boot G., Vafeidis A.T., McFadden L., Ganapolski A., Klei R.J.Y., 2013. A global analysis of erosion of sandy beaches and sea level rise: An application of DIVA. Global and Planetary Change, 111, 150-158. Doi: 10.1016/j.gloplacha.2013.09.002. Huong H.T.L., Pathirana A., 2013. Urbanization and climate change impacts on future urban flooding in Can Tho city, Vietnam. Hydrol. Earth Syst. Sci., 17, 379-394. Doi: 10.5194/hess-17-379-2013. Hurlimann A., Barnett J., Fincher R., Osbaldiston N., Montreux C., Graham S., 2014. Urban planning and sustainable adaptation to sea-level rise. Landscape and Urban Planning, 126, 84-93. Doi: 10.1016/j.landurbplan.2013.12.013. IMHEN-Vietnam Institute of Meteorology, Hydrology and Environment, 2011. Climate change vulnerability and risk assessment study for Ca Mau and KienGiang provinces, Vietnam. Hanoi, Vietnam Institute of Meteorology, Hydrology and Environment (IMHEN), 250p. IMHEN-Vietnam Institute of Meteorology, Hydrology and Environment, Ca Mau PPC, 2011. Climate change impact and adaptation study in The Mekong Delta - Part A: Ca Mau Atlas. Hanoi, Vietnam: Institute of Meteorology, Hydrology and Environment (IMHEN), 48p. IPCC-Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, 2014. Fifth assessment report. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK. Jevrejeva S., Jackson L.P., Riva R.E.M., Grinsted A., Moore J.C., 2016. Coastal sea level rise with warming above 2°C. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 113, 13342-13347. Doi: 10.1073/pnas.1605312113. Junk W.J., AN S., Finlayson C.M., Gopal B., Kvet J., Mitchell S.A., Mitsch W.J., Robarts R.D., 2013. Current state of knowledge regarding the world’s wetlands and their future under global climate change: A synthesis. Aquatic Science, 75, 151-167. Doi: 10.1007/s00027-012-0278-z. Jordan A., Rayner T., Schroeder H., Adger N., Anderson K., Bows A., Le Quéré C., Joshi M., Mander S., Vaughan N., Whitmarsh L., 2013. Going beyond two degrees? The risks and opportunities of alternative options. Climate Policy, 13, 751-769. Doi: 10.1080/14693062.2013.835705. Kelly P.M., Adger W.N., 2000. Theory and practice in assessing vulnerability to climate change and facilitating adaptation. Climatic Change, 47, 325-352. Doi: 10.1023/A:1005627828199. Kirwan M.L., Megonigal J.P., 2013. Tidal wetland stability in the face of human impacts and sea-level rice. Nature, 504, 53-60. Doi: 10.1038/nature12856. Koerth J., Vafeidis A.T., Hinkel J., Sterr H., 2013. What motivates coastal households to adapt pro actively to sea-level rise and increased flood risk? Regional Environmental Change, 13, 879-909. Doi: 10.1007/s10113-12-399-x. Kontgis K., Schneider A., Fox J;,Saksena S., Spencer J.H., Castrence M., 2014. Monitoring peri urbanization in the greater Ho Chi Minh City metropolitan area. Applied Geography, 53, 377-388. Doi: 10.1016/j.apgeogr.2014.06.029. Kopp R.E., Horton R.M., Little C.M., Mitrovica J.X., Oppenheimer M., Rasmussen D.J., Strauss B.H., Tebaldi C., 2014. Probabilistic 21st and 22nd century sea-level projections at a global network of tide-gauge sites. Earth’s Future, 2, 383-406. Doi: 10.1002/2014EF000239. Kuenzer C., Bluemel A., Gebhardt S., Quoc T., Dech S., 2011. 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Small war became popularly used in irregular warfare when a more considerable force dominated the opponent. Small wars but troublesome opposing forces are known as guerrillas. Since war architects popularized the guerrilla theory, it has also been frequently used in wars between forces. The psychological impact of most of the war's success can influence both state and group leaders to apply this model. It has been practiced and applied for a long time in various parts of the world until today. The very popularity of this model of warfare has prompted the author to produce an article that aims to compare the three guerrilla architects' frameworks from the point of view of a comprehensive strategy, tactics, and social aspects using the method of collecting data through document study. The results show that the framework of Mao Tse Tung, Vo Nguyen Giap, and Che Guevara about guerrilla warfare has its characteristics and perspectives.

Preventive detention, according to the provisions of the criminal procedure code, is considered to be indispensable in the process of handling criminal cases. In the traditional view, this measure is not only for the purpose of preventing crimes but also to create a favorable condition for the competent authority to conduct criminal proceedings in the process of handling the case. This is a popular view in science and can be seen in the criminal procedure law of socialist countries, including Vietnam. In recent years, the adoption of a rights-based approach in legislation and law enforcement has become recognized more and more by scholars and has changed the perception of preventive detention in criminal proceedings. The result is the birth of provisions on preventive detention based on the respect and protection of detainees’ human rights. This article will focus on analyzing preventive detention under a rights-based approach to provide the readers with a view arising from the need to respect, ensure, protect human rights in criminal proceedings and propose some recommendations on preventive detention on the basis of the human rights-based approach in order to improve the criminal procedure law in Vietnam. Keywords: Rights-based approach, Preventive detention, Detainee, Human rights of detainees. References: [1] Vũ Công Giao, Ngô Minh Hương, Tiếp cận dựa trên quyền con người - Lý luận và thực tiễn (Sách chuyên khảo), NXB. Đại học Quốc gia Hà Nội, Hà Nội, 2016.[2] Nguyễn Duy Sơn, Trần Thị Hòe, Tiếp cận dựa trên quyền con người trong hoạch định và thực thi chính sách ở Việt Nam, nguồn: http://lyluanchinhtri.vn/home/index.php/nguyen-cuu-ly-luan/item/595-tiep-can-dua-tren-quyen-con-nguoi-trong-hoach-dinh-va-thuc-thi-chinh-sach-o-viet-nam.html.[3] Chương trình phát triển Liên Hợp Quốc tại Việt Nam: http://www.un.org.vn/vi/component/docman/doc_details/115-a-human-rights-based-approach- toolkit.html?Itemid=266.[4] APT, Detention Monitoring Tool Factsheet Pre-trial detention Addressing risk factors to prevent torture and ill-treatment, Link: https://apt.ch/en/resources/detention-monitoring-tool-addressing-risk-factors-to-prevent-torture-and-ill-treatment/ (Truy cập lần cuối: 18/07/2019).[5] Trần Quang Tiệp, Về tự do các nhân và biện pháp cưỡng chế tố tụng hình sự, Nxb. Chính trị quốc gia, Hà Nội, 2005.[6] Gudmundur Alfredsson & Asjorn Eide (Chủ biên), The Universal Declaration of Human Rights: A Common Standard of Achivement (Tuyên ngôn Quốc tế Nhân quyền, 1948: Mục tiêu chung của nhân loại), Nguyễn Đăng Dung, Vũ Công Giao, Lã Khánh Tùng (Chủ biên bản dịch), NXB. Thanh niên, Hà Nội, 2017[7] Khoa Luật, ĐHQG Hà Nội, Giới thiệu Công ước về các quyền dân sự và chính trị (ICCPR, 1966), Nxb. Hồng Đức, Hà Nội, 2012.[8] Bùi Kiên Điện, “Vấn đề cưỡng chế tố tụng hình sự và nguyên tắc nhân đạo”, Tạp chí Luật học, Số 1, 2010.[9] Các quy tắc tiêu chuẩn tối thiểu của Liên hợp quốc về hoạt động tư pháp đối với người vị thành niên năm 1985 (Các quy tắc Bắc Kinh) theo Nghị quyết 40/33 ngày 29/11/1985 của Đại Hội đồng Liên Hợp Quốc.[10] Nguyễn Đăng Dung, Vũ Công Giao, Lã Khánh Tùng, Giáo trình lý luận và pháp luật về quyền con người, Nxb. Chính trị quốc gia, 2015, tr.164.[11] Tập hợp các nguyên tắc về bảo vệ tất cả những người bị giam hay tù dưới bất kì hình thức nào của Liên Hợp Quốc do Đại hội đồng Liên hợp quốc thông qua ngày 9/12/1988 theo Nghị quyết số 43/173.[12] Xuân Ân, Còn một số vi phạm trong các trại giam, tạm giữ, Báo Tiền phong (điện tử): https://www.msn.com/vi-vn/news/other/c%C3%B2n-m%E1%BB%99t-s%E1%BB%91-vi-ph%E1%BA%A1m-trong-c%C3%A1c-tr%E1%BA%A1i-giam-t%E1%BA%A1m-gi%E1%BB%AF/ar-AAEfrek (Truy cập lần cuối: 05/08/2019).[13] Trần Văn Độ, Hoàn thiện các quy định của Bộ luật Tố tụng hình sự về biện pháp tạm giam, nguồn: http://tks.edu.vn/thong-tin-khoa-hoc/chi-tiet/79/274 (Truy cập lần cuối: 12/10/2017).[14] Nghị quyết số 49-NQ/TW ngày 02 tháng 06 năm 2005 của Bộ Chính trị về Chiến lược cải cách tư pháp đến năm 2020.[15] Lê Minh Tuấn, “Hoàn thiện một số quy định của BLTTHS về tạm giam nhằm đáp ứng yêu cầu cải cách tư pháp”, Tạp chí Kiểm sát, Số 9, 2008.[16] Viện Kiểm sát Nhân dân Tối cao - Cục Thống kê.[17] Viện Kiểm sát Nhân dân Tối cao - Vụ kiểm sát tạm giữ, tạm giam, thi hành án hình sự (2010), Báo cáo tổng kết công tác kiểm sát việc tạm giữ tạm giam, quản lý và giáo dục người chấp hành án phạt tù từ các năm 2005 đến 2009, Hà Nội.[18] Viện Kiểm sát Nhân dân Tối cao - Vụ kiểm sát tạm giữ, tạm giam, thi hành án hình sự (2010), Báo cáo tổng kết công tác kiểm sát việc tạm giữ tạm giam, quản lý và giáo dục người chấp hành án phạt tù từ các năm 2010 đến 2014, Hà Nội.[19] Nguyễn Tiến Tài, Để tránh chuyện tạm giam vô thời hạn, nguồn: http://www2.hvcsnd.edu.vn/vn/Acedemy/Nghien-cuu-Trao-doi/76/325/De-tranh-chuyen-tam-giam-vo-thoi-han.aspx (Truy cập lần cuối: 05/08/2019).[20] Webside: https://danluat.thuvienphapluat.vn/chia-se-bo-luat-to-tung-hinh-su-cac-nuoc-166373.aspx (Truy cập lần cuối: 05/08/2019).

The Vietnamese people have always harboured an extraordinarily strong patriotic drive. But the government formed by Ho Chi Minh (1890-1969) after the Declaration of Independence of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) on the 2nd September 1945, the group that was to represent majority Vietnamese opinion until and after 1975, was spearheaded by the Vietminh (League for Vietnam's Independence) - a movement that did not define itself as Nationalist, but rather as an expressly Communist group. When the people of Vietnam looked for leadership, this was the obvious group to choose - the only movement prepared and willing to step in (other, more nationalist resistance groups had prematurely flourished and failed, as shall be discussed). In the Vietnam that found itself suddenly free at the close of the Second World War, no other lobby was ready, no group presented itself nationally as the Communists were and did. The Liberation Army that seized control of town after town was the military arm of the Viet Minh, formed in 1944 under Vo Nguyen Giap (b. 1912), an element of a movement that published its manifesto in February 1930, that had begun preparation and ideological training in the late 1920's in Guangzhou under Ho Chi Minh. Given the long preparation carried out by the Vietminh, the progression to the declaration of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam as a Communist nation with Ho at its head was a natural one. Whilst that development seems logical given the conditions of the day, the manner in which those conditions were reached (or manipulated) has been the subject of intense debate. Was that natural progression one in which the ideologists of Communist revolution 'captured' the Nationalist movement, exploited a nationalistic fervour to produce the desired revolt, using the front of the Viet Minh to blend their esoteric dogmas with the more easily understood nationalist cause of resistance? This is a perception held by many modern historians - that, in effect, Communists are the parasites of the modernization process. This attitude was and is encouraged by examination of advice given to Asian revolutionaries by their Soviet counterparts; Grigori Zinoviev (1833-1936) - later to die by Stalin's order - argued in 1922 that Communists should co-operate with the rising nationalists in Asia, gain the leadership of their movement, and then cast aside the genuine national leaders. For by itself, the tiny Indochina Communist Party could never have hoped to attract the support of politically engaged Vietnamese, let alone the hearts and minds of the nation at large. This is the essence of the currently accepted analysis of the revolutionary Vietnamese setting - that the Communist lobby exploited a majority furious with the abuses of French rule, sliding Communism into a dominant role in Vietnamese life. The majority of people had not fought for a communist government, but to be rid of the colonial occupying power. Such a perception, as shall be discussed, is representative of the Western reading of the whole Southeast Asian region of the day. The Vietnamese people were accustomed to the use of violence to protect their independence; perennial opposition to expansionist China meant that few peoples in Asia had been compelled to fight longer and harder to retain their identity as a separate and independent state than the Vietnamese. Whilst the ability and commitment of the Vietcong in resistance to outside power has been recognised, the strong sense of Vietnamese identity in and of itself has never really been acknowledged beyond the most simplistic of terms by external observers, perhaps because of the difficulty of comprehending how such an emotion can form when looking at the odd shape of the nation on a map. Such a lack of awareness allows supposed Vietnam specialists to assert that the dominant Vietnamese self-assessment is the extent to which the country is not Chinese (and, to a lesser extent, not French) rather than entering into a more significant analysis of how a national identity formed: how, whilst certainly influenced by feelings of encirclement and domination, Vietnam also developed a separate, distinct sense of self. This, whilst a sense that has only relatively recently manifested itself in territorial demands, is a longstanding emotion and sense, in and of itself. Given an understanding of that sense or merely an awareness of its existence, the willingness of the Vietnamese to combat the most powerful nation on Earth, though certainly impressive, needs little explanation; this work has attempted to explore a more difficult question - why they chose the dogma that served them. The idea that the majority of the Vietnamese people had not fought for a communist government, but to be rid of the colonial occupying power is in truth the presentation of a false dichotomy. The fact that a group within a broad movement participates for different reasons from another group does not necessarily imply exploitation or pretense. Neither does the fact that one has a strong political ideology such as socialism forbid the possession of any other political inclination, such as patriotism. The concept of a socialist exploitation of Vietnamese nationalism will be opposed here: a discussion of the disputed importance of nationalism to the Vietnamese Communist movement in resistance, and of Communism to the nationalist movement, will form the subject of this essay. The unity of Vietnam under Communist government in 1975 seems a fitting end to the period to be considered. Much of interest - the politics behind partition, or the Communist-led conduct of war with America, for example - can be considered only briefly; fortunately, these are issues considered in great depth elsewhere. The central issue to this work shall be the development of the Communist movement in French Indochina, and the thesis herein shall be that nationalism and Marxist-Leninism occupied a symbiotic relationship in the motivation of the Communist movement and its chief practitioners in the nation once again known as Vietnam.

The Vietnamese people have always harboured an extraordinarily strong patriotic drive. But the government formed by Ho Chi Minh (1890-1969) after the Declaration of Independence of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) on the 2nd September 1945, the group that was to represent majority Vietnamese opinion until and after 1975, was spearheaded by the Vietminh (League for Vietnam's Independence) - a movement that did not define itself as Nationalist, but rather as an expressly Communist group. When the people of Vietnam looked for leadership, this was the obvious group to choose - the only movement prepared and willing to step in (other, more nationalist resistance groups had prematurely flourished and failed, as shall be discussed). In the Vietnam that found itself suddenly free at the close of the Second World War, no other lobby was ready, no group presented itself nationally as the Communists were and did. The Liberation Army that seized control of town after town was the military arm of the Viet Minh, formed in 1944 under Vo Nguyen Giap (b. 1912), an element of a movement that published its manifesto in February 1930, that had begun preparation and ideological training in the late 1920's in Guangzhou under Ho Chi Minh. Given the long preparation carried out by the Vietminh, the progression to the declaration of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam as a Communist nation with Ho at its head was a natural one. Whilst that development seems logical given the conditions of the day, the manner in which those conditions were reached (or manipulated) has been the subject of intense debate. Was that natural progression one in which the ideologists of Communist revolution 'captured' the Nationalist movement, exploited a nationalistic fervour to produce the desired revolt, using the front of the Viet Minh to blend their esoteric dogmas with the more easily understood nationalist cause of resistance? This is a perception held by many modern historians - that, in effect, Communists are the parasites of the modernization process. This attitude was and is encouraged by examination of advice given to Asian revolutionaries by their Soviet counterparts; Grigori Zinoviev (1833-1936) - later to die by Stalin's order - argued in 1922 that Communists should co-operate with the rising nationalists in Asia, gain the leadership of their movement, and then cast aside the genuine national leaders. For by itself, the tiny Indochina Communist Party could never have hoped to attract the support of politically engaged Vietnamese, let alone the hearts and minds of the nation at large. This is the essence of the currently accepted analysis of the revolutionary Vietnamese setting - that the Communist lobby exploited a majority furious with the abuses of French rule, sliding Communism into a dominant role in Vietnamese life. The majority of people had not fought for a communist government, but to be rid of the colonial occupying power. Such a perception, as shall be discussed, is representative of the Western reading of the whole Southeast Asian region of the day. The Vietnamese people were accustomed to the use of violence to protect their independence; perennial opposition to expansionist China meant that few peoples in Asia had been compelled to fight longer and harder to retain their identity as a separate and independent state than the Vietnamese. Whilst the ability and commitment of the Vietcong in resistance to outside power has been recognised, the strong sense of Vietnamese identity in and of itself has never really been acknowledged beyond the most simplistic of terms by external observers, perhaps because of the difficulty of comprehending how such an emotion can form when looking at the odd shape of the nation on a map. Such a lack of awareness allows supposed Vietnam specialists to assert that the dominant Vietnamese self-assessment is the extent to which the country is not Chinese (and, to a lesser extent, not French) rather than entering into a more significant analysis of how a national identity formed: how, whilst certainly influenced by feelings of encirclement and domination, Vietnam also developed a separate, distinct sense of self. This, whilst a sense that has only relatively recently manifested itself in territorial demands, is a longstanding emotion and sense, in and of itself. Given an understanding of that sense or merely an awareness of its existence, the willingness of the Vietnamese to combat the most powerful nation on Earth, though certainly impressive, needs little explanation; this work has attempted to explore a more difficult question - why they chose the dogma that served them. The idea that the majority of the Vietnamese people had not fought for a communist government, but to be rid of the colonial occupying power is in truth the presentation of a false dichotomy. The fact that a group within a broad movement participates for different reasons from another group does not necessarily imply exploitation or pretense. Neither does the fact that one has a strong political ideology such as socialism forbid the possession of any other political inclination, such as patriotism. The concept of a socialist exploitation of Vietnamese nationalism will be opposed here: a discussion of the disputed importance of nationalism to the Vietnamese Communist movement in resistance, and of Communism to the nationalist movement, will form the subject of this essay. The unity of Vietnam under Communist government in 1975 seems a fitting end to the period to be considered. Much of interest - the politics behind partition, or the Communist-led conduct of war with America, for example - can be considered only briefly; fortunately, these are issues considered in great depth elsewhere. The central issue to this work shall be the development of the Communist movement in French Indochina, and the thesis herein shall be that nationalism and Marxist-Leninism occupied a symbiotic relationship in the motivation of the Communist movement and its chief practitioners in the nation once again known as Vietnam.
Thesis (Masters)
Master of Arts
Griffith Business School
Faculty of International Business and Politics
Full Text

This dissertation is a focused analysis of the origins, organization, training, politics, and combat capability of the Army of the Republic of Viet Nam (ARVN) from 1954 to 1963, the leading military instrument in the national counterinsurgency plan of the government of the Republic of Viet Nam (RVN). Other military and paramilitary forces that complemented the army in the ground war included the Viet Nam Marine Corps (VNMC), the Civil Guard (CG), the Self-Defense Corps (SDC) and the Civil Irregular Defense Groups (CIDG) which was composed mainly of the indigenous populations in the Central Highlands of South Vietnam. At sea and in the air, the Viet Nam Air Force (VNAF) and the Viet Nam Navy (VNN) provided additional layers of tactical, strategic and logistical support to the military and paramilitary forces. Together, these forces formed the Republic of Viet Nam Armed Forces (RVNAF) designed to counter the communist insurgency plaguing the RVN. This thesis argues the following. First, the origin of the ARVN was rooted in the French Indochina War (1946-1954). Second, the ARVN was an amalgamation of political and military forces born from a revolution that encompassed three overlapping wars: a war of independence between the Vietnamese and the French; a civil war between the Vietnamese of diverse social and political backgrounds; and a proxy war as global superpowers and regional powers backed their own Vietnamese allies who, in turn, exploited their foreign supporters for their own purposes. Lastly, the ARVN failed not because it was organized, equipped, and trained for conventional instead of counterinsurgency warfare. Rather, it failed to assess, adjust, and adapt its strategy and tactics quickly enough to meet the war’s changing circumstances. The ARVN’s slowness to react resulted from its own institutional weaknesses, military and political problems that were beyond its control, and the powerful and dangerous enemies it faced. The People’s Army of Viet Nam (PAVN) and the People’s Liberation Armed Forces (PLAF) were formidable adversaries. Not duplicated in any other post-colonial Third World country and led by an experienced and politically tested leadership, the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam (DRVN) and the National Front for the Liberation of Southern Viet Nam (NFLSVN) exploited RVN failures effectively. Hypothetically, there was no guarantee that had the US dispatched land forces into Cambodia and Laos or invaded North Vietnam that the DRVN and NFLSVN would have quit attacking the RVN. The French Far East Expeditionary Corps (FFEEC)’ occupation of the Red River Delta did not bring peace to Cochinchina, only a military stalemate between it and the Vietnamese Liberation Army (VLA). Worse yet, a US invasion potentially would have unnerved the People’s Republic of China (PRC) which might have sent the PLAF to fight the US in Vietnam as it had in Korea. Inevitably, such unilateral military action would certainly provoke fierce criticism and opposition amongst the American public at home and allies abroad. At best, the war’s expansion might have bought a little more time for the RVN but it could never guarantee South Vietnam’s survival. Ultimately, RVN’s seemingly endless political, military, and social problems had to be resolved by South Vietnam’s political leaders, military commanders, and people but only in the absence of constant PAVN and PLAF attempts to destroy whatever minimal progress RVN made politically, militarily, and socially. The RVN was plagued by many problems and the DRVN and NFLSVN, unquestionably, were amongst those problems.

Abstract On 7 May 1975 the ABC evening news report showed an action shot of the North Vietnamese hierarchy celebrating its victory over South Vietnam. From a platform in front of the Presidential Palace in Saigon, Pham Van Dong, the North Vietnamese premier, pointed to Sr. Gen. Vo Nguyen Giap, the North Vietnamese minister of defense and commander in chief of its armed forces. “There,” proclaimed Dong, “is the architect of our victory” This was not the usual hyperbole of triumph; this was a fitting tribute, for Giap commanded the North Vietnamese armed forces from 1944, when it consisted of one platoon of thirtyfour men, until 1972 or 1973, when it became the third-largest army in the world. He made war for over thirty years, and he beat the French, the South Vietnamese, and, judged by the final results, the United States of America. What is more unusual is that Giap had no prior schooling, training, or experience to fit him for the role he played.

This chapter recounts thirty coordinated attacks and bombings that took place in Algiers on 1 November 1954, in which seven people were killed and five of them were white colonists (pied-noir). It analyzes the statement of French Prime Minister Mendes that there should be no compromise when it came to the integrity of the sovereign territory of the republic after France had suffered a terrible defeat in Indochina. It also mentions the peasant army of the brilliant Vietnamese General Vo Nguyen Giap that captured 11,000 French troops after the fall of Dien Bien Phu. The chapter talks about thirty-eight-year-old Ahmed Ben Bella, who stood out among the top leaders of FLN, a socialist party founded in Switzerland. It investigates the French counterintelligence and executive illegal groups that was used to solve the Algerian question with counterterror all over Europe.

Abstract During its three decades of war, North Vietnam was a complex, evolving organism, subjected to extreme internal and external pressures. But the further away we get from the war, the more the complexities of Vietnamese politics are likely to be forgotten. The biggest pitfall in our writing about wartime Vietnam is still our eagerness to generalize about “the enemy.” This may be a consequence of our lack of documentation on decision-making processes in the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV). We see only small glimpses of the daily debates and accommodations that would go on in any political movement, in contrast to the vast amount of documentation that we possess on U.S. policy development. We can follow month by month Robert McNamara’s or Lyndon Johnson’s agonizing over their choices, but still have to speculate about much that occurred in Hanoi. Our tendency to generalize also grows out of oversimplified views of communist systems as brutally efficient and monolithic, lacking the subtle grays of Western politics. The Stalinist model has led to an assumption that communist leaders are invariably all-powerful. It is striking, for example, how many writers allow Vo Nguyen Giap to personify the DRV’s military leadership or who use Ho Chi Minh as shorthand to represent the North Vietnamese politburo. Lyndon Johnson’s habit of describing policy in terms of how “Old Ho” would react is not atypical. These conventions betray real ignorance of the day-to-day workings of the DRV political system—as there appear to have been significant periods when neither man played a leading decision-making role. The contested side of major decisions and the acrimony surrounding them, however, are not things that communist parties like to publicize. Party historians in Hanoi have been content to let Ho Chi Minh’s image stand as the iconic representation of communist power.