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Journal articles on the topic 'Vivisector'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Straley, Jessica. "Love and Vivisection: Wilkie Collins's Experiment in Heart and Science." Nineteenth-Century Literature 65, no. 3 (December 1, 2010): 348–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncl.2010.65.3.348.

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Jessica Straley, "Love and Vivisection: Wilkie Collins's Experiment in Heart and Science"(pp. 348––373) This essay examines the paradox of Wilkie Collins's antivivisection sensation novel, Heart and Science (1883). in the plot of the cruel vivisector Dr. Benjulia and the helpless young woman who almost becomes his latest experiment, the novel draws from a familiar bounty of antivivisectionist propaganda, but, this essay argues, the novel also reveals Collins's thinking about his own literary genre and the unfavorable comparison many critics were making between vivisection and sensation fiction: medical experiments on live animals often electrified their subjects, and sensation novels likewise shocked their readers. More than simply a metaphor, this connection between scientific and literary practices pointed to a late-Victorian anxiety about physiological sensation and moral reasoning. The focus on the body, critics of both practices maintained, bypassed the authority of the soul and turned human agents into passive receptors incapable of the higher functions of rationality and ethics. In its preface, Heart and Science disavows any relation between its narration and the medical dissection it deplores, and much of the novel progresses without the sensation genre's characteristic shocks. But Collins's text also seeks to recover and to redeem physiology as the basis for human emotion and ethics and, in so doing, to redefine sensation fiction as an aid, rather than an inhibitor, to moral agency.

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2

Sicard-Cowan, Hélène. "La Critique et le dépassement de la « méthode expérimentale » dans Thérèse Raquin." Nottingham French Studies 60, no. 3 (December 2021): 347–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nfs.2021.0330.

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This article makes the case for reading Zola’s protagonists Laurent and Thérèse as literary foils for one of the founding fathers of the experimental method, namely the physiologist Claude Bernard, and his wife, Fanny Martin. Drawing more particularly on elements from Bernard’s and Martin’s lives, as well as Bernard’s scientific writings, the article shows that Zola ‘performs’ two grueling experiments in the aforementioned novel: the first one, initiated by the author himself, results in the death of three protagonists and the paralysis of the fourth one; the second experiment, initiated by Laurent, reveals that the latter’s evaluation of Thérèse and his ensuing hypothesis are seriously flawed. In fact, Laurent’s gaze is marred by his tendency to ‘dirty’ nature (‘salir la nature,’ to borrow Zola’s expression), and his experiment doesn’t turn out the way he had originally planned, as both lovers turned murderers end up committing suicide together. This article thus argues that, in Thérèse Raquin, Zola resorts to critical posturing as a vivisector in a text that can be read as a revenge narrative which gestures towards the possibility for vivisectors to be ‘redeemed’ as individuals made fully capable of feeling compassion for their objects through angelic intervention.

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3

Chernin, Eli. "An Artificial Heart Revives a Corpse: Sir Ronald Ross's Unpublished Story of 1882, "The Vivisector Vivisected"." Perspectives in Biology and Medicine 31, no. 3 (1988): 341–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pbm.1988.0027.

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4

Holzapfel, Amy Strahler. "Strindberg as Vivisector: Physiology, Pathology, and Anti-Mimesis inThe FatherandMiss Julie." Modern Drama 51, no. 3 (September 2008): 329–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/md.51.3.329.

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5

Moon, Lawrence. "Why we need rats: What it is like to use animals in neurobiological research in the UK?" Biochemist 30, no. 5 (October 1, 2008): 30–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1042/bio03005030.

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I'm a big fan of rodents. As a kid, I had two pet mice (called Pip and Marty). As a teenager, I had four Russian dwarf hamsters (Sex, Drugs, Rock and Roll) and, as a student, I had a couple of piebald rats (Chicken and Noodle). Now, as a neuroscientist at a UK university, I have a colony of rats with numbers instead of names. It's a dilemma that many researchers face: how to reconcile their empathy with animals with their desire to develop safe and effective therapies for diseases or injuries. It is ethically challenging: for 7 years, I was simultaneously a vegetarian and vivisector.

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6

Cooper, Katherine R. "‘My Cruel Conscience with Sharpned Knife’: Conscience as Vessel and Vivisector inJacob’s Welland aMeditation of a Penitent Sinner." Exemplaria 24, no. 1-2 (April 2012): 12–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1041257311z.0000000002.

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7

Rodney Stenning Edgecombe. "Hugo, Goethe, and Patrick White: Sources for The Eye of the Storm and The Vivisector." Antipodes 28, no. 2 (2014): 513. http://dx.doi.org/10.13110/antipodes.28.2.0513.

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8

Walker, Alyssa Chen. "Bringing the Laboratory Dog Home." Humanimalia 4, no. 2 (February 4, 2013): 101–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.52537/humanimalia.9995.

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This essay considers the role of popular fiction in the vivisection debates of the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries. Specifically, it argues that the fictional narratives of American author Elizabeth Stuart Phelps (a vociferous proponent of humane reform in New England) infused the anti-vivisection movement with a sense of urgency. By exploiting the formal properties of the novel, Phelps encouraged readers to reimagine the anonymous laboratory dog both as a surrogate child and as private property. In doing so, her imaginative literature illustrated, in ways that other discursive forms did not, how vivisection corroded fin de siècle America’s most sacrosanct values.

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9

Page, Tony. "From Morality to Medical Danger: Antivivisectionism in the Novels of Three Latevictorian/Early 20th-Century Writers." MANUSYA 18, no. 1 (2015): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26659077-01801005.

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The trajectory of the ideological-literary anti-vivisection movement is traced across three successive English novels (by Wilkie Collins, Gertrude Colmore, and Walter Hadwen) and shown first to be moralitycentred and character-focussed in its directionality, but increasingly moving towards scientific exposure of the practice as methodologically flawed and dangerously misleading for the human patient. This movement of narrowing focus upon the medical perils of vivisection is shown to reach its culmination in the medical historiography of novelist Hans Ruesch, who abjures formal novel-writing but retains rhetorical and literary styles and devices in his presentation of the vivisection issue.

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10

Abbott, William M. "The British Catholic debate over vivisection, 1876 – 1914: a common theology but differing applications." British Catholic History 34, no. 03 (April 12, 2019): 451–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bch.2019.5.

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This article analyses the motives behind the conflicting positions taken by Victorian Roman Catholics over the issue of vivisection. Catholics defended or attacked vivisection for widely varying reasons; there were less two schools of thought than a mosaic of arguments from which to choose. While there was substantial agreement over basic theological principles, the application of those principles to the vivisection debate varied depending upon the writer’s social, political, and scientific attitudes, which in turn were affected by professional occupation. The debate included laypeople as well as clerics, with some of the former affirming a more liberal and less theologically rigorous approach to animal rights.

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11

MUNRO, LYLE. "From Vilification to Accommodation: Making a Common Cause Movement." Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 8, no. 1 (January 1999): 46–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096318019980108x.

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The history of the vivisection debate is a case study in the use of vilification not unlike its rhetorical use by adversaries in the pro-life/pro-choice controversy. According to Vanderford, vilification in that debate serves a number of functions: to identify adversaries as “them and us”; to cast opponents in an exclusively negative light; to attribute diabolical motives to one's adversaries; and to magnify the opposition's power as an enemy capable of doing great evil. In the vivisection debate, both sides have attempted to delegitimize each other by one or more of these means. On the antivivisection side, Samuel Johnson in 1758 produced the fiercest attack up to that time on “the inferior Professors of medical knowledge” and “race of wretches whose lives are only varied by varieties of cruelty.” When the antivivisectionist movement peaked in England in the 1870s, the animal experimentalists began to organize in earnest to fend off the charge that vivisection was both cruel and useless. By the turn of the century an American neurologist, Charles Loomis Dana, identified a way to discredit the mainly female antiscience “cranks” in the antivivisection movement by inventing the disease “zoophil-psychosis” to describe one of the diseases affecting mainly women who, having no children or a useful occupation, joined animal protection societies and campaigned against vivisection. Zoophil-psychosis, it was claimed, was a form of mental illness, an incurable insanity that afflicted the hysterical opponents of vivisection.

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12

Hausmann, Stephen R. "“WE MUST PERFORM EXPERIMENTS ON SOME LIVING BODY”: ANTIVIVISECTION AND AMERICAN MEDICINE, 1850–1915." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 16, no. 3 (June 23, 2017): 264–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781417000196.

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This article examines the American Anti-Vivisection Society (AAVS) and its campaign in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries to end the practice of live scientific experimentation on animals. In attempting to enact state and federal-level legislative reform, the AAVS ran up against the American Medical Association (AMA), who claimed vivisection was critical to furthering medical advances and who sought to defend their profession's recently won respectability. This article argues that the very public campaign by the AAVS toward political reform pushed the AMA, and medicine more broadly, into the political sphere. The debate over the morality of vivisection at the beginning of the last century was thus critical to creating the politically powerful AMA of the twenty-first century.

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13

Thornhill, Richard, and Michael Morris. "ANIMAL RIGHTS AND THEORIES OF ORIGINS: A PLEA FOR UNITY." Worldviews: Global Religions, Culture, and Ecology 7, no. 3 (2003): 330–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853503322709164.

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AbstractA useful philosophical case against vivisection influential with the general public rests on the following three premises: (1) animals have interests as conscious beings; (2) it is unethical to cause pain and suffering to conscious beings for trivial reasons; and (3) animal models cannot be extrapolated to human beings, so vivisection is a trivial reason. Darwinian arguments have been used to back up each of the three premises above, and, furthermore it has been asserted by animal liberationists that those who do not hold to the evolutionary paradigm are more likely to support vivisection. Here, we present arguments that show why a belief in Darwinism (or in evolution generally) neither strengthens nor weakens the three anti-vivisectionist premises above. We also argue that there is no evidence to suggest that Darwinists are any less (or more) likely to support vivisection than those who hold views on biological origin that are further from the scientific mainstream. By leaving out arguments on origins, we hope that Darwinists, non-Darwinist evolutionists and creationists of all types can work together to make the world a better place for non-human animals.

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14

Hathiram, Bachi T., and Vicky S. Khattar. "Laryngology Vivisection." An International Journal of Otorhinolaryngology Clinics 11, no. 2 (2019): 00. http://dx.doi.org/10.5005/aijoc-11-2-iv.

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15

Archibald, Kathy. "Vivisection value." New Scientist 207, no. 2767 (July 2010): 28–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0262-4079(10)61622-3.

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16

Balcombe, Jonathan. "Verbal Vivisection." Organization & Environment 13, no. 4 (December 2000): 460–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1086026600134007.

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17

Atalić, Bruno, and Stella Fatović-Ferenčić. "Emanuel Edward Klein—The Father of British Microbiology and the Case of the Animal Vivisection Controversy of 1875." Toxicologic Pathology 37, no. 6 (August 18, 2009): 708–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192623309345871.

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The new Appendix A of the European Convention for the Protection of Vertebrate Animals Used for Experimental and Other Scientific Purposes, which gives guidelines for accommodation and care of animals and was approved on June 15, 2006, was the main reason the authors decided to investigate the origins of the regulations of animal experiments. Although one might assume that the regulation had its origin in the United Nations conventions, the truth is that its origins are a hundred years old. The authors present a case of the nineteenth-century vivisection controversy brought about by the publication of the Handbook for the Physiological Laboratory in 1873, in which John Burdon-Sanderson, Emanuel Edward Klein, Michael Foster, and Thomas Lauder Brunton described a series of vivisection experiments they performed on animals for research purposes. It was the first case of vivisection to be examined, processed, and condemned for inhuman behavior toward animals before an official body, leading to enactment of the Cruelty to Animals Act in 1876. The case reveals a specific ethos of science in the second half of the nineteenth century, which was characterized by a deep commitment of scientists to the scientific enterprise and their strong belief that science could solve social problems, combined with an overt insensitivity to the suffering of experimental animals. The central figure in the case was Emanuel Edward Klein, a disciple of the Central European medical tradition (Vienna Medical School) and a direct follower of the experimental school of Brücke, Stricker, Magendie, and Bernard. Because of his undisguised attitudes and opinions on the use of vivisection, Klein became a paradigm of the new scientific identity, strongly influencing the stereotypic image of a scientist, and polarizing the public opinion on vivisection in England in the nineteenth century and for some considerable time afterward.

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18

Thew, Michelle. "Views on vivisection." New Scientist 206, no. 2766 (June 2010): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0262-4079(10)61552-7.

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19

Gajicki, Marija. "New experience in the process of facing the past." Temida 7, no. 4 (2004): 43–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/tem0404043g.

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In this paper the author presents the project VIVISECT, which was developed in connection to the negative reactions in several towns in Serbia to the exhibition of war photography of American photographer Ron Haviv. NGO Vojvodjanka organized the same exhibition in different way, which included removing the titles and allowing people to write their own titles and comments. As a result of that the book and documentary film VIVISECT are developed, which have been afterwards used for developing discussion about the past within community.

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20

Ferngren, G. "Vivisection Ancient and Modern." Istoriya meditsiny 4, no. 3 (2017): 243–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17720/2409-5583.t4.3.2017.02b.

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21

Ferngren, Gary. "Vivisection Ancient and Modern." History of Medicine/ru 4, no. 3 (2017): 211–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17720/2409-5834.v4.3.2017.02b.

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22

Heller, Agnès, Sylvie Bauer, Jean-Charles Fernandez, and Jacques Bidet. "Vivisection de la rationalité." Actuel Marx 10, no. 2 (1991): 108. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/amx.010.0108.

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23

van Zeller, Anne-Marie. "Book Review: Vivisection Unveiled." Alternatives to Laboratory Animals 26, no. 1 (January 1998): 78–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026119299802600116.

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24

Nelson, Clark W. "Vivisection and the Mayos." Mayo Clinic Proceedings 66, no. 8 (August 1991): 772. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0025-6196(12)61193-8.

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25

Goodman, Justin R., Casey A. Borch, and Elizabeth Cherry. "Mounting Opposition to Vivisection." Contexts 11, no. 2 (May 2012): 68–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1536504212446466.

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26

Bracegirdle, B. "Vivisection in historical perspective." Endeavour 12, no. 1 (January 1988): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0160-9327(88)90239-6.

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27

Jose, Abin P. "A Vivisection of Digital Marketing and its Current Relevance." Journal of Advanced Research in Dynamical and Control Systems 12, SP7 (July 25, 2020): 464–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5373/jardcs/v12sp7/20202128.

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28

Chatterji, Joya. "The Fashioning of a Frontier: The Radcliffe Line and Bengal's Border Landscape, 1947–52." Modern Asian Studies 33, no. 1 (January 1999): 185–242. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x99003066.

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The partition of India is customarily described in surgical metaphors, as an operation, an amputation, a vivisection or a dismemberment. By extension, the new borders created in 1947 are often thought of as incision scars.

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29

Tubbs, R. Shane, Marios Loukas, Mohammadali M. Shoja, Ghaffar Shokouhi, and W. Jerry Oakes. "François Magendie (1783–1855) and his contributions to the foundations of neuroscience and neurosurgery." Journal of Neurosurgery 108, no. 5 (May 2008): 1038–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3171/jns/2008/108/5/1038.

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✓François Magendie lived during a tumultuous period in French history. Although this early medical pioneer made significant contributions to the fields of neuroanatomy, physiology, and pharmacology, little information is found in the non-French literature regarding this significant person in history. Based on this review, one could also consider this trained surgeon as an early pioneer of neurosurgery. For example, he is known to have used Galvanic current to treat various neuralgias, described a technique for extracting cerebrospinal fluid and quantitated and described its characteristics in normal and pathological specimens, and elucidated the functions of the the cranial nerves using vivisection. Additionally, he accurately described the functions of the dorsal and ventral rootlets using vivisection, and realized that the exposed meninges were susceptible to painful stimuli. Our current knowledge is based on the early contributions of scientists such as François Magendie.

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30

Glaholt, Hayley Rose. "Vivisection as War: The “Moral Diseases” of Animal Experimentation and Slavery in British Victorian Quaker Pacifist Ethics." Society & Animals 20, no. 2 (2012): 154–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853012x631360.

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Abstract This paper demonstrates how British Quakers, between 1870 and 1914, attempted to understand and debate the issue of vivisection through the lens of the Quaker peace testimony. Drawing on primary source materials, the article argues that these Friends were able to agitate for radical legislative and social change using virtue ethics as their framework. The paper further suggests that the moral parameters of the Quaker testimony for peace expanded briefly in this period to include interspecies as well as intraspecies engagement. Friends accomplished this by arguing that humans could not engage in vivisection—a “moral disease” just like slavery and war—without risking individual and social virtue. Friends were able to call for radical change in society without arguing for ethical egalitarianism. Hierarchy was implicit in their virtue ethic, but this did not hinder their creation of a forward-thinking stance on human-animal relations.

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31

Jed Mayer. "The Vivisection of the Snark." Victorian Poetry 47, no. 2 (2009): 429–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vp.0.0058.

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32

Karimov, A., G. Mistelbauer, J. Schmidt, P. Mindek, E. Schmidt, T. Sharipov, S. Bruckner, and E. Gröller. "ViviSection: Skeleton-based Volume Editing." Computer Graphics Forum 32, no. 3pt4 (June 2013): 461–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/cgf.12133.

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33

Dunayer, Joan. "From Vivisection to Animal Rights." Organization & Environment 13, no. 4 (December 2000): 429–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1086026600134004.

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34

Dreifuss, Jean Jacques. "Moritz Schiff et la vivisection." Gesnerus 42, no. 3-4 (November 19, 1985): 289–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22977953-0420304008.

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35

Daly, Macdonald. "VIVISECTION IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY BRITAIN." Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies 12, no. 1 (October 1, 2008): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-0208.1989.tb00045.x.

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36

Knight, Andrew. "Invasive animal research: Weighing the harms and benefits." Biochemist 36, no. 3 (June 1, 2014): 30–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1042/bio03603030.

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In ancient Greece, social taboos about dissecting human corpses greatly hampered early physicians during their investigations of anatomy and physiology1. Perhaps out of desperation, some turned to animals. A few, such as Alcmaeon of Croton (6th–5th Century BCE), went further still, practicing surgical or other invasive procedures on living animals (vivisection)2,3. These were among the very first animal experiments ever recorded.

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37

Harang, Laurence. "Vers une abolition de la vivisection." Derecho Animal. Forum of Animal Law Studies 4, no. 4 (October 1, 2013): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/da.146.

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38

Balls, Michael. "The European Citizens’ Stop Vivisection Initiative." Alternatives to Laboratory Animals 43, no. 3 (July 2015): 147–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026119291504300302.

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39

Southee, Jacqueline. "Book Review: Vivisection in Historical Perspective." Alternatives to Laboratory Animals 16, no. 1 (September 1988): 99–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026119298801600122.

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40

Kopaladze, Revaz A. "Ivan P. Pavlov’s view on vivisection." Integrative Physiological and Behavioral Science 35, no. 4 (October 2000): 266–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02688789.

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41

DICKSON, D. "Swiss Voters Reject Ban on Vivisection." Science 230, no. 4731 (December 13, 1985): 1257. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.4071046.

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42

Clutton, R. Eddie. "An Anglocentric History of Anaesthetics and Analgesics in the Refinement of Animal Experiments." Animals 10, no. 10 (October 21, 2020): 1933. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ani10101933.

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Previous histories of animal experimentation, e.g., Franco (2013) have focused on ethics, the law and the personalities involved, but not on the involvement of anaesthetics or analgesics. Given that these were major subjects of (UK) Parliamentary debates on vivisection in the mid-19th century and viewed as “indisputable refinements in animal experimentation” (Russell and Burch 1959), it seemed that an analysis of their role was overdue. This commentary has, in interweaving the history of animal experimentation in the UK with the evolution of anaesthesia, attempted to: (1) clarify the evidence for Russell and Burch’s view; and (2) evaluate anaesthesia’s ongoing contribution to experimental refinement. The history that emerges reveals that the withholding or misuse of anaesthetics and, or analgesics from laboratory animals in the UK has had a profound effect on scientists and indirectly on the attitudes of the British public in general, becoming a major driver for the establishment of the anti-vivisection movement and subsequently, the Cruelty to Animals Act (1876)—the world’s first legislation for the regulation of animal experimentation. In 1902, the mismanaged anaesthetic of a dog in the Department of Physiology, University College London resulted in numerous events of public disorder initiated by medical students against the police and a political coalition of anti-vivisectionists, trade unionists, socialists, Marxists, liberals and suffragettes. The importance of anaesthesia in animal experiments was sustained over the following 150 years as small mammalian species gradually replaced dogs and cats as the principle subjects for vivisection. In discussing experimental refinement in their 1959 report, “The Principles of Humane Experimental Technique” Russell and Burch described anaesthetics as “… the greatest single advance in humane technique, (which) has at the same time been virtually indispensable for the advance of experimental biology”. Since then, the role of anaesthetics and in particular analgesics has become an unavoidable consideration whenever animal experiments are planned and conducted. This has been accompanied by a proliferation of training and educational programmes in laboratory animal anaesthesia.

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43

Ward, Les. "Clive Hollands OBE (1929–1996): The Compassionate Bugler." Alternatives to Laboratory Animals 25, no. 2 (April 1997): 101–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026119299702500204.

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Clive Hollands, former Director of the Scottish Society for the Prevention of Vivisection, Secretary of the Committee for the Reform of Animal Experimentation, former member of the Animal Procedures Committee, and member of the Farm Animal Welfare Council, died in November 1996 at the age of 67. His many contributions to human and animal welfare are reviewed by some of his many friends and colleagues.

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44

Considine, John, and Roger French. "Dissection and Vivisection in the European Renaissance." Sixteenth Century Journal 31, no. 3 (2000): 808. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2671094.

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45

ANDERSON, BENJAMIN O., and ALDEN H. HARKEN. "Carl John Wiggersʼ Visionary Views on Vivisection." Annals of Surgery 216, no. 1 (July 1992): 80–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00000658-199207000-00012.

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46

Croce, Pietro. "Animals, Apes, Men: Equally Victims of Vivisection." Alternatives to Laboratory Animals 23, no. 5 (September 1995): 642–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026119299502300516.

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Interspecies experimentation is always deceptive, whilst intraspecies experimentation is correct and reliable, though under due limits. Healthy volunteers should not be used in medical research, on either ethical or scientific grounds and, in this paper, very strict rules are outlined for regulating medical testing in humans. Testing anti-AIDS drugs on apes or any other animal species is misleading, due to the enormous differences which exist between the reactions of different animal species to drugs in general.

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47

Preece, Rod. "Darwinism, Christianity, and the Great Vivisection Debate." Journal of the History of Ideas 64, no. 3 (2003): 399–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jhi.2003.0040.

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48

Singleton, Rivers. "Whither Goest Vivisection?: Legislative and Regulatory Perspectives." Perspectives in Biology and Medicine 38, no. 1 (1994): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pbm.1994.0017.

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49

Singleton, Rivers. "Whither Goest Vivisection?: Historical and Philosophical Perspectives." Perspectives in Biology and Medicine 37, no. 4 (1994): 576–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pbm.1994.0099.

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50

Frey, R. G. "Pain, vivisection, and the value of life." Journal of Medical Ethics 31, no. 4 (April 1, 2005): 202–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jme.2004.008367.

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