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1
Feinberg, Ayal K. "Homeland Violence and Diaspora Insecurity: An Analysis of Israel and American Jewry." Politics and Religion 13, no. 1 (July 5, 2019): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048319000099.
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AbstractJews and Jewish institutions have suffered the majority of reported religion-motivated hate crimes in the United States for nearly two decades. According to the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), in 2014 the 609 reported anti-Semitic incidents made up 59% of all religious bias hate crimes alone. Rates of reported anti-Semitic hate crimes vary considerably over the course of a year. Yet, little scholarly attention has been given to what factors cause reported anti-Semitic hate crimes to fluctuate so substantially in the United States. This paper hypothesizes that violent Israeli military engagements are critical in explaining weekly surges of reported anti-Semitic hate crimes. Utilizing FBI hate crime data from 2001 to 2014 and fixed effects negative binomial regression models, consistent findings underscore that violent Israeli military engagements significantly increase the likelihood of a state reporting anti-Semitic hate crime. Most dramatically, their occurrence increases the likelihood of reported hate crime intimidating individuals or characterized as violent by nearly 35%. This paper underscores that homeland perpetrated violence can directly impact the security of diaspora communities.
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Clery, Michael, Daniel Dworkis, Tolulope Sonuyi, Joneigh Khaldun, and Mahshid Abir. "Location of Violent Crime Relative to Trauma Resources in Detroit: Implications for Community Interventions." WestJEM 21.2 March Issue 21, no. 2 (January 27, 2020): 291–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5811/westjem.2019.9.44264.
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Introduction: Detroit, Michigan, is among the leading United States cities for per-capita homicide and violent crime. Hospital- and community-based intervention programs could decrease the rate of violent-crime related injury but require a detailed understanding of the locations of violence in the community to be most effective. Methods: We performed a retrospective geospatial analysis of all violent crimes reported within the city of Detroit from 2009-2015 comparing locations of crimes to locations of major hospitals. We calculated distances between violent crimes and trauma centers, and applied summary spatial statistics. Results: Approximately 1.1 million crimes occurred in Detroit during the study period, including approximately 200,000 violent crimes. The distance between the majority of violent crimes and hospitals was less than five kilometers (3.1 miles). Among violent crimes, the closest hospital was an outlying Level II trauma center 60% of the time. Conclusion: Violent crimes in Detroit occur throughout the city, often closest to a Level II trauma center. Understanding geospatial components of violence relative to trauma center resources is important for effective implementation of hospital- and community-based interventions and targeted allocation of resources.
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Medina, Richard M., Emily A. Nicolosi, Simon Brewer, and Erin Moore. "A Geographical Analysis of Socioeconomic and Ideological Drivers of Hate Crime in the United States." International Journal of Applied Geospatial Research 12, no. 2 (April 2021): 39–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijagr.2021040103.
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Criminal activities motivated by hate are the most extreme form of bias against people. While hating a class of people and organizing in hate groups to express feelings against those people are not illegal, hate crimes, violent and non-violent, are illegal. However, there remains much to be learned about geographic patterns of hate crimes and facilitating environments. This exploratory research examines hate crime occurrences aggregated to counties in the conterminous United States and attempts to explain resulting patterns using socioeconomic and ideological correlates with traditional and spatial statistics. Geographical patterns of hate crimes in the Unites States are found to be a complicated phenomenon.
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Shin, Jaehun. "A Study on Influence of Different Systems in Foreigner’s Home Country on Crime." Korean Society of Culture and Convergence 44, no. 10 (October 31, 2022): 1177–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.33645/cnc.2022.10.44.10.1177.
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This paper examined the crimes committed by the foreigners, explored how the foreigners living in Korea commit crimes due to the different systems in their own countries, and tried to come up with corresponding measures. To achieve the purpose, this paper referred to the related preceding researches and statistical data. Among the crimes committed by foreigners, the violent crimes showed difference depending on the systems of the criminal’s home country. The foreigners from the countries including the United States, Japan, Taiwan, Canada, and Philippines that adopted the liberal market economy system showed relatively higher violent crime rate compared to the foreigners from the countries including China, Mongolia, Vietnam, and Russia that adopted socialist market economy system. In addition, the foreigners from Uzbekistan showed higher violent crime rate among the Islamic countries aside from the system.
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Galdamez, Gerson, and Zach Gassoumis. "CRIME-RELATED PHYSICAL INJURIES AMONG OLDER ADULTS IN THE UNITED STATES: FINDINGS FROM 2015 NIBRS DATA." Innovation in Aging 3, Supplement_1 (November 2019): S449—S450. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igz038.1686.
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Abstract Approaches to addressing crimes within the justice system typically do not differentiate between younger and older adults. However, approaches to addressing elder abuse cases—which involve older adult victims exclusively—often rely on the preconception that abuse can only occur if a visible physical injury exists. This preconception is driven in part by perceptions of frailty and ease-of-injury in older, vulnerable victims. We aimed to quantify the prevalence of physical injuries among older victims of violent crimes. We used data reported by the U.S. National Incidence-Based Reporting System (NIBRS) in 2015 to quantify the frequency of reported crimes which resulted in visible, physical injuries to victims aged 60+. Logistic regression was used to determine effects of age, race/ethnicity, type of crime, relationship to offender, and victim locality on physical injury from crime. Among 1,373,417 crime victims, 80.63% of older adults (60+) sustained an injury, as opposed to 65.17% of younger adults (<60). The proportion of individuals who showed physical injuries consistently increased with age until age 90. Knowing the offender was associated with higher odds of sustaining a visible injury (OR 1.47, 95% CI 1.38-1.58). Although older adults show higher risk of visible physical injuries from violent crimes than younger adults, it is possible for a crime against an older adult to have occurred without a visible injury. Medical and criminal justice practitioners should utilize this evidence on elder crime victimization to aid in expert witness testimony and other activities related to justice in crimes against older adults.
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Chang, Yu Sang, Hann Earl Kim, and Seongmin Jeon. "Do Larger Cities Experience Lower Crime Rates? A Scaling Analysis of 758 Cities in the U.S." Sustainability 11, no. 11 (June 2, 2019): 3111. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11113111.
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Do larger cities still suffer from higher crime rates? The scaling relationship between the number of crimes and the population size for the maximum of 758 cities with more than 50,000 inhabitants in the United States from 1999 to 2014 was analyzed. For the total group of cities, the relationship is superlinear for both violent and property crimes. However, for the subgroups of the top 12, top 24, and top 50 largest cities, the relationship changes to sublinear for both violent and property crimes. Results from the panel data analysis are in support of these findings. Along with population size, income per capita and population density also influence the outcome of crime counts. Implications from these findings will be discussed.
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Markowitz, Sara, Eileen Poe-Yamagata, Tracy Andrews, Partha Deb, Erik Nesson, Curtis Florence, and Sarah Beth L. Barnett. "Estimating the Relationship between Alcohol Policies and Criminal Violence and Victimization." German Economic Review 13, no. 4 (December 1, 2012): 416–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0475.2012.00574.x.
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Abstract Violence is one of the leading social problems in both Europe and the United States. The development of appropriate public policies to curtail violence is confounded by the relationship between alcohol and violence. In this article, we estimate the propensity of alcohol control policies to reduce the perpetration and victimization of criminal violence. We measure violence with data on individual-level victimizations from the U.S. National Crime Victimization Survey. We examine the effects of a number of different alcohol control policies in reducing violent crime. These policies include the retail price of beer, drunk driving laws and penalties, keg laws and serving and selling laws. We find some evidence of a negative relationship between alcohol prices and the probability of alcohol- or drug-related assault victimizations. However, we find no strong evidence that other alcohol policies are effective in reducing violent crimes.
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Lamari, Yasmine, Bartol Freskura, Anass Abdessamad, Sarah Eichberg, and Simon de Bonviller. "Predicting Spatial Crime Occurrences through an Efficient Ensemble-Learning Model." ISPRS International Journal of Geo-Information 9, no. 11 (October 29, 2020): 645. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijgi9110645.
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While the use of crime data has been widely advocated in the literature, its availability is often limited to large urban cities and isolated databases that tend not to allow for spatial comparisons. This paper presents an efficient machine learning framework capable of predicting spatial crime occurrences, without using past crime as a predictor, and at a relatively high resolution: the U.S. Census Block Group level. The proposed framework is based on an in-depth multidisciplinary literature review allowing the selection of 188 best-fit crime predictors from socio-economic, demographic, spatial, and environmental data. Such data are published periodically for the entire United States. The selection of the appropriate predictive model was made through a comparative study of different machine learning families of algorithms, including generalized linear models, deep learning, and ensemble learning. The gradient boosting model was found to yield the most accurate predictions for violent crimes, property crimes, motor vehicle thefts, vandalism, and the total count of crimes. Extensive experiments on real-world datasets of crimes reported in 11 U.S. cities demonstrated that the proposed framework achieves an accuracy of 73% and 77% when predicting property crimes and violent crimes, respectively.
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Flores, Andrew R., Rebecca L. Stotzer, Ilan H. Meyer, and Lynn L. Langton. "Hate crimes against LGBT people: National Crime Victimization Survey, 2017-2019." PLOS ONE 17, no. 12 (December 21, 2022): e0279363. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0279363.
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We estimate the prevalence and characteristics of violent hate crime victimization of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people in the United States, and we compare them to non-LGBT hate crime victims and to LGBT victims of violent non-hate crime. We analyze pooled 2017-2019 data from the National Crime Victimization Survey (n persons = 553, 925;n incidents = 32, 470), the first nationally representative and comprehensive survey on crime that allows identification of LGBT persons aged 16 or older. Descriptive and bivariate analysis show that LGBT people experienced 6.6 violent hate crime victimizations per 1,000 persons compared with non-LGBT people’s 0.6 per 1,000 persons (odds ratio = 8.30, 95% confidence interval = 1.94, 14.65). LGBT people were more likely to be hate crime victims of sexual orientation or gender bias crime and less likely to be victims of race or ethnicity bias crimes compared to non-LGBT hate crime victims. Compared to non-LGBT victims, LGBT victims of hate crime were more likely to be younger, have a relationship with their assailant, and have an assailant who is white. Compared to LGBT victims of non-hate violence, more LGBT hate crime victims reported experiencing problems in their social lives, negative emotional responses, and physical symptoms of distress. Our findings affirm claims that hate crimes have adverse physical and psychological effects on victims and highlight the need to ensure that LGBT persons who experience hate crime get necessary support and services in the aftermath of the crime.
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Baker, Scott R. "Effects of Immigrant Legalization on Crime." American Economic Review 105, no. 5 (May 1, 2015): 210–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.p20151041.
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I examine the effects that the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA), which legalized almost 3 million immigrants, had on crime in the United States. I exploit the IRCA's quasi-random timing as well as geographic variation in the intensity of treatment to isolate causal impacts. I find decreases in crime of 3-5 percent, primarily due to decline in property crimes, equivalent to 120,000-180,000 fewer violent and property crimes committed each year due to legalization. I calibrate a labor market model of crime, finding that much of the drop in crime can be explained by greater labor market opportunities among applicants.
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Ekland-Olson, Sheldon, William R. Kelly, and Michael Eisenberg. "Crime and Incarceration: Some Comparative Findings from the 1980s." Crime & Delinquency 38, no. 3 (July 1992): 392–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011128792038003007.
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Incarceration, crime, and unemployment rates from Texas, California, and the United States during the 1970s and 1980s are examined to explore the link between incarceration policies and crime rates. Comparing Texas and California, despite different incarceration policies in the 1980s, there are few differences in violent crime rate trends. By contrast, in the late 1980s, property crimes increased in Texas and decreased in California. These state-rate differences across types of crime parallel findings across four successive parolee cohorts in Texas, where increases in repetitious property offending patterns were noted, and repetitious violent offending remained stable. Variations in incarceration rates and economic conditions are noted as explanatory factors.
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Rachuba, Laura. "Violent Crime in the United States." Archives of Pediatrics & Adolescent Medicine 149, no. 9 (September 1, 1995): 953. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/archpedi.1995.02170220019002.
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Ogundari, Kolawole. "Club convergence of crime rates in the United States of America." Journal of Criminological Research, Policy and Practice 8, no. 1 (November 23, 2021): 14–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcrpp-03-2021-0013.
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Purpose The cyclical behavior of US crime rates reflects the dynamics of crime in the country. This paper aims to investigate the US's club convergence of crime rates to provide insights into whether the crime rates increased or decreased over time. The paper also analyzes the factors influencing the probability of states converging to a particular convergence club of crime. Design/methodology/approach The analysis is based on balanced panel data from all 50 states and the district of Columbia on violent and property crime rates covering 1976–2019. This yields a cross-state panel of 2,244 observations with 55 time periods and 51 groups. In addition, the author used a club clustering procedure to investigate the convergence hypothesis in the study. Findings The empirical results support population convergence of violent crime rates. However, the evidence that supports population convergence of property crime rates in the study is not found. Further analysis using the club clustering procedure shows that property crime rates converge into three clubs. The existence of club convergence in property crime rates means that the variation in the property crime rates tends to narrow among the states within each of the clubs identified in the study. Analysis based on an ordered probit model identifies economic, geographic and human capital factors that significantly drive the state's convergence club membership. Practical implications The central policy insight from these results is that crime rates grow slowly over time, as evident by the convergence of violent crime and club convergence of property crime in the study. Moreover, the existence of club convergence of property crime is an indication that policies to mitigate property crime might need to target states within each club. This includes the efforts to use state rather than national crime-fighting policies. Social implications As crimes are committed at the local level, this study's primary limitation is the lack of community-level data on crime and other factors considered. Analysis based on community-level data might provide a better representation of crime dynamics. However, the author hopes to consider this as less aggregated data are available to use in future research. Originality/value The paper provides new insights into the convergence of crime rates using the club convergence procedure in the USA. This is considered an improvement to the methods used in the previous studies.
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Johnson, David J., and William J. Chopik. "Geographic Variation in the Black-Violence Stereotype." Social Psychological and Personality Science 10, no. 3 (March 23, 2018): 287–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550617753522.
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The stereotype that Blacks are violent is pervasive in the United States. Yet little research has examined whether this stereotype is linked to violent behavior from members of different racial groups. We examined how state-level violent crime rates among White and Black Americans predicted the strength of the Black-violence stereotype using a sample of 348,111 individuals from the Project Implicit website. State-level implicit and explicit stereotypes were predicted by crime rates. States where Black people committed higher rates of violent crime showed a stronger Black-violence stereotype, whereas states where White people committed higher rates of violent crime showed a weaker Black-violence stereotype. These patterns were stronger for explicit stereotypes than implicit stereotypes. We discuss the implications of these findings for the development and maintenance of stereotypes.
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Edwards, Randy R., C. Kenneth Meyer, and Stephen E. Clapham. "Violence Against Authority: Management, Policy, And Research Implications." International Journal of Management & Information Systems (IJMIS) 19, no. 2 (March 17, 2015): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/ijmis.v19i2.9195.
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There has been a steady decline in violent crime in the United States in the past twenty years. Trends indicate that violent crime was down 13.4 percent below the 200l level and for property crime, society is experiencing the tenth straight year of declining rates. Yet, the Southern region of the U.S is disproportionately represented by percentage of overall violent crimes committed nationally. Also, the South is over-represented in the number of police officers who are feloniously killed or assaulted. This empirical research concentrates on violence directed against police in the U.S. and begins by examining the type and magnitude of workplace violence, then transitions to a review of the sociological, political, and psychological literature, focusing on the individual and social causes for violence generally. It ends with an examination of officers feloniously killed (their personal characteristics and that of their assailants), the level of violence against police by type of arrest or enforcement situation, and by region of the country. This paper provides a comparative analysis of street-level violence for general municipal assaults, robbery, and the most rapidly growing type of felonious assaultambush attacks. The paper concludes with an analysis of the societal and behavioral characteristics and considerations related to violence against police. The authors present a number of current trends, training recommendations, and suggestions for improving officer workplace safety.
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Roth, Jeffrey J. "Property Crime Clearance in Small Jurisdictions." Criminal Justice Review 43, no. 4 (February 19, 2018): 477–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0734016817752434.
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Research on the factors that influence crime clearance rates has primarily studied violent crimes in large cities. However, property crimes are among the most commonly occurring and least frequently cleared offenses, and the majority of police departments in the United States serve small jurisdictions. Thus, this study undertook an examination of the predictors of clearance rates for burglary, larceny, and vehicle theft in a sample of agencies serving populations of 50,000 people or fewer. Independent variables included both policing factors (e.g., workload, funding, broken windows arrests) and social disorganization indicators (e.g., residential instability, poverty). Negative binomial regression analyses revealed variation in the significance of the predictors across the three crimes. Additionally, many predictors found to be influential in prior work were insignificant in this study, which suggests differences in the nature of crime clearance between large cities and smaller jurisdictions and a need for further research in this area.
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Flores, Andrew R., Lynn Langton, Ilan H. Meyer, and Adam P. Romero. "Victimization rates and traits of sexual and gender minorities in the United States: Results from the National Crime Victimization Survey, 2017." Science Advances 6, no. 40 (October 2020): eaba6910. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/sciadv.aba6910.
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Do sexual and gender minorities (SGMs) in the United States encounter disproportionate rates of victimization as compared with their cisgender, heterosexual counterparts? Answering this question has proved elusive because nationally representative victimization data have not included victims’ sexual orientation or gender identity. The National Crime Victimization Survey, the nation’s primary source of representative information on criminal victimization, began documenting sexual orientation and gender identity in 2016 and released data publicly for the first time in 2019. We find SGMs disproportionately are victims across a variety of crimes. The rate of violent victimization for SGMs is 71.1 victimizations per 1000 people compared with 19.2 victimizations per 1000 people for those who are not SGMs. SGMs are 2.7 times more likely to be a victim of violent crime than non-SGMs. These findings raise the importance of further considering sexual orientation and gender identity in victimization and interventions.
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Burge, Camille D., and Gbemende Johnson. "Race, crime, and emotions." Research & Politics 5, no. 3 (July 2018): 205316801879533. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168018795334.
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Experimental research on racial attitudes examines how Whites’ stereotypes of Black Americans shape their attitudes about the death penalty, violent crime, and other punitive measures. Marginally discussed in the race-to-crime literature are Blacks’ perceptions of retribution and justice. We fill this void by using an original survey experiment of 900 Black Americans to examine how exposure to intra- and- intergroup violent crime shapes their policy attitudes and emotional reactions to crime. We find that Black Americans are more likely to support increased prison sentences for violent crimes when the perpetrator is White and the victim is Black, and reduced sentences for “Black-on-Black” crime. Our analyses further reveal that Black people express higher levels of anger when the victim is Black and the perpetrator is White; levels of shame and anger also increase in instances of Black-on-Black crime. Given current race relations in the United States, we conclude by speculating about how these emotional reactions might shape one’s willingness to participate in the political arena.
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Ефремов, Андрей, and Andrey Efremov. "THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE USA LEGISLATION ON THE FIGHT AGAINST TERRORISM AFTER 11 SEPTEMBER 2001." Journal of Foreign Legislation and Comparative Law 3, no. 3 (July 10, 2017): 86–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/article_593fc343c391e2.71878517.
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The article is devoted to development of the USA legislation on the fight against terrorism. The author considered the objectives and tasks of the state in a particular historical period; analyzed the laws passed by the USA Congress aimed at combating home and international terrorism; identifies the main directions of the state policy of the USA in the field of counter-terrorism. The article covers the events after 11 September 2001 to the present. The author gives a brief overview of the events of 11 September 2001, discusses the Patriot Act and other laws, aimed at combating terrorism. The Patriot Act allows the Federal Bureau of Investigation to intercept telephone, verbally and electronic communications relating to terrorism, computer and mail fraud; introduces special measures to combat money-laundering; expands immigration rules, in particular, mandatory requirement of detention of persons suspected of terrorism appeared; reveals the procedure of multilateral cooperation to combat terrorism, strengthening measures to investigate terrorist crimes; established rewards for information on terrorism; introduces the procedure of identification of DNA of persons charged for committing terrorist crimes or any violent crime; introduced the concept of domestic terrorism and Federal crimes of terrorism, the prohibition on harboring terrorists and material support; there is a new crime — terrorist and other acts of violence against public transportation systems. The law abolished for the statute of limitations for crimes of terrorist orientation. In 2002 5 laws wer adopted: “Homeland Security Act of 2002”, “Maritime Transportation Security Act of 2002”, “Aviation and Transportation Security Act“, “Public Health Security and Bioterrorism Preparedness and Response Act of 2002”, “Terrorism Risk Insurance Act of 2002”. The Palestinian Anti-Terrorism Act was adopted in 2006. This law restricted the financial assistance to the Palestinian national authority; Haqqani Network Terrorist Designation Act of 2012 included the Haqqani Network in the list of international terrorist organizations; the political act of refusal of admission to the United States representative to the United Nations, because he was accused of the occupation of the espionage or terrorist activities against the United States and poses a threat to the national security interests of the United States.
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Deloughery, Kathleen, Ryan D. King, and Victor Asal. "Close Cousins or Distant Relatives? The Relationship Between Terrorism and Hate Crime." Crime & Delinquency 58, no. 5 (September 2012): 663–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011128712452956.
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Prior research has frequently drawn parallels between the study of hate crimes and the study of terrorism. Yet, key differences between the two behaviors may be underappreciated in extant work. Terrorism is often an “upward crime,” involving a perpetrator of lower social standing than the targeted group. By contrast, hate crimes are disproportionately “downward crimes,” usually entailing perpetrators belonging to the majority or powerful group in society and minority group victims. The latter difference implies that hate crimes and terrorism are more akin to distant relatives than close cousins. These divergent perspectives provide a backdrop for the present research, which empirically investigates the association between hate crimes and terrorism. In doing so, we contribute to prior work on hate crimes and terrorism by emphasizing the temporal association between these behaviors and by empirically investigating the potential for one kind of violent event to trigger another kind of violence. Time-series analyses of weekly and daily data on terrorism and hate crimes committed in the United States between 1992 and 2008 reveal three primary conclusions. First, we find no evidence to suggest that hate crimes are a precursor to future terrorism. Second, hate crimes are often perpetrated in response to terrorist acts. Third, the latter association is particularly strong for hate crimes perpetrated against minority groups after a non-right-wing terrorist attack, particularly attacks on symbols of core American ideals, indicating that some hate crimes may essentially constitute expressions of retaliation.
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Ferguson, Christopher J. "Violent Video Games, Mass Shootings, and the Supreme Court." New Criminal Law Review 17, no. 4 (2014): 553–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nclr.2014.17.4.553.
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The issue of video game violence continues to attract attention from the legal and policy communities, particularly in the wake of mass shootings. However, focusing on video game violence has generally not resulted in successful legal or public policy. In part this is because the science upon which beliefs of “harm” in video game violence are based remains inconsistent and heavily disputed. The current article examines several issues. First, the article examines the current evidence about video game violence influences on negative outcomes in players. Second, the article concerns itself with the application of video game science to several recent legal cases, involving both criminal prosecutions and attempted regulation/censorship of video game violence in the United States. Finally, the manuscript addresses several common talking points used in legal cases and by policy makers and examines whether these talking statements survive careful scientific scrutiny. It is advised that, consistent with the legal decisions and government reviews in the United States, Sweden, Australia, and elsewhere, current evidence does not support the regulation of violent video games, and legal or policy attempts to connect video game violence to specific crimes are unlikely to survive careful scrutiny.
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Sydes, Michelle. "Revitalized or Disorganized? Unpacking the Immigration-Crime Link in a Multiethnic Setting." Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency 54, no. 5 (March 15, 2017): 680–714. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022427817696955.
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Objective: To date, much of what we know about the immigration–crime link is based on the United States setting. Yet, contextual features unique to the United States may produce distinct outcomes for immigration and crime that do not hold elsewhere. This study therefore tests the applicability of ecological frameworks largely derived from the United States experience (such as the immigration revitalization thesis) in a country with a greater mixture of ethnic groups and where immigration policy is focused on recruiting skilled immigrants. Methods: Utilizing an innovative hybrid modeling approach, this article draws on three waves of census data and nine years of official recorded crime incident data to examine the effect of immigration on violent crime across 882 neighborhoods located in two Australian cities. Results: The results offer little evidence that neighborhoods with a greater concentration of immigrants have more crime or that increases in the immigrant population over time are associated with increased violence. Diversity however appears to have a more problematic effect on violent crime in both cities. Conclusions: While these findings are relatively consistent with previous research in the United States, whether this similarity is due to a process of revitalization requires further investigation.
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Thomas, Stephen B., Bernadette Leite, and Ted Duncan. "Breaking the Cycle of Violence Among Youth Living in Metropolitan Atlanta: A Case History of Kids Alive and Loved." Health Education & Behavior 25, no. 2 (April 1998): 160–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/109019819802500205.
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More teenagers in the United States die from gunshot wounds than from all natural causes of disease combined. Firearm-related mortality accounts for almost half of all deaths among African American teens. Residents of central cities have the highest probability of experiencing violent crimes. This article describes an innovative community-based intervention designed to break the cycle of violence among youth in metropolitan Atlanta. The intervention, Kids Alive and Loved (KAL), emerged from the African American community as one mother's response to the violent death of her 17-year-old son. The authors describe how her response to tragedy gave birth to a culturally appropriate intervention for youth exposed to violence. This article delineates the evolution of KAL, the role of community partners in the design of the intervention, and how diffusion of innovation theory has implications for understanding the KAL approach to breaking the cycle of violence.
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Adebisi, Kolawole Shittu, and Daramola Nurudeen Olanrewaju. "Psychological Profiling of Criminals in Violent Crime Investigations in Nigerian Criminal Justice System." International Journal of Criminology and Sociology 10 (December 31, 2020): 208–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.6000/1929-4409.2021.10.25.
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The Nigerian criminal justice system is not entirely ignorant or unaware of the use and the merits of the application of criminal profiling as a tool in crime investigation. The technique was introduced to help law enforcement agencies solve serious crimes such as serial rape or murder and to a lesser extent arson and property crime. At the heart of profiling lies the belief that by combining psychological principles with crime scene analysis, it is possible to identify the likely characteristics of a perpetrator. However, criminal profiling in Nigeria has not nearly reached the level of recognition, functionality, or institutionalization that it has attained in other jurisdictions. This study aims to examine the feasibility and the practicality of offender profiling in a criminal investigation of violent crimes with a particular focus on the Nigerian criminal justice system. It will also give an expository critique of the loopholes and impediments in the Nigerian criminal justice system and ways criminal profiling can fill up these holes. The research methods employed in this study include a combination of both primary and secondary sources. The work highlighted the effectiveness of this field and thus concluded that criminal investigative analysis should be effectively immersed into the justice system and should also receive as much recognition as it has in other jurisdictions especially in the United States and in major parts of Europe.
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Leander, N. Pontus, Jannis Kreienkamp, Maximilian Agostini, Wolfgang Stroebe, Ernestine H. Gordijn, and Arie W. Kruglanski. "Biased hate crime perceptions can reveal supremacist sympathies." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 117, no. 32 (July 27, 2020): 19072–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1916883117.
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People may be sympathetic to violent extremism when it serves their own interests. Such support may manifest itself via biased recognition of hate crimes. Psychological surveys were conducted in the wakes of mass shootings in the United States, New Zealand, and the Netherlands (totaln= 2,332), to test whether factors that typically predict endorsement of violent extremism also predict biased hate crime perceptions. Path analyses indicated a consistent pattern of motivated judgment: hate crime perceptions were directly biased by prejudicial attitudes and indirectly biased by an aggrieved sense of disempowerment and White/Christian nationalism. After the shooting at a synagogue in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, disempowerment-fueled anti-Semitism predicted lower perceptions that the gunman was motivated by hatred and prejudice (study 1). After the shootings that occurred at two mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand, disempowerment-fueled Islamoprejudice similarly predicted lower hate crime perceptions (study 2a). Conversely, after the tram shooting in Utrecht, Netherlands (which was perpetrated by a Turkish-born immigrant), disempowerment-fueled Islamoprejudice predicted higher hate crime perceptions (study 2b). Finally, after the Walmart shooting in El Paso, Texas, hate crime perceptions were specifically biased by an ethnonationalist view of Hispanic immigrants as a symbolic (rather than realistic) threat to America; that is, disempowered individuals deemphasized likely hate crimes due to symbolic concerns about cultural supremacy rather than material concerns about jobs or crime (study 3). Altogether, biased hate crime perceptions can be purposive and reveal supremacist sympathies.
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MOURAD, Mahmoud. "Impact of Welfare and Unemployment on the Crimes in the United States: Co-integration Analysis." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 12, no. 2 (June 10, 2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v12i2.19957.
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The paper carries out a depth study of the total annual crimes by 100000 people in the United States, considered as the dependent variable, and two explanatory variables that are: welfare expenditure by 100000 people and unemployment rate during the period 1980-1919. The paper is oriented to a specific point: impact the unemployment and welfare variables on the total crimes (violent and property) in the United States of America. Much attention is given to the stationarity analysis and then to the cointegration analysis using the ARDL / Bounds testing Methodology proposed by Pesaran, Shin and Smith (PSS). Two long-term equilibrium relationships were identified and an interpretation of the results was performed. Both relationships have been validated and the Error Correction Model (ECM) is built. The results show that the adjustment speeds towards equilibrium are in the case of Unrestricted intercept and no trend, and in the case of Unrestricted intercept and trend.
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Stinson, Philip Matthew, Chloe Ann Wentzlof, John Liederbach, and Steven L. Brewer. "Racial Disparities in Police Crime Victimization." Social Sciences 10, no. 8 (July 28, 2021): 287. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10080287.
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Policing has become a topic of intense public scrutiny and protest in the aftermath of several recent highly questionable and violent police–citizen encounters including the acts of police violence against George Floyd in Minneapolis (MN), Breonna Taylor in Louisville (KY), and Jacob Blake in Kenosha (WI). These encounters have led to large-scale street protests, the legitimization of the Black Lives Matter movement, and what many commentators perceive as a “national reckoning” on the issue of racial justice. The focus of our research is on police crime—a particular form of police misconduct that involves the criminal arrest of police officers. Our work is designed to identify cases in which law enforcement officers have been arrested for any type of criminal offense(s). One area of police scholarship that has thus far been neglected is the relationship between citizen race and the perpetration of police crime. We are aware of no existing empirical studies on whether, and if so, to what degree, citizen race is associated with crimes committed by police officers. The public has been forced to re-examine and question the role and legitimacy of police against the backdrop of protests and concerns about how police may contribute to racial injustice and discrimination. The broadest research issue involved an examination of the association between police crime and the race of the victim. Our goal was to identify and examine any racial disparities of police crime overall and within specific types of police crime. The analyses compared police crimes committed against Black victims to all other police crimes identified within the dataset. More specifically, we examined the degree to which police crimes perpetrated against Black victims tend to be more violent than those perpetrated against non-Black victims. CHAID regression models were utilized to explore any multivariate relationships between race and police crime. Data were derived from published news articles using the Google News search engine and its Google Alerts email update service. Our database currently includes information on more than 18,700 cases of police crime from years 2005–2021. The study utilized data derived from this larger project. The study examined those cases of police crime in which we have identified a victim and recorded information on the race of the victim. The dataset for this study includes information on 865 criminal arrest cases of sworn nonfederal law enforcement officers within the United States from 2005 through 2014.
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Aizer, Anna, and Joseph J. Doyle. "Juvenile Incarceration, Human Capital, and Future Crime: Evidence from Randomly Assigned Judges *." Quarterly Journal of Economics 130, no. 2 (February 2, 2015): 759–803. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjv003.
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Abstract Over 130,000 juveniles are detained in the United States each year with 70,000 in detention on any given day, yet little is known about whether such a penalty deters future crime or interrupts social and human capital formation in a way that increases the likelihood of later criminal behavior. This article uses the incarceration tendency of randomly assigned judges as an instrumental variable to estimate causal effects of juvenile incarceration on high school completion and adult recidivism. Estimates based on over 35,000 juvenile offenders over a 10-year period from a large urban county in the United States suggest that juvenile incarceration results in substantially lower high school completion rates and higher adult incarceration rates, including for violent crimes. In an attempt to understand the large effects, we found that incarceration for this population could be very disruptive, greatly reducing the likelihood of ever returning to school and, for those who do return, significantly increasing the likelihood of being classified as having an emotional or behavioral disorder.
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Harp, Ryan D., and Kristopher B. Karnauskas. "Global warming to increase violent crime in the United States." Environmental Research Letters 15, no. 3 (March 3, 2020): 034039. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1748-9326/ab6b37.
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Williams, James L., and Daniel G. Rodeheaver. "Violent crime in Russia and the United States: 1990–1996." International Journal of Comparative and Applied Criminal Justice 24, no. 2 (September 2000): 135–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01924036.2000.9678657.
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Bronfman, Lois Martin, David Butzer, and Brian Stipak. "Reducing Domestic Violence in the United States: Targeting the Misdemeanour Crime." International Journal of Police Science & Management 2, no. 3 (June 2000): 242–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/146135570000200305.
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In 1993, the Portland Police Bureau created a special unit, the Domestic Violence Reduction Unit (DVRU) to address an emerging area of public concern: domestic violence. Focusing on the misdemeanour domestic violence case, the mission of the unit is to reduce the overall level of domestic violence in the community through a programme which provides follow-up investigation, interagency coordination, community education and assistance to victims. The programme provides an example of law enforcement's efforts to move beyond arrest to interrupt the cycle of domestic violence crime by enhancing prosecution and by empowering victims. The formation of the unit was a direct result of 1) a philosophy of community policing policy which required consultation with community groups in establishing police priorities and strategies; and 2) changing legal and cultural perspectives on domestic violence crimes. This paper explores the development of the DVRU, its operation and its impact, and discusses its strengths and limitations after five years of experience.
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Schoenfeld, C. G. "Blacks and Violent Crime: A Psychoanalytically Oriented Analysis." Journal of Psychiatry & Law 16, no. 2 (June 1988): 269–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009318538801600206.
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This article offers a psychoanalytic explanation of why blacks commit a disproportionate number—half—of violent crimes in the United States. Slavery and its crippling psychological effects are discussed, as are the devastating psychological consequences of the hundred years of discrimination, segregation, and antiblack terror that followed. The conclusion reached is that black aggression was stimulated inordinately by all this, while simultaneously the black superego was decisively weakened and rendered incomplete and conflicted. These psychological difficulties have persisted and become endemic among the poor, uneducated, lower-class blacks who populate the rotting core of many American cities. Unlike their parents and grandparents, however, they no longer fear imminent bodily harm or death at the hands of violent whites and no longer turn their aggression back upon themselves and become depressed, but feel free to externalize their aggression in periodic riots and violent crime. The solutions suggested in this article include the elimination of social policies that stimulate the aggression of blacks by threatening their sense of self-worth, and the promotion of social policies that help to strengthen their superegos; e.g., minimizing the number of fatherless black households. Ways of using the criminal law to reinforce the black superego are also considered.
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O. M., Zvenyhorodskyi. "VIOLENT PENITENTIARY CRIME AND ITS PREVENTION IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES." Scientific journal Criminal and Executive System: Yesterday. Today. Tomorrow 2020, no. 1 (December 22, 2020): 7–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.32755/sjcriminal.2020.01.007.
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The article analyzes the manifestations of violent crime in places of imprisonment in some foreign countries (USA, Great Britain, the Federal Republic of Germany, the Netherlands, Latin American countries). The violent penitentiary crime is a concentrated expression of the qualitative and quantitative state of all crime in the state and a manifestation of systemic problems that do not allow the effective prevention of crime in places of imprisonment. The mass riots of group disobedience occur in prisons in the United States, a number of Latin American countries (whose prison systems are in crisis), most of which are accompanied by hostage-taking and destruction of property. Different approaches to the prevention and elimination of mass riots in penitentiary institutions are considered. The experience of countries such as the United States, Brazil, Venezuela, El Salvador, and the Philippines has shown that the cessation of mass riots at any cost causes the death of both convicts and prison personnel. It is found that in the United States and Latin America, more important problem is the violent suppression of riots. Another approach is demonstrated by the penitentiary systems of European countries, where the emphasis is on the prevention of mass riots and other manifestations of violent penitentiary crime with the help of technical innovations. In particular, the penitentiary institutions of Great Britain and the Federal Republic of Germany have taken an approach according to which the convict`s behavior is directly dependent on the conditions of serving the sentence. In the penitentiary institutions of the Netherlands, one of the ways to prevent violent crime is the use of various technical innovations (video surveillance system, audio control, no bars, installation of armored windows, the possibility for convicts to use the Internet, etc.). It is the one of the directions of combating crime of convicts in places of imprisonment is the study of the positive experience of foreign countries in the field of prevention of violent crime, its critical analysis with the aim of introducing the penitentiary system. Key words: penitentiary system, violent crime, penitentiary crime, mass riots in penitentiary institutions, prevention of violent penitentiary crime.
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Hsieh, Ming-Li, and Jennifer Schwartz. "Female Violence and Gender Gap Trends in Taiwan: Offender-Behavioral Changes or Net-Widening Enforcement Explanations?" Feminist Criminology 13, no. 1 (January 25, 2016): 28–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1557085115626798.
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Two long-standing explanations of converging violence gender gap trends in the United States are net-widening enforcement and offender-behavioral changes. We examine these explanations in an Asian context, democratic Taiwan. We use sex-specific arrests, conviction, and imprisonment statistics for violent offenses, 1989 to 2012, to identify whether Taiwanese gender gaps are converging across the criminal justice system. This study did not identify a female violent crime “wave” but mainly stability, failing to support the offender-behavioral change hypothesis. There is limited evidence of net-widening enforcement of felony assault and domestic violence, where disparate impacts on female arrest trends are identified solely for domestic violence.
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Fast, Richard. "The Effects Of Education On Alabama’s Violent Crime Rate." SocioEconomic Challenges 5, no. 2 (2021): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/sec.5(2).5-14.2021.
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This paper summarizes the arguments and counterarguments within the scientific discussion on the issue of the effect of education on violent crime, specifically in the U.S. state of Alabama. The main purpose of the research is to determine whether more education leads to a decrease in the rate of violent crime. Systematization of the literary sources and approaches for reducing the violent crime rate indicate that increasing education, particularly the number of people with at least a high school or associate’s degree, can be one influential tool in cutting crime. The relevance of this scientific problem analysis is that Alabama has one of the highest violent crime rates in the United States according to crime watch sources, and Alabama residents desire safer neighborhoods. Investigation of what effect education has on crime in the paper is carried out in the following logical sequence: Introduction, literature review, data and analysis, and conclusion. Methodological tools of the research methods include econometric analysis using log-linear, linear-log, and log-log models covering population, educational attainment, violent crime rate, and unemployment rate of each county over five years: 2011-2015. The object of research are all the counties of Alabama, because namely they have some of the highest crime rates in the United States. Coincidentally, Alabama also has one of the lowest educational attainment rates in the country; the average American has more years of formal schooling than the average Alabama resident, and the crime rates of all other U.S. states compared to Alabama reflect this important fact. The paper presents the results of an empirical analysis of how more education impacted the violent crime rate in that state, which showed that, with one exception, more years of schooling does indeed result in less violent crime. The research empirically confirms and theoretically proves that, in the majority of cases, a better educated populace is less likely to commit violent crime.The results of the research can be useful for educators, law enforcement, and criminal justice practitioners.
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Burraston, Bert, James C. McCutcheon, and Stephen J. Watts. "Relative and Absolute Deprivation’s Relationship With Violent Crime in the United States: Testing an Interaction Effect Between Income Inequality and Disadvantage." Crime & Delinquency 64, no. 4 (May 26, 2017): 542–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011128717709246.
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Relative deprivation and absolute deprivation both have effects on crime. Although these two concepts are often treated as separate, some scholarship has suggested that the two may be complementary. The current study assesses whether the effects of relative and absolute deprivation interact statistically in their effect on violent crime by testing an interaction effect between income inequality and disadvantage. Using data from U.S. counties, hierarchical linear modeling (HLM) regression models show that there is a significant interaction between relative and absolute deprivation predicting violent crime rates. The plot of this interaction shows that when absolute deprivation is high, there is less violence in high inequality counties than in counties with medium levels of inequality. The implication of this finding is discussed.
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Sacco, Vincent F. "Violent Crime in Canada and the United States: A Theoretical Assessment." Canadian Review of American Studies 23, no. 4 (December 1993): 89–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cras-023-04-05.
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Gross, Neil, and Marcus Mann. "Is There a “Ferguson Effect?” Google Searches, Concern about Police Violence, and Crime in U.S. Cities, 2014–2016." Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 3 (January 1, 2017): 237802311770312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2378023117703122.
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Between 2014 and 2016, the rate of homicide and other violent crime in the United States rose. One hypothesis discussed in the press and by some social scientists is that this increase was tied to political mobilization against police violence: As the Black Lives Matter movement gained support following protests in Ferguson, Missouri, perhaps police officers, worried about the new public mood, scaled back their law enforcement efforts, with crime as a consequence. In this article, we examine the association between public concern over police violence and crime rates using Google search measures to estimate the former. Analyzing data on 43 large U.S. cities, we find that violent crime was higher and rose more in cities where concern about police violence was greatest. We also find that measures of social inequality predict crime rates. We conclude by discussing the implications for future research on the “Ferguson effect” and beyond.
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Heller, Sara B. "Summer jobs reduce violence among disadvantaged youth." Science 346, no. 6214 (December 4, 2014): 1219–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.1257809.
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Every day, acts of violence injure more than 6000 people in the United States. Despite decades of social science arguing that joblessness among disadvantaged youth is a key cause of violent offending, programs to remedy youth unemployment do not consistently reduce delinquency. This study tests whether summer jobs, which shift focus from remediation to prevention, can reduce crime. In a randomized controlled trial among 1634 disadvantaged high school youth in Chicago, assignment to a summer jobs program decreases violence by 43% over 16 months (3.95 fewer violent-crime arrests per 100 youth). The decline occurs largely after the 8-week intervention ends. The results suggest the promise of using low-cost, well-targeted programs to generate meaningful behavioral change, even with a problem as complex as youth violence.
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Papachristos, Andrew V., Noli Brazil, and Tony Cheng. "Understanding the Crime Gap: Violence and Inequality in an American City." City & Community 17, no. 4 (December 2018): 1051–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/cico.12348.
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The United States has experienced an unprecedented decline in violent crime over the last two decades. Throughout this decline, however, violent crime continued to concentrate in socially and economically disadvantaged urban neighborhoods. Using detailed homicide records from 1990 to 2010, this study examines the spatial patterning of violent crime in Chicago to determine whether or not all neighborhoods experienced decreases in violence. We find that while in absolute terms nearly all neighborhoods in the city benefited from reductions in homicide, relative inequality in crime between the city's safest and most dangerous neighborhoods actually increased by 10 percent. This increase was driven by a greater rate of decline in the city's safest neighborhoods. This crime gap can be partly attributed to the decreasing association between concentrated disadvantage and homicide in the safest neighborhoods. We also find that the decline did not significantly alter the spatial distribution of crime, as homicides remained concentrated in the initially most dangerous neighborhoods and their adjacent areas.
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Wilbanks, William. "Is Violent Crime Intraracial?" Crime & Delinquency 31, no. 1 (January 1985): 117–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011128785031001007.
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The commonly accepted view that violent crime is intraracial as opposed to interracial is reexamined. Victim survey data on perceived race of offender are used to suggest that the issue of intraracial versus interracial crime should be examined from four perspectives: white offender's choice of victim (e.g., white or black); black offender's choice of victim; white victim's perception of race of offender; and black victim's perception of race of offender. A Detailed analysis of victimization survey data indicates that violent crime in the United States (robbery, assault, and rape) is intraracial from three perspectives (whites chose other whites as victims, whites were largely victimized by other whites, and blacks were largely victimized by other blacks). However, black offenders were more likely to choose white victims in robberies, assaults, and rapes. Tentative and alternative explanations for this previously unexamined fact of interracial crime are suggested.
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Anderson, Tammy L., and Philip R. Kavanaugh. "Women’s Evolving Roles in Drug Trafficking in the United States." Contemporary Drug Problems 44, no. 4 (October 26, 2017): 339–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0091450917735111.
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Drugs and crime research and theory in the United States originated after President Nixon declared the first War on Drugs in 1971. This research agenda promised to reveal the scope, dynamics, and impact of the drugs–crime relationship, thus promising solutions for the country’s drug problems. The initial focus was on drug trade violence and, as a result, produced scholarship mostly on men’s involvement in drug distribution, purchasing, and related crimes. It paid little attention to women’s involvement and failed to consider how gender might shape the drugs–crime relationship. By the early 1980s, however, studies began to appear on women’s experiences and addressed the role of gender in U.S. street-based illegal markets for crack cocaine and heroin. These studies revealed women’s relative powerlessness or supporting roles to domineering males in illegal, street-based drug markets. Today, drugs of concern in the U.S. originate and are sold and purchased through both legal and illegal channels that often work in tandem. This interplay requires us to rethink the drugs–crime relationship. Our article seeks to provoke new thinking and research on how 21st-century drug trends might reshape the gendered nature of drug selling across both legal and illegal markets and the gray area in between. In specific terms, we review the nature of women’s involvement in newer drug markets and consider how their involvement differs from that of men and how theory and research might move forward in addressing these changes. Our conclusions, and those reached by others in this issue, speak to the centrality of gender scholarship in research and policy on drugs and crime currently and into the future.
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Bell, Jeannine. "Hate Thy Neighbor: Lessons for Neighborhood Integration for the Post-Obama Era and Beyond." Law & Social Inquiry 42, no. 02 (2017): 577–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12294.
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This essay explores contemporary racial harassment, hate crimes, and violence targeted at African Americans and other racial minorities who have moved to white neighborhoods in the 1990s and 2000s, as described in my book Hate Thy Neighbor: Move In Violence and the Persistence of Segregation in American Housing. The essay details the experiences of blacks, Latinos, and Asian Americans who face race-based hate crimes upon integrating white neighborhoods. This violence is not limited to a specific geographic area of the United States, and is an important factor in continuing patterns of racial segregation. Social segregation and the failure of existing law to address this violence are important factors in its survival. Analyzing the roots and causes of such violence, the essay calls for greater attention to the enforcement of legal remedies designed to address neighborhood hate crime.
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Wood, Gordon, Robert Churchill, Edward Cook, James Lindgren, Wilbur Miller, Eric Monkkonen, and Randolph Roth. "Counting Guns." Social Science History 26, no. 4 (2002): 699–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012438.
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At the fall 2001 Social Science History Association convention in Chicago, the Crime and Justice network sponsored a forum on the history of gun ownership, gun use, and gun violence in the United States. Our purpose was to consider how social science historians might contribute nowand in the future to the public debate over gun control and gun rights. To date, we have had little impact on that debate. It has been dominated by mainstream social scientists and historians, especially scholars such as Gary Kleck, John Lott, and Michael Bellesiles, whose work, despite profound flaws, is politically congenial to either opponents or proponents of gun control. Kleck and Mark Gertz (1995), for instance, argue on the basis of their widely cited survey that gun owners prevent numerous crimes each year in theUnited States by using firearms to defend themselves and their property. If their survey respondents are to be believed, American gun owners shot 100,000 criminals in 1994 in selfdefense–a preposterous number (Cook and Ludwig 1996: 57–58; Cook and Moore 1999: 280–81). Lott (2000) claims on the basis of his statistical analysis of recent crime rates that laws allowing private individuals to carry concealed firearms deter murders, rapes, and robberies, because criminals are afraid to attack potentially armed victims. However, he biases his results by confining his analysis to the years between 1977 and 1992, when violent crime rates had peaked and varied little from year to year (ibid.: 44–45). He reports only regression models that support his thesis and neglects to mention that each of those models finds a positive relationship between violent crime and real income, and an inverse relationship between violent crime and unemployment (ibid.: 52–53)–implausible relationships that suggest the presence of multicollinearity, measurement error, or misspecification. Lott then misrepresents his results by claiming falsely that statistical methods can distinguish in a quasi-experimental way the impact of gun laws from the impact of other social, economic, and cultural forces (ibid.: 26, 34–35; Guterl 1996). Had Lott extended his study to the 1930s, the correlation between gun laws and declining homicide rates that dominates his statistical analysis would have disappeared. An unbiased study would include some consideration of alternative explanations and an acknowledgment of the explanatory limits of statistical methods.
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Klyuchnikov, A. Yu. "On Sex Offender Registry." Lex Russica 73, no. 3 (March 28, 2020): 140–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2020.160.3.140-150.
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The paper examines the experience of the United States of America in recording and classifying convicted sexual offenders. The Federal register is a comprehensive criminal and administrative law tool for crime prevention. It has its origins in similar state registers. The author examines the principles of maintaining the register, the grounds for inclusion in the register and exclusion from it, the volume of data to be published, the frequency of data updates, and conducts a criminological characterization of the Institute. The paper analyzes the case law of the Supreme courts of the United States regarding the constitutionality of the rules and principles that form the institution of the registry, their retroactive application, and compliance with procedural and material guarantees of a fair trial. The author concludes that it is possible to introduce a similar Federal register in Russia, but taking into account the shortcomings identified in the study. Currently, the efforts of the legislator in this part are obvious (increasing criminal responsibility for violent sexual crimes with the establishment of restrictions on freedom, the emergence of new tools of "deterrence" in the hands of law enforcement agencies, such as administrative supervision). However, the measures are not comprehensive, often overlap, and do not achieve the stated goal (execution of restrictions under administrative supervision after serving the restriction of freedom). The author believes that it can be an independent institution, implemented from the stage of execution of the sentence, accessible to law enforcement agencies and victims, and in cases provided for by law — for social and educational institutions, guardianship authorities, family and child protection.
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Reinikainen, Patrick J. "Forgotten Crime Victims: The Need for a Comprehensive and Focused Reform Effort in Response to Domestic Violence in American Indian Communities." International Human Rights Law Review 1, no. 2 (2012): 349–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131035-00102006.
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Those working on behalf of victims of domestic violence crimes in the United States have struggled for decades to create an effective response to victim needs. This movement has achieved some significant victories with respect to legal reform and the creation of effective resources at the local and national level. Yet, all victims are not the same. This article adds to the current discussion regarding American Indian victims of domestic violence by encouraging a more comprehensive and focused approach to reform. Academics and advocates have written on the statutory barriers currently in place and certain problems with United States Supreme Court jurisprudence regarding jurisdiction over crimes committed on Indian land against American Indian women. While an important and recognized part of reform, these issues are not the sole pitfalls in the response thus far. This article posits that, at the same time, any reform must also foster the development of Native prosecutorial resources and guidelines, as well as financial and educational opportunities for Native women. Moreover, a more culturally informed approach to solving the domestic violence plight in American Indian communities is needed and would ideally take into account other factors. By considering the unique social, historical, and cultural circumstances of American Indian victims, advocates and policymakers can create more well-tailored solutions to a complex problem. This article offers many of the factors that should ideally inform the debate surrounding recent legislation in the United States with a hope of spurring more comprehensive action on behalf of victims; however, this article does not represent a complete solution to a uniquely sensitive and complicated issue. More must be accomplished for all victims of domestic violence crimes in the United States and abroad with regard to creating culturally informed solutions.
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Li, Yudu, Dennis Longmire, and Hong Lu. "Death Penalty Disposition in China: What Matters?" International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 62, no. 1 (April 7, 2016): 253–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306624x16642426.
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In theory, sentencing decisions should be driven by legal factors, not extra-legal factors. However, some empirical research on the death penalty in the United States shows significant relationships between offender and victim characteristics and death sentence decisions. Despite the fact that China frequently imposes death sentences, few studies have examined these sanctions to see if similar correlations occur in China’s capital cases. Using data from published court cases in China involving three violent crimes—homicide, robbery, and intentional assault—this study examines the net impact of offender’s gender, race, and victim–offender relationship on death sentence decisions in China. Our overall multiple regression results indicate that, after controlling for other legal and extra-legal variables, an offender’s gender, race, and victim–offender relationship did not produce similar results in China when compared with those in the United States. In contrast, it is the legal factors that played the most significant role in influencing the death penalty decisions. The article concludes with explanations and speculations on the unique social, cultural, and legal conditions in China that may have contributed to these correlations.
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Heinz, Annelise. "The Roots of America’s Anti-Asian Violence." Current History 120, no. 827 (September 1, 2021): 246–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2021.120.827.246.
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Hate crimes against Asian Americans have risen sharply during the COVID-19 pandemic. A historical perspective shows that Asians have faced intertwined racial and gender-based biases in the United States since the first anti-immigration backlashes against their presence in the nineteenth century.
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Ouimet, Marc. "L’aigle et le castor : étude de la distribution spatiale de la criminalité aux États-Unis et au Canada." Criminologie 26, no. 2 (August 16, 2005): 85–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/017340ar.
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In the last three decades, a number of researchers have undertook the comparison of American and Canadian crime rates. Among them, Lipset (1990) and Hagan (1991) have shown that violence was more frequent south of the border than north of it. To explain why crime was more frequent in the US than in Canada, those authors argued that differences in values and culture of each country's residents was the principal determinant of this situation. Using regional and infranational disaggregated crime rates, this article shows that differences in both country's crime rates are not univocal. For example, crime rates in Canada are not higher than those of Northern United States for three crimes out of four studied. What makes US crime rates appear much higher than the Canadian ones can be attributable to a small number of States and cities which have extraordinarily high crime rates.
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Siegel, Miriam, Candice Y. Johnson, Christina C. Lawson, Marilyn Ridenour, and Daniel Hartley. "Nonfatal Violent Workplace Crime Characteristics and Rates by Occupation — United States, 2007–2015." MMWR. Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report 69, no. 12 (March 27, 2020): 324–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15585/mmwr.mm6912a2.
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