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Published: 4 June 2021
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1

Deangeli, Edna S., and Jasper Griffin. "Virgil." Classical World 82, no. 6 (1989): 473. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350490.

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2

Wiltshire, Susan Ford, and David R. Slavitt. "Virgil." Classical World 86, no. 6 (1993): 523. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351424.

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3

Ganiban, Randall T. "VIRGIL." Classical Review 50, no. 1 (April 2000): 42–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/50.1.42.

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4

Titzer, Ben L. "Virgil." ACM SIGPLAN Notices 41, no. 10 (October 16, 2006): 191–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/1167515.1167489.

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5

Herzman, Ronald B., and Jo Ann Hoeppner Moran Cruz. "Virgil's Mission: Dante and the Salvation of the Pagan World." Mediaevalia 44, no. 1 (2023): 125–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mdi.2023.a913478.

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Abstract: This article revisits the question of Virgil's salvation in Dante's Commedia . It does so by following Virgil's rather than Dante's experiences as they descend into Hell and ascend Purgatory. A close reading of the text suggests that Dante is opening up to the reader the possibility of an extended mission for Virgil. Just as Virgil leaves Limbo to guide Dante's conversion, so does his expected return to Limbo carry with it the potential for Christian conversion of the virtuous pagans awaiting him.
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6

Lowe, Dunstan. "WOMEN SCORNED: A NEW STICHOMETRIC ALLUSION IN THE AENEID." Classical Quarterly 63, no. 1 (April 24, 2013): 442–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838812000742.

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Intense scrutiny can raise chimaeras, and Virgil is the most scrutinized of Roman poets, but he may have engineered coincidences in line number (‘stichometric allusions’) between certain of his verses and their Greek models. A handful of potential examples have now accumulated. Scholars have detected Virgilian citations of Homer, Callimachus and Aratus in this manner, as well as intratextual allusions by both Virgil and Ovid, and references to Virgil's works by later Roman poets using the same technique. (For present purposes I disregard the separate, though related, phenomenon of corresponding numbers of lines in parallel passages: G. Knauer, Die Aeneis und Homer (Göttingen, 1964) suggests several examples of such correspondences between Homer and Virgil, especially in speeches. Another purely formal mode of allusion faintly present in Roman poetry is homophonic translation (the technique which Louis Zukofsky's 1969 translations of Catullus pursue in extenso); thus Virgil's fagus, beech, corresponds with Theocritus' phagos, oak.) If genuine, the phenomenon lacks any consistent method or regular pattern (and the degree of plausibility varies); if genuine, it is very rare, even if accidents in textual transmission could have obscured some examples; if genuine, it probably originated in the Hellenistic period, although such a case has yet to be made. Virgil presently seems the earliest and most copious practitioner of stichometric allusion. A previously undetected example in the Aeneid is proposed below.
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7

La Bua, Giuseppe. "LATE CICERONIAN SCHOLARSHIP AND VIRGILIAN EXEGESIS: SERVIUS AND PS.-ASCONIUS." Classical Quarterly 68, no. 2 (December 2018): 667–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838818000551.

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Late Antiquity witnessed intense scholarly activity on Virgil's poems. Aelius Donatus’ commentary, the twelve-bookInterpretationes Vergilianaecomposed by the fourth-century or fifth-century rhetorician Tiberius Claudius Donatus and other sets of scholia testify to the richness of late ‘Virgilian literature’. Servius’ full-scale commentary on Virgil's poetry (early fifth century) marked a watershed in the history of the reception of Virgil and in Latin criticism in general. Primarily ‘the instrument of a teacher’, Servius’ commentary was intended to teach students and readers to read and write good Latin through Virgil. Lauded by Macrobius for his ‘learning’ (doctrina) and ‘modesty’ (uerecundia), Servius attained supremacy as both a literary critic and an interpreter of Virgil, the master of Latin poetry. Hisauctoritashad a profound impact on later Virgilian erudition. As Cameron notes, Servius’ commentary ‘eclipsed all competition, even Donatus’. Significantly, it permeated non-Virgilian scholarship from the fifth century onwards. The earliest bodies of scholia on Lucan, the tenth-century or eleventh-centuryCommenta BernensiaandAdnotationes super Lucanumand thescholia uetustioraon Juvenal contain material that can be traced as far back as Servius’ scholarly masterpiece.
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8

Gaisser, Julia Haig, Virgil, and Richard F. Thomas. "Virgil: Georgics." Classical World 84, no. 5 (1991): 422. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350897.

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9

Moorton,, Richard F., Virgil, and R. A. B. Mynors. "Virgil: Georgics." Classical World 86, no. 4 (1993): 367. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351377.

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10

Hardie, Philip. "AUGUSTINE’S VIRGIL." Classical Review 50, no. 1 (April 2000): 91–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/50.1.91.

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11

Wigmore, P. J. "F.A.B. Virgil!" Physics World 5, no. 5 (May 1992): 18–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/2058-7058/5/5/20.

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12

Mack, Sara, R. A. B. Mynors, and Joseph Farrell. "Virgil, Georgics." American Journal of Philology 114, no. 2 (1993): 325. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/295321.

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13

Infante, Guillermo Cabrera, and Alfred Mac Adam. "Piñera’s Virgil." Review: Literature and Arts of the Americas 53, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 107–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08905762.2020.1748467.

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14

Jenkyns, Richard. "Virgil and Arcadia." Journal of Roman Studies 79 (November 1989): 26–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/301178.

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There is an obstacle to our natural appreciation of Virgil'sEclogueswhich looms as large in their case as in that of any poetry whatever. TheEcloguesform probably the most influential group of short poems ever written: though they themselves take Theocritus as a model, they were to become the fountainhead from which the vast and diverse tradition of pastoral in many European literatures was to spring. To use them as a model was in itself to distort their character: it is one of the greatest ironies of literary history that these elusive, various, eccentric poems should have become the pattern for hundreds of later writers. Moreover, the growth of the later pastoral tradition meant that many things were attributed to Virgil which are not in Virgil. Sometimes they were derived from interpretations which were put upon Virgil in late antiquity but which we now believe to be mistaken; sometimes they are misinterpretations of a much later date; sometimes they originated from new developments in pastoral literature which their inventors had not meant to seem Virgilian, but which in the course of time got foisted back on to Virgil nevertheless. It is hard, therefore, to approach theEcloguesopenly and without preconceptions about what they contain, and even scholars who have devoted much time and learning to them have sometimes continued to hold views about them for which there are upon a dispassionate observation no good grounds at all. No poems perhaps have become so encrusted by the barnacles of later tradition and interpretation as these, and we need to scrape these away if we are to see them in their true shape. My aim here is to do some of this scraping by examining the use of Arcadians and the name of Arcadia in Virgil's work.
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15

Beare, Rhona. "What did Virgil's swallows eat?" Classical Quarterly 50, no. 2 (December 2000): 618–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/50.2.618.

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Juturna drives Turnus’ chariot now here now there, hoping to throw off Aeneas’ pursuit, but he follows the twisted circles (tortos orbes, 12. 481) of her course. Virgil compares her to a black hirundo flying through a rich man's house out into the colonnades and then round the pools or fishtanks. Hirundo can mean swallow, martin, or even swift. All these birds eat insects and air-borne spiders; they do not eat human food. The common swallow chiefly eats flies, and feeds the nestlings on flies; it also eats wasps and bees. Its average prey size is much greater than the house martin's. Virgil's hirundo gathers pabula parua for the nestlings. W F. J. Knight in the Penguin translation writes ‘tiny scraps of food’; C. Day Lewis translates ‘crumbs of food’. If Virgil meant scraps of meat or crumbs of bread, stolen from the rich man's dinner table, then Virgil did not know what these birds eat.
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16

Myers, K. Sara. "THE CULEX’S METAPOETIC FUNERARY GARDEN." Classical Quarterly 70, no. 2 (December 2020): 749–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838821000045.

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The Culex is now widely recognized as a piece of post-Ovidian, possibly Tiberian, pseudo-juvenilia written by an author impersonating the young Virgil, although it was attached to Virgil's name already in the first century c.e., being identified as Virgilian by Statius, Suetonius and Martial. Dedicated to the young Octavian (Octaui in line 1), the poem seems to fill a biographical gap in Virgil's career before his composition of the Eclogues. It is introduced as a ludus, which Irene Peirano suggests may openly refer to ‘the act of impersonating Virgil’, and, like many of the poems in the Appendix Vergiliana, it seems to have a parodic intent. The Culex has been interpreted as a parody of neoteric style and the epyllion, as mock-epic, as Virgil parody (John Henderson called it a ‘spoof Aeneid in bucolic drag’), as pointed Augustan satire, as mock Ovidian ‘Weltgedicht’ and as just very bad poetry (Housman's ‘stutterer’). Glenn Most has observed that the poem's three ‘acts’ structurally recapitulate Virgil's three major works in chronological succession. Little attention, however, has been paid to the Culex's final lines, which contain a catalogue of flowers the pastor places on the gnat's tomb. Recent scholarship has reintroduced an older interpretation of the gnat's tomb as a political allegory of Augustus’ Mausoleum; in this paper I suggest instead that the tomb and its flowers serve a closural and metapoetic function at the end of the poem.
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17

Huxley, H. H., and David West. "Virgil: The Aeneid." Phoenix 47, no. 1 (1993): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088920.

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18

Putnam, Michael C. J., and K. W. Gransden. "Virgil: The Aeneid." Classical World 84, no. 6 (1991): 477. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350924.

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19

Glazewski, Johanna, Virgil, and K. W. Gransden. "Virgil: Aeneid XI." Classical World 87, no. 3 (1994): 252. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351485.

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20

Quigg, Chris, and Mel Shochet. "Alvin Virgil Tollestrup." Physics Today 73, no. 6 (June 1, 2020): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/pt.3.4506.

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21

Talbot, J. "Eclogue I: Virgil." Literary Imagination 12, no. 1 (July 21, 2009): 68–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/litimag/imp041.

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22

Ornstein, Allan. "On Virgil Clift." Peabody Journal of Education 71, no. 1 (January 1996): 39–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15327930pje7101_6.

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23

KOVACS, DAVID, and BIJAN OMRANI. "VIRGIL, ECLOGUES 4.28." Classical Quarterly 62, no. 2 (November 20, 2012): 866–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838812000390.

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24

Sobel, Richard. "The virgil role." Journal of Medical Humanities 17, no. 2 (June 1996): 85–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02276810.

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25

Bernstein, Neil. "Statius and Virgil." Mnemosyne 62, no. 2 (2009): 323–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852508x321392.

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26

Briggs, Ward. "Virgil between wars." International Journal of the Classical Tradition 6, no. 1 (September 1999): 88–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02689213.

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27

Mcgill, Scott. "DICING WITH VIRGIL." Classical Review 54, no. 1 (April 2004): 133–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/54.1.133.

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28

Putnam, Michael C. J. "Virgil the Homerist." Classical World 111, no. 1 (2017): 101–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.2017.0079.

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29

Wood, Claude R. "Charles Virgil Mosby." American Journal of Orthodontics and Dentofacial Orthopedics 147, no. 5 (May 2015): 529. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ajodo.2015.02.016.

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30

Small, Carolinne Dermot. "Virgil, Aeneid 7.620–2." Classical Quarterly 36, no. 1 (May 1986): 278–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800010818.

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Virgilian scholars appear not to have appreciated the full dramatic significance of this passage, which provides a further example of Virgil's use of divine intervention in events which he wishes to mark as particularly significant in the course of the poem. These three lines signal the onset of the war with which the remainder of the Aeneid will be concerned; since line 607, Virgil has been working towards them by means of a detailed description of the gates of war themselves and of the tradition attached to them. But at this point in Italian history there is an ominous departure from the traditional procedures regarding the declaration of war. Latinus, who according to what Virgil depicts as the already well-established tradition was bound to open the gates in order to mark the beginning of war against the Trojans, has refused in horror to carry out his duty, opposed as he is to the turn recent events have taken in Latium. At this point Juno intervenes dramatically, as she had intervened before to sow the seeds of the ‘horrida bella’ (6.86, 7.41) between the Trojans and the indigenous population (323ff.). Virgil depicts her as sweeping down from heaven in person in order to push open the gates. The reader is shown how at her touch the gates burst open (‘rumpit’) without the involvement of any human or visible agency. It is an action which apparently has only a supernatural explanation, clearly described to the reader as the work of Juno.
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31

Cardigni, Julieta. "Tres versiones tardoantiguas de Virgilio: Servio, Macrobio y Fulgencio." Myrtia 35 (November 12, 2020): 347–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/myrtia.455301.

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El presente trabajo realiza un recorrido representativo por la construcción de la figura de Virgilio en la Antigüedad Tardía, tomando como corpus las obras de Servio, Macrobio y Fulgencio, textos latinos. El objetivo supone un doble movimiento: por un lado, dilucidar las distintas versiones de Virgilio en las lecturas del Tardoantiguo, por otro, vislumbrar algunos problemas y preocupaciones comunes a las producciones literarias de la época, quesur gen a partir del eje de la construcción del poeta. The present paper aims to trace a path of some of the late antique representations of Virgil, particularly those present in the works of Servius, Macrobius and Fulgentius, which constitute a group of encyclopedic Latin texts. Our purpose implies a double movement: on one hand, we will try to elucidate the different versions of Virgil in Late Antique readings; on the other hand, we plan to perceive how some reflections, which are common to the all the Literature of the period, emerge anchored to the figure of the Mantuan poet.
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32

Brammall, Sheldon. "The Politics of the Partial Translations of the Aeneid by Dudley Digges and Marie de Gournay." Translation and Literature 22, no. 2 (July 2013): 182–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/tal.2013.0112.

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This is a comparative study of two almost exactly contemporary translations of Book 4 of Virgil's Aeneid: Marie de Gournay's of the last 500 lines (published 1620), and Sir Dudley Digges’ of the whole Book (published 1622). I show how these translators participated in what could be called ‘communities of Virgil translation’ in the early seventeenth century: they were both conspicuously part of local cultures of appropriating and translating Virgil, and these cultures provide the necessary context for reading these works. Second, I argue that one of the distinctive qualities of partial translations of the Aeneid in the early seventeenth century is that they make it possible to draw out particular political themes quickly and to enter them into the public debate. These themes are certainly not always the obvious ones.
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33

McCallum, Sarah L. "ELEGIAC AMOR AND MORS IN VIRGIL'S ‘ITALIAN ILIAD’: A CASE STUDY (AENEID 10.185−93)." Classical Quarterly 65, no. 2 (September 22, 2015): 693–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838815000403.

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In Book 10 of the Aeneid, Virgil presents an epic catalogue of Etruscan allies who return under Aeneas' command to the beleaguered Trojan camp (10.166–214), including the forces from Liguria. The account of the Ligurians initially conforms to the general pattern of the catalogue, as Virgil briefly introduces and describes the two leaders. But the description of Cupauo's swan-feather crest leads to a digression about the paternal origins of the avian symbol. Cupauo's father Cycnus, stricken with grief for his beloved Phaethon, was transformed from a mournful singer into the swan that bears his name (10.185–93): non ego te, Ligurum ductor fortissime bello,transierim, Cinyre, et paucis comitate Cupauo,cuius olorinae surgunt de uertice pennae(crimen, Amor, uestrum) formaeque insigne paternae.namque ferunt luctu Cycnum Phaethontis amati,populeas inter frondes umbramque sororum 190dum canit et maestum Musa solatur amorem,canentem molli pluma duxisse senectamlinquentem terras et sidera uoce sequentem. Virgil not only places the Ligurians in a central position within the catalogue, but also devotes more verses to them than to any other contingent, including his own Mantuans (10.198–206). At the very heart of this prominent passage lies the embedded tale of Cycnus, the erotic and sorrowful centrepiece of Virgil's Etruscan catalogue.
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34

Adkin, Neil. "The Etymology ofariesin Virgil." Wiener Studien 122 (2009): 121–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/wst122s121.

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35

Fowler, Alastair, Theodore Ziolkowski, David Quint, and Colin Burrow. "Virgil and the Moderns." Modern Language Review 90, no. 1 (January 1995): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3733263.

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36

Yellin, Victor Fell, Virgil Thomson, and John Rockwell. "A Virgil Thomson Reader." American Music 5, no. 2 (1987): 208. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3052165.

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37

Zăbavă, Elena-Camelia. "Virgil Ierunca – Jurnalistul scriitor." Swedish Journal of Romanian Studies 4, no. 1 (May 13, 2021): 228–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.35824/sjrs.v4i1.22478.

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In the second volume entitled „Necunoscutul scriitor Virgil Ierunca” (The Unknown writer Virgil Ierunca) from a series dedicated to the Romanian literature in exile (published by Aius Publishing House from Craiova), the two authors – Mihaela Albu & Dan Anghelescu – demonstrate that Ierunca was not only a good journalist and editor, but also a poet, a literary critic, a memoirist, a portraitist, and a poet. In other words – Virgil Ierunca was an authentic Romanian writer.
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38

Giroud, Vincent. "VIRGIL THOMSON: MUSIC CHRONICLES." Yale Review 104, no. 1 (2016): 143–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tyr.2016.0072.

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39

Racette-Campbell, Melanie. "Virgil: Aeneid Book VIII." Mouseion 16, no. 1 (June 2019): 188–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/mous.16.1-12.

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40

Wiltshire, Susan Ford, and Harold Bloom. "Virgil. Modern Critical Views." Classical World 81, no. 4 (1988): 314. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350199.

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41

Properzio, Paul, Virgil, and Philip Hardie. "Virgil: Aeneid: Book IX." Classical World 90, no. 4 (1997): 292. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351941.

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42

Traill, David A., and Wendell Clausen. "A Commentary on Virgil." Classical World 91, no. 5 (1998): 420. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352115.

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43

Lerner, Laurence, and Theodore Ziolkowski. "Virgil and the Moderns." Comparative Literature 48, no. 2 (1996): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1771657.

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44

Baldwin, Barry. "Photius, Phlegon, and Virgil." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 20, no. 1 (January 1996): 201–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/byz.1996.20.1.201.

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45

Dewar-Watson, S. "Othello, Virgil, And Montaigne." Notes and Queries 57, no. 3 (July 12, 2010): 384–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/notesj/gjq115.

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46

Dennis, Carl. "The art of virgil." Rhetoric Review 13, no. 1 (September 1994): 186–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07350199409359182.

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47

Guy-Bray, Stephen. "Virgil at Appleton House." English Language Notes 42, no. 1 (September 1, 2004): 26–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00138282-42.1.26.

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48

McCarthy, S. Margaret William, Anthony Tommasini, and Michael Meckna. "Virgil Thomson's Musical Portraits." American Music 6, no. 1 (1988): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3448356.

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49

Franke, William. "Virgil, History, and Prophecy." Philosophy and Literature 29, no. 1 (2005): 73–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phl.2005.0003.

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50

Sansone, David. "Virgil, Aeneid 5.835–6." Classical Quarterly 46, no. 2 (December 1996): 429–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/46.2.429.

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This has all the appearance of being a straightforward, even conventional, transition. Indeed, the conceit of Night′s chariot is common and has a history stretching back at least as far as the beginning of the fifth century B.C. Night is elsewhere described by Virgil as umida, the epithet reflecting the traditional view that Night, like Dawn (cf. Theocr. 2.148), arises from and sinks back into the stream of Ocean. In fact, the chariot of Night had been referred to as recently as lines 721 and 738 of this book, in the latter instance with the epithet umida applied to Night. What is new and interesting in our passage is the ‘meta caeli’ round which Night′s chariot turns. The effect of this novelty is to make of Night′s vehicle a racing chariot, as it is the chariots in the Circus that must negotiate a meta. The programmatic reasons for Virgil′s having done this in Book 5 are obvious. Earlier in the book Virgil had described the games held in honour of the anniversary of Anchises′ death. The first and most elaborately portrayed event in these games had been the boat-race, which is plainly modelled on the chariot-race in Iliad 23, the first and most elaborately portrayed event in the funeral games for Patroclus. Just as Achilles had required the competing chariots to race once around a distant turning-post, so Aeneas requires the competing ships to race once around a rock out at sea, which rock is three times called a meta (5.129, 159, 171). A simile comparing the sailors and their ships to charioteers and their teams (5.144–7) makes the connection explicit.
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