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1

Sabine, Kurtenbach, ed. Kolumbien zwischen Gewalteskalation und Friedenssuche: Möglichikeiten und Grenzen der einflussnahme externer Akteure. Frankfurt: Vervuert, 2001.

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2

Brasil. Ministério das Relações Exteriores. Secretaria de Planejamento Diplomático. Cronologia da política externa do Governo Lula (2003-2006). Brasília, DF: FUNAG - Fundação Alexandre de Gusmão, 2007.

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3

Matesan, Ioana Emy. The Violence Pendulum. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197510087.001.0001.

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What drives Islamist groups to shift between nonviolent and violent tactics? When do groups move away from armed action, and why do some organizations renounce violence permanently, while others only place it on hold temporarily? The Violence Pendulum answers these questions and offers a theory of tactical change that explains both escalation and de-escalation. The analysis traces the historical evolution of four key Islamist groups: the Muslim Brotherhood and al-Gama’a al-Islamiyya in Egypt, and Darul Islam and Jemaah Islamiyah in Indonesia. Drawing on a wide variety of archival materials, interviews, and reports, each chapter narrows in on critical turning points in each organization, and shows the factors that best explain whether the group legitimizes and resorts to violence and develops an armed wing. The book’s main contention is that Islamist groups alter their tactics in response to changes in the perceived need for activism, shifts in the cost of violent versus nonviolent resistance, and internal or external pressures on the organization. However, escalation and de-escalation are not simply mirror images of each other. Groups turn toward violence when their grievances escalate, when violent resistance is feasible and publicly tolerated, and when there are internal or external pressures to act. Organizations may renounce armed action when violence becomes too costly for the group, disillusionment eclipses the perceived need for continued activism, and leaders are willing to rethink the group’s the tactics and strategies.
4

Lawrence, Bruce B. Muslim Engagement with Injustice and Violence. Edited by Michael Jerryson, Mark Juergensmeyer, and Margo Kitts. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199759996.013.0006.

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This chapter explores the role of violence in Islam, specifically contrasting Islam in 611 with the Islam associated with terrorism on 9/11. When several tribes attempted to draw from the treaty that bound them to Muhammad, Abu Bakr opposed them in what became known as the Ridda wars. The Ottomans succeeded in invoking Islam, and also the doctrine of jihad. Islam became an explicit ideology and building block of public prestige for the newest Turkish Muslim Empire, and also became an idiom of protest against the gradual contraction of internal and external trade. The association of Osama bin Laden with al-Jazeera proves to be almost as significant as his decision to wage jihad. There are many ways to connect Bin Laden to the early generation of Islam. Bin Laden's legacy is one of deviance and damage rather than persistence and profit in the cause of Islam.
5

Kurtenbach, Sabine. Kolumbien Zwischen Gewalteskalation und Friedenssuche: Möglichkeiten und Grenzen der Einflussnahme Externer Akteure. Iberoamericana Editorial Vervuert, 2001.

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6

Strathern, Andrew, and Pamela J. Stewart. Religion and Violence in Pacific Island Societies. Edited by Michael Jerryson, Mark Juergensmeyer, and Margo Kitts. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199759996.013.0008.

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This chapter examines the associations between religion and violence. The Bellonese case reveals that the ideology of honor drove the pattern of vengeance killings; that this ideology primarily pertained to men and their agnatic kin; that it was supported by appeals to gods and ancestors; and that peace rituals did not produce permanent effects. In the Fijian case, it is shown that war-chief and land-chief were ideally balanced with each other, the one standing for external violence, the other for internal peace. In Bau, this balance was upset and inverted due to the sea-going war-chiefs who came to engage a pre-eminent position by terminating the land-chiefs. In the New Guinea Highlands societies, a higher development of an ideology of wealth used is observed as a life-giving replacement for persons, whether for bridewealth payments, payments to allies, or compensation to enemies.
7

Moore, Rebecca. From Jonestown to 9/11 and Beyond. Edited by James R. Lewis and Inga Tøllefsen. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190466176.013.13.

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This chapter examines violent outbursts perpetrated by New Religious Movements (NRMs) and considers the competing and complementary theories that have arisen to explain them. It argues that theories about cult violence change as new data become available. Public perceptions of cults and a shifting religious-political landscape also shape theoretical considerations of religion and violence. The chapter notes that prior to the mass murders-suicides in Jonestown, Guyana, and immediately following, theories of violence focused on inwardly-directed coercion and control. The demise of the Branch Davidians in 1993, along with other eruptions of violence in the 1990s, challenged this perspective, and a theory of interaction between external and internal forces arose. The events of September 11, 2001 internationalized considerations of religious violence, and returned attention to the influence of apocalyptic worldviews. A pressing problem that has emerged most recently is the violence perpetrated against NRMs, particularly state-sponsored repression.
8

Jerryson, Michael. If You Meet the Buddha on the Road. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190683566.001.0001.

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It is said that the famous ninth-century Chinese Buddhist monk Linji Yixuan told his disciples, “If you meet the Buddha on the road, kill him.” The statement deliberately confounds people and is meant to jolt them from complacent ways of thinking. However, beyond this purpose there is another. One should seek the inner Buddha nature that resides within, not an external Buddha for liberation. In this way, the thought of killing the Buddha dislodges a person from the illusionary perspective that enlightenment lies outside her/himself. The proclamation also highlights the power of violence, even on a symbolic level. Violence abounds in Buddhist thoughts, doctrine, and actions. However, it is not widely acknowledged or understood. This book addresses one important absence in the study of religion and violence: the religious treatment of violence. In order to pursue an understanding of the relationship between Buddhism and violence, it is important to first ask, how do Buddhist scriptures and Buddhists understand violence? Drawing on Buddhist treatments of violence, this book explores the ways in which Buddhists invoke, support, or justify war, conflict, state violence, and gender discrimination. In addition, the book examines the ways in which Buddhists address violence as military chaplains, cope with violence in a conflict zone, and serve as witnesses of blasphemy to Buddhist doctrine and Buddha images.
9

Pott, Percivall. Observations on the Nature and Consequences of Those Injuries to Which the Head Is Liable from External Violence. by Percivall Pott,. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2018.

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10

McDougal, Topher L. Stateless State-Led Industrialization. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198792598.003.0004.

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What befalls economies that descend into violence? This chapter suggests that the splintered trade networks described in Chapter 2 effectively forced firms in Liberia to localize many of their inputs and to internalize many of the functions that would otherwise be external—imitating the effects of import-substitution and state-led industrialization policies. Specifically, the war economy in Liberia mimicked import tariffs, localized the staffs of many companies, raised local content in products, and even spurred technical learning and knowledge accumulation. In calling attention to ways in which violence localized supply chains, this chapter suggests that the interplay between violent predation is itself a reaction to the structure of global value chains.
11

Barder, Alexander D. Global Race War. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197535622.001.0001.

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Global Race War: International Politics and Racial Hierarchy explores the historical connections between race and violence from the nineteenth to the early twenty-first centuries. Barder shows how beginning with the Haitian Revolution and nineteenth century settler colonialism the development of the very idea of global order was based on racial hierarchy. The intensification of racial violence happened when the global racial hierarchy appeared to be in crisis. By the first half of the twentieth century, ideas about race war come to fuse themselves with state genocidal projects to eliminate internal and external enemy races. Global processes of racialization did not end with the Second World War and with the discrediting of scientific racism, the decolonization of the global South and the expansion of the state-system to newly independent states; rather it continued in different forms as the racialization of cultural or civilizational attributes that then resulted in further racial violence. From fears about the “Yellow Peril,” the “Clash of Civilization,” or, more recently, the “Great Replacement,” the global imaginary is constituted by ideas about racial difference. Examining global politics in terms of race and racial violence reveals a different spatial topology across domestic and global politics. Global histories of racial hierarchy and violence have important implications for understanding the continued salience of race within Western polities. The book revisits two centuries of international history to show the important consequences of a global racial imaginary that continues to reverberate across time and space.
12

Faull, Andrew. Fighting for Respect. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190676636.003.0011.

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This chapter analyzses the discourses and practices in South African police stations on violence and authority, particularly during the months following a police massacre of striking platinum miners at Marikana. Police officers who were not present at the shooting instinctively defended their colleagues from external criticism. This chapter suggests that members of the South African Police Service believe that the use of violent force in the performance of their duties is necessary to gain the respect of the communities they serve, which is also linked to constructions of masculinity.
13

Taylor, Ian. African Politics: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198806578.001.0001.

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African Politics: A Very Short Introduction explores how politics is practised on the African continent, providing an overview of the different states and their systems. It considers the nature of the state in sub-Saharan Africa and why its state structures are generally weaker than elsewhere in the world. Exploring the historical and contemporary factors that account for Africa’s underdevelopment, it also analyses why some African countries suffer from high levels of political violence while others are spared. Unveiling the ways in which African state and society actually function beyond the formal institutional façade, this VSI discusses how external factors—both inherited and contemporary—act upon the continent.
14

Tasić, Dmitar. Paramilitarism in the Balkans. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198858324.001.0001.

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This book is analysing the origins and manifestations of paramilitary violence in three neighbouring Balkan countries—Yugoslavia, Bulgaria and Albania after the First World War. It shows the role of paramilitarism in internal as well as in external policies in all three above-mentioned states, and it focuses on the main actors and perpetrators of paramilitary violence, their social backgrounds, motivations and future career trajectories. It also places the region into the broader European context of booming paramilitarism that came as the result of first global conflict, dissolution of old empires, creation of nation-states and simultaneous revolutions. While paramilitarism in most of post-Great War European states was the product of violence of the First World War and brutalization which societies of both victorious and defeated countries went through, paramilitarism in the Balkans was closely connected with the already existing traditions originating from the period of armed struggle against the Ottoman rule, and state and nation building projects of the late 19th and early 20th century. Paramilitary traditions here were so strong that in all subsequent crises and military conflicts in the Balkans, i.e. the Second World War and Wars of Yugoslav Succession during the 1990’s, the legacy of paramilitarism remained alive and present. Among several features of paramilitarism in the Balkans 1917 - 1924 this book analyse strong inclination towards guerrilla warfare as the integral part of the warfare culture of the Balkans paramilitaries.
15

Varol, Ozan O. Freedom and Order. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190626013.003.0015.

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Although political pluralism is crucial to a new democracy’s advancement, democracy is not just about competition for office. That competition must happen not through violence but through elections. Put differently, the democratic game must be played under stable conditions, and conflicts must be expressed and resolved through democratic means. Without stability, political pluralism will produce—not a well-functioning democracy—but a full-fledged civil war. In a chaotic political environment filled with uncertainty, what’s needed is an external referee with a steady hand. The referee must maintain a basic level of public tranquility, enforce the rules of the democratic game, arbitrate conflicts, and resolve disputes. Although other state institutions can also play referee, this chapter explains why the military enjoys a clear edge, at least in some cases, in serving as a stabilizing anchor.
16

Pott, Percivall. Observations on the Nature and Consequences of Those Injuries to Which the Head Is Liable from External Violence: To Which Are Added, Some Few General Remarks on Fractures and Dislocation. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2022.

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17

Pattison, James. Non-violent Resistance. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198755203.003.0006.

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This chapter considers non-violent methods. The first part of the chapter largely defends the case for civilian peacekeeping and, in doing so, delineates how this measure can be effective despite being unarmed. The chapter also highlights the limitations of civilian peacekeeping, including its small scale. The second part of this chapter considers civilian defence against an external aggressor. Although the chapter argues that this may sometimes work, it also highlights one central limitation: it is unlikely to be effective against an aggressor that does not wish to occupy. Overall, the chapter argues that non-violence can play some role in tackling conflict, human rights abuses, and mass atrocities. Notwithstanding, the chapter also makes it clear that these non-violent options should not generally be undertaken at the expense of more coercive ones, such as traditional peacekeeping and military defence, but instead sometimes used in addition to these methods.
18

Blake, Jonathan S. Contentious Rituals. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190915582.001.0001.

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Why do people participate in controversial symbolic events that drive wedges between groups and occasionally spark violence? This book examines this question through an in-depth case study of Northern Ireland. Protestant organizations perform over 2,500 parades across Northern Ireland each year. Protestants tend to see the parades as festive occasions that celebrate Protestant history and culture. Catholics, however, tend to see them as hateful, intimidating, and triumphalist. As a result, parades have been a major source of conflict in the years since the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement. This book examines why, given the often negative consequences, people choose to participate in these parades. Drawing on theories from the study of contentious politics and the study of ritual, the book argues that paraders are more interested in the benefits intrinsic to participation in a communal ritual than the external consequences of their action. The book presents analysis of original quantitative and qualitative data to support this argument and to test it against prominent alternative explanations. Interview, survey, and ethnographic data are also used to explore issues central to parade participation, including identity expression, commemoration, tradition, the pleasures of participation, and communicating a message to outside audiences. The book additionally examines a paradox at the center of parading: while most observers see parades as political events, the participants do not. Altogether, the book offers a new perspective on politics and culture in the aftermath of ethnic violence.
19

Steinberg, Michael K., Joseph J. Hobbs, and Kent Mathewson, eds. Dangerous Harvest. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195143201.001.0001.

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The global drug trade and its associated violence, corruption, and human suffering create global problems that include political and military conflicts, ethnic minority human rights violations, and stresses on economic development. Drug production and eradication affects the stability of many states, shaping and sometimes distorting their foreign policies. External demand for drugs has transformed many indigenous cultures from using local agricultural activity to being enmeshed in complex global problems. Dangerous Harvest presents a global overview of indigenous peoples' relations with drugs. It presents case studies from various cultural landscapes that are involved in drug plant production, trade, and use, and examines historical uses of illicit plant substances. It continues with coverage of eradication efforts, and the environmental impact of drug plant production. In its final chapter, it synthesizes the major points made and forecasts future directions of crop substitution programs, international eradication efforts, and changes in indigenous landscapes. The book helps unveil the farmer, not to glamorize those who grow drug plants but to show the deep historical, cultural, and economic ties between farmer and crop.
20

Ulrichsen, Kristian Coates, ed. The Changing Security Dynamics of the Persian Gulf. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190877385.001.0001.

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The contradictory trends of the ‘post-Arab Spring’ landscape form both the backdrop to, and the focus of, this volume on the changing security dynamics of the Persian Gulf, defined as the six GCC states plus Iraq and Iran. The political and economic upheaval triggered by the uprisings of 2011, and the rapid emergence of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria in 2014, have underscored the vulnerability of regional states to an intersection of domestic pressures and external shocks. The initial phase of the uprisings has given way to a series of messy and uncertain transitions that have left societies deeply fractured and ignited violence both within and across states. The bulk of the protests, with the notable exception of Bahrain, occurred outside the Gulf region, but Persian Gulf states were at the forefront of the political, economic, and security response across the Middle East. This volume provides a timely and comparative study of how security in the Persian Gulf has evolved and adapted to the growing uncertainty of the post-2011 regional landscape.
21

Ganz, Aurora. Fuelling Insecurity. Policy Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529216691.001.0001.

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This book explores energy securitization in Azerbaijan through a sociological approach that combines discourse with a practice-oriented analysis. The study focuses on the national, international and private actors involved in the labour of energy security and their diverse sets of practices. Its empirical findings indicate that in Azerbaijan, energy securitization lacks the unitary and homogeneous character of its ideal type. Its heterogeneity interlaces internal security with external security, military with civil, defence with enforcement, coercion with control. It relies on surveillance and policing technologies as much as on maritime defence and counterterrorism; it intertwines the national and the international, as well as the public and the private domains of politics; it builds ties amidst manifold security actors and institutions that belong in different social universes; it merges security logic and neoliberal rationales and techniques. Energy securitisation encircles local dynamics and structures into patterns of international cooperation and corporate strategy. The rhetoric emphasis and the routinized character of energy security practices have trivialized any possible alternative and made invisible its costs. In particular, this book reflects on the multiple forms of abuse and violence and the poor energy choices tied to the processes of energy securitisation.
22

Goetze, Catherine, and Dejan Guzina. Statebuilding and Nationbuilding. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.302.

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Since the early 1990s, the number of statebuilding projects has multiplied, often ending several years or even decades of violent conflict. The objectives of these missions have been formulated ad hoc, driven by the geopolitical contexts in which the mandates of statebuilding missions were established. However, after initial success in establishing a sense of physical security, the empirical evidence shows that most statebuilding efforts have failed, or achieved only moderate success. In some countries, violence has resumed after the initial end of hostilities. In others, the best results were authoritarian regimes based on fragile stalemates between warring parties. A review of the literature on statebuilding indicates a vast number of theories and approaches that often collide with each other, claim the exact opposite, and mount (contradictory) evidence in support of their mutually exclusive claims. Still they are united by their inquiry into the general structural and policy-making conditions that nurture or impede statebuilding processes. A problematic characteristic of the statebuilding literature is a lack of dialogue across the various disciplines. Many of the claims in the international relations literature on external statebuilding are a mirror image of the previous ones made on democratization. Another problem is the propensity to repeat the same mistakes of the previous generations.
23

Hebron, Lui, and John F. Stack. The Ethnic Entanglement. Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc., 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798216188247.

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The ongoing reconstruction of world politics following the collapse of Soviet and Eastern European variants of communism have seemingly unleashed the power of ethnicity with a vengeance. Stack, Hebron, and their contributors explore the concept of ethnicity in international relations, seeking to address this most destabilizing, yet ubiquitous dimension of the emerging new world order. As a central force in international politics, ethnicity and ethnonational movements raise two fundamental questions about the nature of power and politics in contemporary international relations. First, what is the relationship between ethnicity and conflict within, across, and among states? Second, what role does ethnicity play in exacerbating conflicts which result in the intervention by external forces, both state and nonstate, manifested by increasing levels of violence and spillover instability, as exemplified by the Middle East, the Asian Republics of the former Soviet Union, and Yugoslavia? This book is designed to provide scholars of international relations with a compelling approach to the study of ethnicity. The study of ethnic nationalism is a growing area of scholarly inquiry not fully appreciated. Thus, this collection is designed to fill a void in the literature and, as such, will be of interest to students, scholars, and policy makers involved with issues of ethnicity and world politics.
24

Croissant, Michael P. The Armenia-Azerbaijan Conflict. Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc., 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400614231.

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Of all the violent disputes that have flared across the former Soviet Union since the late 1980s, the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict is the only one to pose a genuine threat to peace and security throughout Eurasia. By right of its strategic location and oil resources, the Transcaucasus has been and will continue to be a source of interest for external powers competing to advance their geopolitical influence in the region. Under such conditions, the possibility will remain for the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict to reignite and expand to include other powers. The ten-year conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan has been one of the bloodiest and most intractable disputes to emerge from the breakup of the Soviet Union. Animosity that developed between the Armenians and Azeris under czarist Russian rule was fueled by the rise of a dispute over Nagorno-Karabakh, a mountainous region for which both peoples feel an intense nationalistic affinity. The attachment of the region to Azerbaijan by Stalin in 1923 became a source of deep resentment for the Armenians, and during the rule of Gorbachev, a campaign was begun to achieve the peaceful unification of Armenia and Karabakh. Azerbaijan resisted the move as a threat to its territorial integrity, and clashes that broke out soon escalated into a full-scale war that outlived the USSR itself. Although a cease-fire has been observed since May, 1994, a peaceful settlement to the conflict has been elusive. Meanwhile, by right of both the strategic location and resources and the unique security characteristics of the Transcaucasus, major external powers—Russia, Turkey, and Iran—have sought to influence the dispute according to their geopolitical interests. With the growth of interest in the oil riches of the Caspian Sea and the increasing engagement of Western countries, including the United States, the risks and implications of renewed violence between Armenia and Azerbaijan will grow. This major study will be of interest to students, scholars, and policymakers involved with international relations, military affairs, and the Transcaucasus.
25

López Pulgarín, Nicolás Antonio, Diana Tovar Osorio, and Jonnathan Jiménez Reina, eds. Fronteras de Colombia: retos y desafíos para el desarrollo. Escuela Superior de Guerra "General Rafael Reyes Prieto", 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.25062/9789585377851.

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Son diversas las ocasiones en que Colombia ha visto en riesgo su integridad territorial, ya sea por causas externas o por condiciones internas. La edición de este libro se da en un momento histórico para el país: la Corte Internacional de Justicia da a conocer su segundo fallo en el cual ratifica las demandas y pretensiones de Nicaragua sobre los espacios marítimos de Colombia, con los consecuentes cambios en los límites y derechos en el Caribe. Este escenario y otros, como la frontera marítima sin definir con Venezuela, demuestran la vigencia y la importancia de conocer y analizar las dinámicas de las regiones de fronteras para el desarrollo y conservación de la integridad territorial. De igual manera, en los últimos años, los escenarios de las fronteras han sido cambiantes: las dinámicas asociadas a la falta de desarrollo y de oportunidades han facilitado que actores delincuenciales, organizaciones criminales y fenómenos sociales como la migración se afiancen en dichas regiones, lo cual ha transformado las dinámicas de las fronteras. El concepto frontera ha venido sufriendo cambios sustentados en la territorialidad y en su dependencia geográfica, social, cultural, comercial y de supervivencia, para entrar aceleradamente en el marco del denominado “proceso de integración y apertura”, el cual permite de manera global y transversal crear una nueva concepción de frontera. Por lo anterior, el ejercicio de la territorialidad y del Estado de derecho en la frontera llevó a reforzar la seguridad y el resguardo de la soberanía en esas regiones del país, pero esto se vio desbordado por los cambios políticos y sociales que se presentan en los países vecinos —en especial, Venezuela—, los cuales afectaron las políticas migratorias de Colombia, la estabilidad de nuestras regiones de frontera y su gobernanza, pues las políticas dirigidas a administrar y equilibrar la convivencia de nuestros pobladores con las naciones vecinas han sido insuficientes y han obligado a girar drásticamente hacia el interior para que el Gobierno brinde asistencia social, salud, trabajo, seguridad y defensa. Referirnos a seguridad y defensa de las fronteras —hoy socavadas por la violencia, el terrorismo y el ataque a las instituciones y estructuras del Estado— impone un nuevo reto al Gobierno: generar y preservar los valores y principios de los colombianos y favorecer la lucha contra el terrorismo y el narcotráfico, lo cual no se concibe más que en el respeto a las leyes y al Derecho Internacional Humanitario para defender nuestras zonas fronterizas. En resumen, este libro busca analizar y conocer desde diversas ópticas el trascendental tema de las fronteras, con una visión multidisciplinaria de los autores, gracias a su variada filiación académica, con instituciones como la Universidad de Nebrija, de España, y la Universidad Santo Tomás y la Escuela Superior de Guerra “Rafael Reyes Prieto”, de Colombia. Así, esta obra plasma el análisis del tema desde los dos primeros capítulos, “Caracterización sociopolítica de las fronteras en Colombia y América Latina” y “Migración, tráfico y economías ilegales en las fronteras colombianas”; en el tercer capítulo da al lector una visión de las “Dinámicas de violencia en la frontera colombo-venezolana”; luego, en el cuarto capítulo, habla de la “Caracterización de los principales fenómenos sociopolíticos en las fronteras” y, en su último capítulo, hace un “Análisis de la frontera entre Colombia y Panamá como pivote hacia Centroamérica”. En las conclusiones y recomendaciones muestra la importancia del tema desde una óptica integral y diversa. Fronteras de Colombia. Retos y desafíos para el desarrollo brinda una perspectiva transversal de este tema, desde los contextos interno y externo, y nos muestra lo importantes que son nuestras frontera para la seguridad y defensa del país.
26

Draude, Anke, Tanja A. Börzel, and Thomas Risse, eds. The Oxford Handbook of Governance and Limited Statehood. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198797203.001.0001.

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Unpacking the major debates, leading authors of the field provide a state-of-the-art guide to governance in areas of limited statehood (ALS) where state authorities lack the capacity to implement and enforce central decision and/or to uphold the monopoly over the means of violence. While ALS can be found everywhere—not just in the global South—they are neither ungoverned nor ungovernable. Rather, a variety of actors maintain public order and safety, as well as provide public goods and services. While external state ‘governors’ and their interventions in the global South have received special scholarly attention, various non-state actors—from non-governmental organizations to business to violent armed groups—have emerged that also engage in governance. This evidence holds for diverse policy fields and historical cases. The handbook gives a comprehensive picture of the varieties of governance in ALS from interdisciplinary perspectives including political science, geography, history, law, and economics. Twenty-nine chapters review the academic scholarship and explore the conditions of effective and legitimate governance in ALS, as well as its implications for world politics in the twenty-first century. The authors examine theoretical and methodological approaches, as well as the historical and spatial dimensions of ALS. The chapters deal with the various governors as well as their modes of governance. They cover a variety of issue areas and explore the implications for the international legal order, for normative theory, and for policies toward ALS.
27

Calvo-Gonzalez, Oscar. Unexpected Prosperity. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198853978.001.0001.

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Abstract:
Only a handful of economies have successfully transitioned from middle to high income in recent decades. One such case is Spain. How did it achieve this feat? Despite its relevance to countries that have yet to complete that transition, this question has attracted only limited attention. As a result, Spain’s development into a prosperous society is a success story largely underreported and often misunderstood. This book turns on their head the questions that usually frame the debate about Spain’s economic development. Instead of asking why Spain’s catching up was delayed, this book asks how it happened in the first place. Instead of focusing on how bad institutions undermined economic prospects, as the literature has done, this book explains how growth took place even in the presence of poor institutions. This wider lens opens up new perspectives on Spain’s development path. For example, comparisons are drawn not only with the richest countries but also with those that were in a similar stage of development as Spain. Drawing on a wide range of material, from archival sources to text analytics, the book provides a new account of why reforms were adopted, the role of external and internal factors, as well as that of unintended consequences. The result is an original interpretation of the economic rise of Spain that speaks also to the wider literature on the political economy of reform, the role of industrial and public policy more broadly, and the enduring legacy of political violence and conflict.

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