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1

Hunt, John M. "Carriages, Violence, and Masculinity in Early Modern Rome." I Tatti Studies in the Italian Renaissance 17, no. 1 (March 2014): 175–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/675768.

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Murphy, Gillian. "Rome Scholarships: Monastic violence in the medieval period." Papers of the British School at Rome 70 (November 2002): 366–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246200002269.

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3

Johner, Anita. "Rome, la violence et le sacré: les doubles fondateurs." Euphrosyne 19 (January 1991): 291–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.euphr.5.126463.

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4

Lukin, Annabelle. "How international war law makes violence legal." Language, Context and Text 2, no. 1 (January 29, 2020): 91–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/langct.00022.luk.

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Abstract Some international law scholars have argued that international war law, rather than proscribing violence in war, has instead been a vehicle for its legitimation. Given that laws are constituted in and through language, this paper explores this paradox through register analysis of the text of the Rome Statute, an international treaty adopted in 1998 which established the International Criminal Court to prosecute the crimes of “genocide”, “crimes against humanity”, “war crimes” and “crimes of aggression”. The parameters of field, tenor and mode are considered in conjunction with a brief account of linguistic features of Article 8 of the Rome Statute, which defines the scope of the term “war crimes”. The linguistic patterns provide evidence that the Rome Statute simultaneously outlaws some acts of violence while affording legal cover for others, despite their well-known devastating human consequences. The analysis provides linguistic evidence for Malešević’s (2010) claim that at the heart of modernity lies an “ontological dissonance”, through which we criminalise some forms of violence while legitimating others.
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Lutz, Brenda J., and James M. Lutz. "Political Violence in the Republic of Rome: Nothing New under the Sun." Government and Opposition 41, no. 4 (2006): 491–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2006.00201.x.

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AbstractAt various times the Roman Republic faced outbreaks of domestic political violence, including riots and intimidation, assassinations and conspiracies to overthrow the government. Violence was particularly noticeable in the Early Republic and the Late Republic. These activities were quite similar to the terrorism and violence used by mobs and groups during the French Revolution and the tactics of fascists and leftists in Europe in the 1920s or 1930s. More accurately, the actions of mobs and others during the French Revolution and leftists and fascists in Europe were very similar to the techniques used in the Roman political system in the last five centuries BCE.
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LEE-STECUM, PARSHIA. "DANGEROUS REPUTATIONS: CHARIOTEERS AND MAGIC IN FOURTH-CENTURY ROME." Greece and Rome 53, no. 2 (September 27, 2006): 224–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383506000295.

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Roman charioteers had a reputation, and not just for living fast and dying young. Nor was their reputation solely based on the glamour of their occupation, although it is clear that some charioteers could achieve something approaching celebrity status. Roman charioteers (by which I mean charioteers throughout the ancient Roman world) had a reputation of a rather darker stripe. The violence of their occupation, reflected and enhanced by the riotous violence of their supporters, contributed to the perception of charioteers in general as rough, uncouth characters. The gulf between some charioteers' celebrity and their slave status did much to encourage this brutal reputation in the Roman mind.
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Blastenbrei, Peter. "Violence, arms and criminal justice in papal Rome, 1560-1600." Renaissance Studies 20, no. 1 (February 2006): 68–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-4658.2006.00112.x.

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8

Wolfe, Katharine. "Love and Violence." Sartre Studies International 25, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 37–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ssi.2019.250204.

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Beginning with a study of need and its relationship to violence in Sartre’s Critique of Dialectical Reason, this paper argues that need, in the midst of scarcity, can both be a catalyst for violence and a force in the service of love. It warns against an antagonistic view of need and of ethics that emerges in Sartre’s Critique, drawing on Sartre’s own ongoing commitments to existentialism and also on the work of Primo Levi. In particular, it warns against the danger of reducing an ethics of need to one of Manichean violence. It also introduces the concept of ‘second-person needs’, which include (but are not limited to) needs of one’s own for the needs of others to be met. This concept is resonant with the idea of authentic love introduced in Sartre’s earlier, unfinished Notebooks for an Ethics, with the suggestions concerning a concrete, material ethics offered in Sartre’s Rome Lecture of 1964, as well as with Sartre’s concept of the fused group in the Critique itself.
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BARRY, WILLIAM D. "EXPOSURE, MUTILATION, AND RIOT: VIOLENCE AT THE SCALAE GEMONIAE IN EARLY IMPERIAL ROME." Greece and Rome 55, no. 2 (August 18, 2008): 222–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383508000545.

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Beginning in the reign of Augustus or Tiberius, corpses of criminals condemned and executed by the state were exposed on the Scalae Gemoniae, a flight of stairs located in the northern corner of the Forum Romanum. As one modern commentator has observed, the ritual of execution in which these stairs played a critical role reflected more generally the suppression of popular participation in the judicial processes that accompanied the last century of the Republic and the emergence of the Principate. As has long been noted, however, the Stairs were also the site of well-attested instances of collective violence, in particular protests during Cn. Calpurnius Piso's trial in the senate in AD 20, violence surrounding the fall of Sejanus in AD 31, and the popular violence and warfare of AD 69.
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10

Clarke, Kamari Maxine, and Sarah-Jane Koulen. "The Legal Politics of the Article 16 Decision: The International Criminal Court, the un Security Council and Ontologies of a Contemporary Compromise." African Journal of Legal Studies 7, no. 3 (September 12, 2014): 297–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17087384-12342049.

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This introductory essay aims to offer a framework through which to make sense of the controversies arising from International Criminal Court (icc) intervention in Africa. One such controversy is related to the deployment of the powers to refer and defer icc cases central to Article 16 of the Rome Statute for the icc. The manner in which the unsc has employed this power has led critics – particularly on the African continent – to conclude that a range of geopolitics has undermined the judicial independence of the icc. The essay argues, therefore, that the drafting history of Article 16 of the Rome Statute shows the workings of the political origins of the law and the manner in which foundational inequalities were woven into the very fabric of the Rome Statute. Following theorists such as Giorgio Agamben and Walter Benjamin who have conceptualized law as violence and who have taken seriously the ways in which violence and inequality live on through the law, the authors argue that not only can contemporary ontologies of international criminal law not escape the politics of its making, but if we are to adequately address the conditions of violence in the postcolonial African state there must be an ontological shift in the way we conceptualize law. They propose a rethinking that acknowledges root causes of violence and that take seriously politically adumbrated histories of violence that continue live in the armature of the postcolonial state. Considering how and when political settlements are relevant and rethinking how complementarity and cooperation might work more effectively are key to the conceptual framework.
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11

Rabinovich, Irina. "Hawthorne’s Rome – A city of evil, political and religious corruption and violence." Ars Aeterna 9, no. 1 (June 27, 2017): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aa-2017-0001.

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Abstract Hawthorne’s Rome is the home of dark and evil catacombs. It is a city haunted by evil spirits from the past that actively shape the romance’s plot. Rome’s dark gardens, endless staircases, hidden corners and vast catacombs, as well as the malodorous Jewish ghetto, affect Donatello’s and Miriam’s judgment, almost forcing them to get rid of the Model, Miriam’s persecutor. Hawthorne’s narrator’s shockingly violent, harsh and seemingly anti-Semitic description of the ghetto in Rome is just one among many similarly ruthless, and at times offensive, accounts of the city wherein Hawthorne situates his last completed romance, The Marble Faun. Hawthorne’s two-year stay in Rome in 1858-59 sets the scene for his conception of The Marble Faun. In addition to providing Hawthorne with the extensive contact with art and artists that undoubtedly affected the choice of his protagonists (Kenyon, a sculptor; Hilda and Miriam, painters), Italy exposed Hawthorne to Jewish traditions and history, as well as to the life of Jews in the Roman ghetto. Most probably it also aroused his interest in some of the political affairs in which Italian Jews were involved in the 1840s and 50s. This historical background, especially the well-publicized abduction and conversion of a Jewish child, Edgardo Mortara, in 1858 provides important political and cultural background for Hawthorne’s portrayal of Miriam in The Marble Faun.
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von der Luft, Karl. "Heidegger, Caesar, and the Violent Disclosure of Being in the Roman Context." Heidegger Circle Proceedings 53 (2019): 31–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/heideggercircle2019534.

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Heidegger’s critical reading of Rome foregrounds the assumptions of Roman metaphysics as they come to light in language. I contend in this paper that this critique is problematized by Heidegger’s own account of the violent reciprocity of being and Dasein in the 1935 Introduction to Metaphysics. In unduly emphasizing the properly “philosophic” activity of Rome, Heidegger seems to pass over what is definitive for Rome with respect to being. Roman Dasein is essentially political, and its political activity correctly understood is no less disclosive of being than is philosophy. This activity occurs most profoundly in the person and work of Julius Caesar. In order to read in Caesar the radical consummation of Roman political violence, we will look to the portrait provided by the Greco-Roman Plutarch. Plutarch’s Life of Caesar will provide particularly fecund soil for our Heideggarian analysis insofar as it connects the nature and problematic of Caesar’s self-appointed task with the violence of being and the tragic uncanniness of human greatness. Caesar will be shown to stand in the extreme possibility of Roman Dasein as one who turns finally and definitively against Rome itself.
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13

Youni, Maria. "Violence et pouvoir sous la Rome républicaine : imperium, tribunicia potestas, patria potestas." Dialogues d'histoire ancienne 45/1, no. 1 (2019): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/dha.451.0037.

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14

Nimgade, Ashok. "Instability and violence in Imperial Rome: A “laboratory” for studying social contagion?" Complexity 21, S2 (October 3, 2016): 613–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/cplx.21839.

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15

Dancy, Geoff. "Searching for Deterrence at the International Criminal Court." International Criminal Law Review 17, no. 4 (June 29, 2017): 625–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01704007.

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Does the International Criminal Court (icc) deter acts of violence in the world? To answer this question, this article first distinguishes between three phenomena that are often confusingly grouped together under the heading of ‘deterrence’. These include the termination of ongoing civil wars (compellence), the prevention of atrocity crime recidivism (specific deterrence), and the overall prevention of war and atrocity crimes (general deterrence). The article then assesses whether state commitments to the Rome Statute and icc intervention in specific contexts can promote these three aims. It presents evidence that the icc can indeed contribute to violence prevention, though not because of its ability to sanction abusive actors. Instead, the Court’s role as a ‘stigmatizer’ in the international community has likely contributed to declines in certain types of violence over time. As such, the article concludes that the icc is more important for what it is than what it does.
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16

De Brouwer, Anne-Marie. "What the International Criminal Court has Achieved and can Achieve for Victims/Survivors of Sexual Violence." International Review of Victimology 16, no. 2 (September 2009): 183–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026975800901600204.

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In this contribution, the provisions of potential benefit to victims/survivors of sexual violence in the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court and its subsidiary instruments will be discussed. In addition, the Court's practice to date in investigating and prosecuting sexual violence crimes will be examined. The new regime of the ICC brings with it improvements to international criminal law of benefit to victims/survivors of sexual violence. Whether this also means that the interests of victims/survivors of sexual violence are also better served in practice than under previous processes is, however, discussed, followed by the ICC's potential to address justice for victims/survivors of sexual violence. In this contribution it will become clear that provisions which are good on paper may not necessarily be sufficient in providing justice to victims of sexual violence. Good implementation of these provisions and of the institutional structures at the Court is needed in order to ensure that the rights given to victims/survivors of sexual violence do not remain merely an empty promise.
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17

Garthwaite, John. "Statius’ Retirement from Rome: Silvae 3.5." Antichthon 23 (1989): 81–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400003701.

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In Silvae 3.5, published towards the end of A.D. 94, Statius announced his intention to leave Rome and spend his remaining years in Naples, his birthplace. The tranquility offered by his native city seems particularly appealing to the poet. For here, he says, is a place where both the climate and the sea are gentle, and where it is possible to enjoy an untroubled life, in sharp contrast to the violence and litigiousness of Rome (3.5.83-88). Here too, graceful architecture is complemented by literary festivals which rival those of the capital (89-92). In addition, Naples was also the home of some of Statius’ patrons, most prominently Pollius Felix to whom this third book of Silvae is addressed, and whose newly built shrine to Hercules on his Surrentine estate is the subject of Silv. 3.1. The latter poem, it has been noted, seems to be intended as a counterweight to Silv. 3.5, with the aim of establishing Naples as a primary focus of the whole book.
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Kramarchuk, Nataliia. "European regional mechanism for the prevention, punishment and elimination of violence against women." Law Review of Kyiv University of Law, no. 1 (April 15, 2020): 421–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.36695/2219-5521.1.2020.84.

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The article describes the process of establishing mechanism for preventing, punishing and eliminating violence against women in the European region and outlines the main components of such mechanism. The main non-binding Council of Europe instruments on violence elimination against women, namely the Declaration on Policies for Combating Violence against Women in a Democratic Europe (adopted at the 3rd European Ministerial Conference on Equality between Women and Men (Rome, 21-22 October 1993) and Council of Europe Committee of Ministers Recommendation Rec(2002)5 to member states on the protection of women against violence are analyzed. The key developments of the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence are characterized. It has been found that in the Convention, the phenomenon of "woman" and "femininity" is disclosed through the category of gender, but not through purely sexual biological traits. Both the concept of gender based violence and cross-border approach to violence against women have been considered. The main obligations of States with regard to the protection of certain categories of women who may be victims of violence due to their particular status, such as migrant women and refugees, are also discussed in the article. The main aspects of substantive law norms of the Convention have been analyzed. The monitoring mechanism of the Istanbul Convention, which consists of Committee of the Parties and the Group of Experts on Action against Violence against Women and Domestic Violence, has been described. It has been found that the case law of the European Court of Human Rights plays an important role in developing effective mechanism for combating violence against women. The high-profile case of the ECHR concerning the issue of violence against women (Opuz v. Turkey, 2009) has been discussed. A brief overview of the legal framework on violence against women in Ukraine has been provided. Key directions for the improvement of the Ukrainian national mechanism for combating violence against women have been suggested.
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Bowden, Anna M. V. "Getting Jesus off the altar: Undoing atonement readings in Revelation." Review & Expositor 118, no. 1 (February 2021): 54–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0034637321998617.

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The interpretive history of Revelation is overrun with descriptions of Jesus as a sacrificial lamb. Yet, John never uses the popular phrase to describe him. By drawing attention to four significant omissions in the text, I argue against atonement readings of “the Lamb” in Revelation. Revelation is not a theological treatise on the meaning of the cross. It feeds questions about power and violence and admonishes the seven churches against participation in their imperial context. John’s slaughtered lamb, therefore, does not evoke a paschal sacrifice; it points to Rome’s penchant for violence. Joining the other bloodied bodies in Revelation, the lamb’s blood further incriminates Rome. Everywhere one looks in John’s depiction of empire, violence lurks. Finally, the only altar in Revelation is the heavenly altar, and this altar is not a place for sacrifice. The heavenly altar is a place where the laments of the suffering are heard, a place for worshipping God, and a place where Rome will meet its judgment. John’s Jesus is not a self-sacrificing spiritual savior; he bears witness to the bloodthirsty, massacre-loving beast-of-all-beasts. Churches must choose their allegiance.
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Eisler, Riane. "Can international law protect half of humanity? A new strategy to stop violence against women." Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research 7, no. 2 (April 13, 2015): 88–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jacpr-12-2013-0036.

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Purpose – The Rome Statute, especially Article 7 on Crimes against Humanity, and the principle of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) apply to widespread violations of human rights that a State fails to prohibit or protect against. Yet far too little attention has been paid to systemic crimes that take the lives of many millions of women and girls every year. The purpose of this paper is to detail a proposal to use international law to hold governments and/or their agents accountable when they fail to protect the female half of humanity from widespread and egregious crimes of violence. Design/methodology/approach – To accelerate the movement to make women's human rights a global priority, it examines: first, expanding the interpretation of the Rome statute, particularly Article 7 – Crimes against Humanity. Second, where necessary, amending the statute to include gender in addition to race and ethnicity. Findings – Seven crimes and their personal, social, and economic consequences are analyzed, and legal remedies are detailed: selective female infanticide and denial to girl children of food and health care; the sex trade and sexual slavery; female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C); domestic violence (from murder in the name of honor and bride burning to acid throwing and battery); rape; child marriage and forced marriage. Originality/value – This paper explores a new approach for use by scholars, attorneys, and human rights activists to end the global pandemic of violence against the female half of humanity by invoking the Rome Statute and/or amending it to protect women and girls. It provides a new legal and sociological analysis.
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Sizgorich, T. "Sanctified Violence: Monotheist Militancy as the Tie That Bound Christian Rome and Islam." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 77, no. 4 (December 1, 2009): 895–921. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfp056.

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Delmedico, Sara. "Rome Awards: ‘Bad luck’ and ‘irresistible force’: framing violence against women (1919–30)." Papers of the British School at Rome 88 (September 21, 2020): 385–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246220000227.

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23

Altunjan, Tanja. "The International Criminal Court and Sexual Violence: Between Aspirations and Reality." German Law Journal 22, no. 5 (August 2021): 878–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2021.45.

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AbstractThe adoption of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) was widely lauded as a success with regard to the recognition and potential prosecution of conflict-related sexual violence. More than twenty years later, however, many observers are disillusioned with the ICC’s dire track record concerning the implementation of its progressive legal framework. In many cases, the Court and particularly its Prosecutor have been criticized for failing to adequately address and prioritize sexual violence, culminating in only a single final conviction since 2002. Nevertheless, the ICC’s emerging practice shows progress with regard to the conceptual understanding of conflict-related sexual violence and the realization of the Statute’s full potential in ensuring accountability for sexual crimes. Taking into account the evolving jurisprudence, the Article explores the persisting challenges and the perceived gap between aspirations and reality regarding the prosecution of sexual violence at the ICC.
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Kerkeslager, Allen. "Agrippa and the Mourning Rites for Drusilla in Alexandria." Journal for the Study of Judaism 37, no. 3 (2006): 367–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006306777923025.

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AbstractPhilo's descriptions of the outburst of violence in Alexandria in 38 suggest that he was trying to distract attention away from some crime against Rome committed by the local Judeans. Careful analysis of the chronology suggests that this crime was a dramatic violation of the Alexandrian funerary celebrations for Drusilla, the sister of the Roman emperor Gaius. The edict of Flaccus and subsequent violence against the Judeans was a punitive response to this crime. The entire sequence of events was fully in harmony with normal Roman legal and administrative policies.
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Saluppo, Alessandro. "Paramilitary Violence and Fascism: Imaginaries and Practices of Squadrismo, 1919–1925." Contemporary European History 29, no. 3 (January 20, 2020): 289–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777319000390.

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AbstractThis article examines the violent imaginaries and practices of squadrismo in the period preceding the establishment of the Italian fascist dictatorship. Based on the examination of newly accessible documentary sources at provincial state archives, the article sheds light upon the ways in which squadristi imagined, performed, justified and ascribed meanings to their violent actions and the disintegrative impact of violence on local communities. The article concludes with a reflection on Blackshirt violence in the aftermath of the March on Rome and the persistence of the ideological and cultural fabric of squadrismo in the years of the dictatorship.
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McIntyre, Gabrielle Louise. "The Pace of Progress: Addressing Crimes of Sexual and Gender-Based Violence in the Generation After Rome." AJIL Unbound 112 (2018): 177–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2018.52.

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When it was adopted in 1998, the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) represented a significant breakthrough regarding sexual and gender-based crimes—crimes that, for centuries, had proliferated in armed conflicts but had been disregarded, mischaracterized, or misunderstood as the inevitable by-products of war or a legitimate part of its spoils. Not only did the Rome Statute explicitly treat a broad range of sexual acts as crimes against humanity and war crimes, but it also recognized gender-based violence as a crime and incorporated a number of provisions aimed at ensuring greater institutional attention to sexual and gender-based crimes. However, abstract possibilities do not always translate into concrete results, and the ICC has been slow to effectuate its innovative statutory provisions. This essay will explore some of the obstacles encountered and opportunities missed by the Court over the last twenty years, as well as highlighting welcome strides made in recent years to fulfill, at least in part, the promise of Rome.
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Payne, Edward. "Rome Awards: Violence and corporality in the art of Jusepe de Ribera (1591–1652)." Papers of the British School at Rome 78 (November 2010): 313–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246200001033.

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Suresh, Veena. "The Victims’ Court? An Analysis of the Participation of Victims of Sexual Violence in International Criminal Proceedings." Groningen Journal of International Law 8, no. 2 (February 16, 2021): 244–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/grojil.8.2.244-269.

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The inclusion of a victim participation scheme within the framework of the ICC is revolutionary under the domain of International Criminal Law. The scheme grants unprecedented rights for victims to participate in proceedings outside of witness capacity, as provided for at the ad hoc tribunals. This article aims to critically evaluate the ICC’s victim participation scheme for victims of sexual violence. It will do so by investigating the participation scheme to establish whether it embodies inherent limits, and, if so, to assess the impact of these limitations on victims of sexual violence. While the inclusion of a participation scheme for victims is commendable, this paper finds that there is still a long way to go before victims of sexual violence have access to a form of participation that is meaningful, in that it encompasses the participation envisaged in the provisions of the Rome Statute and considers victims’ needs and expectations. This article argues that several institutional and procedural changes are required before victims of sexual violence are adequately served by the participation scheme. Lessons learnt from practice include the need for a harmonised participation procedure, providing victims of sexual violence with an influence on the charges brought against an accused, assigning collective legal representation based on crimes suffered, and encouraging resource allocation into investigating sexual crimes and non-judicial programmes that will benefit victims of sexual violence that are unable to access participatory and reparatory rights.
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Porcelli, Stefania. "Shakespeare’s Exceptional Violence: Reading Titus Andronicus with Hannah Arendt and Giorgio Agamben." Analyses/Rereadings/Theories: A Journal Devoted to Literature, Film and Theatre 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2016): 43–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2353-6098.4.05.

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In this paper I explore the multifaceted relationship between violence, speech and power in the most graphic of Shakespeare’s plays, Titus Andronicus. I take my cue from Hannah Arendt’s reflections on violence as opposed to power, and as something “incapable of speech,” but I read the play through the lens of Giorgio Agamben’s notion of sovereignty as the suspension of the law. I consider the dichotomy speech/muteness as an example not only of the dichotomy power/violence (Arendt) but also of the opposition between bios and zoe, that is the difference between a life worth to be included in the political realm and a life understood as the mere condition of being alive, a condition common to human beings and beasts (according to classical philosophy). In Titus Andronicus, these distinctions are blurred, and zoe becomes fully exposed to the sovereign decision. While the image of a mutilated and mute body cannot match Arendt’s idea of politics as the combination of speech and action bereft of violence, Agamben has developed the notion of a politics that renders life disposable, mute, bare, and can still be called politics or power, and precisely biopower. From this perspective, I argue, Lavinia and the other characters of Titus Andronicus are the embodiment of the concept of “bare life” as developed by Agamben, and Shakespeare’s Rome is a State of exception and of exceptional violence.
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Belser. "Sex in the Shadow of Rome: Sexual Violence and Theological Lament in Talmudic Disaster Tales." Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion 30, no. 1 (2014): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jfemistudreli.30.1.5.

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Lenski, Noel. "Assimilation and Revolt in the Territory of Isauria, From the 1st Century BC to the 6th Century AD." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 42, no. 4 (1999): 413–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568520991201687.

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AbstractThis article investigates shifts in the scale and organization of violence in the region of Isauria during the period of Roman rule. In contrast with the fundamental paper of B. Shaw in JESHO, volume 33 (1990), which argues that Isaurian violence was a constant in all periods of history, this study attempts to show that major Isaurian uprisings were brought under control from the mid-first century to the mid-third century AD. In these centuries the Isaurians became increasingly sedentarized, adopted Hellenistic social and political structures, and cooperated with the Roman state actively, particularly as soldiers. Only after the midthird century did Isauria again turn against Rome, this time with increased strength built on the economic and social development it had experienced under Roman rule.
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van den Oever, Joost. "Cultural Trauma, Prophetic Discourse and the Sack of Rome in 1527." Journal of Religion in Europe 8, no. 3-4 (December 12, 2015): 444–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748929-00804010.

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The aim of this article is to shed new light on the relationship between catastrophic historical events, cultural trauma and prophetic discourse, by making use of both historical and sociological analytical models. For this purpose, an exemplary case study has been found in the horrible and devastating sack of Rome in 1527. The destruction of Rome had been prophesied countless times, and in 1527 these prophecies seemed to have come true. How, then, did the prophetic discourse influence the ways in which the traumatic violence and breakdown of social order were perceived, experienced and remembered by various contemporaries? To answer this question, combining historical and sociological models in an original way, I will argue that trauma can—with great reward—be studied as a cultural construct, in which prophetic discourse can be interpreted as a template for framing the traumatic experience into a narrative.
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CORNER, PAUL. "Response to Matteo Millan: Squadrismo and Fascist Violence in the Long Term." Contemporary European History 22, no. 4 (October 9, 2013): 575–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777313000350.

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Rather surprisingly, Mussolini's blackshirts (the squadristi) have never really received the attention accorded to Hitler's paramilitary groups. It is interesting, therefore, to read an article that seeks to remedy this situation. Millan argues that the traditional view of squadrismo as important before the March on Rome but of less relevance in later years – indeed, as something of a liability – is too simplistic and needs revision. He sees the influence of squadrismo as permeating the regime throughout its existence and suggests that historians have been too quick in seeing the death of squadrismo in the supposed ‘subordination’ of the Fascist Party to the state in the years immediately following 1925.
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34

Olson, Todd P. "Pitiful Relics: Caravaggio's Martyrdom of St. Matthew." Representations 77, no. 1 (2002): 107–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.2002.77.1.107.

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Caravaggio's seminal ambitious program in the Contarelli Chapel (San Luigi dei Francesi, Rome) representing the Calling and the Martyrdom of St. Matthew (1599-1600) invoked the threat of iconoclasm as it imagined the martyr's body as a violated relic. Counter-Reformation images and hagiographies, such as the engravings in Richard Verstegan's Thééââtre des cruautéés des hééréétiques nostre temps, traduit du latin en franççois (Anvers, 1588) and Giovanni Battista Cavalieri's Ecclesiae Anglicanae Trophaea (Rome, 1584), after paintings by Pomarancio, depicted disintegrated sacred bodies subject both to iconoclastic violence and to confusion with polluted bodies. This conflation of social categories in Caravaggio's paintings led his biographers to blame him for the endemic replacement of classical antiquity by persons off the street. The retrospective account by classical theorists displaced an earlier archaeological project that took the ruined saint's body as its artifact: the scientific archaeology of the Christian relic in the Roman catacombs in Antonio Bosio's Roma Soutteranea (Rome, Latin edition, 1634; Italian edition, 1650). The threat of the disintegration of the composition in Caravaggio's paintings thematized the paradox of the incorruptible yet violated flesh of the martyr.The painting, like the relic, recapitulated the biographical narrative of martyrdom. It also proposed patterns of reception based on contemporary rhetorical models: the descriptive enumeration of Christian humanist ekphrasis based on Prudentius's fourth century Crowns of Martyrdom and articulated in Gregory Martin's late-sixteenthcentury guide to Sacred Rome.
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35

Newell, Michael E. "How the normative resistance of anarchism shaped the state monopoly on violence." European Journal of International Relations 25, no. 4 (May 14, 2019): 1236–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066119848037.

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Rather than an assumption of statehood, the state’s monopoly on the legitimate use of force is better understood as a normative ideal that regulates behavior, and constitutes states as the sole legitimate authority on violence. Existing literature on this norm has explored its development in response to piracy in the early to mid-1800s, but it has overlooked significant developments that occurred in response to the violence of transnational anarchist terrorism. Anarchist philosophers in the late 1800s resisted the normative basis of the state monopoly on violence and articulated their own competing claims. While their normative ideas failed to gain widespread acceptance, they elicited significant responses by states. In the Rome Conference of 1898 and the St. Petersburg Protocol, states reiterated the constitutive aspects of the state monopoly norm, and articulated new, deeper obligations to coordinate anti-anarchist policies. State officials considered a protean form of collective security against the anarchists, and applied the state monopoly norm to the control of the violence of individual, rather than corporate, non-state actors for the first time. Similar to trends identified in existing literature on the state monopoly norm, this article notes that the response to the anarchists was bolstered by their perception as “outsiders of authority,” or violators of core constitutive norms of state authority. This trend and these broader historical dynamics are explained with reference to theoretical literature on normative resistance.
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36

Lincoln, Bruce. "From Artaxerxes to Abu Ghraib: on religion and the pornography of imperial violence." Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis 19 (January 1, 2006): 213–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.30674/scripta.67310.

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In the wake of September 11, 2001, much has been written about religious groups commonly called ‘terrorist’, building on an older literature whose equally tendentious buzzwords were ‘cult’ and ‘fundamentalism’. In general, the conclusions advanced within such works tilt sometimes in the direction of alarm, and sometimes in that of reassurance. The amount of academic attention devoted to a given threat ought reflect its seriousness, based on calculations of the likelihood that threat will be realized and the destruction it can unleash. Among the most dangerous of situations is that in which an extremely powerful state bent on conquest finds and deploys religious arguments that encourage its aggressive tendencies and imperial ambitions. Believing that it may be useful to consider data sufficiently removed from the present to afford some critical distance, I have devoted much of my research in recent years to the role played by religion in Achaemenid Persia (550–330 bce), the largest, wealthiest, most powerful empire of antiquity before the emergence of Rome. As a convenient summary of that research, I propose to discuss two Achaemenian data, each of which can assume emblematic status. Only after that exercise will I return to contemporary materials and issues.
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37

Madondo, Sibusiso Hyacinth. "“Pecunia non olet”: The She-Wolf and Ambivalent Motherhood." IRIS, no. 36 (June 30, 2015): 57–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.35562/iris.1556.

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La louve (lupa) n’est pas seulement associée à la violence et à la terreur mais elle évoque également l’image de la mère nourricière et protectrice comme dans les légendes de Rémus et Romulus et de saint Ailbhe. Dans les deux légendes, des héros allaités par une louve grandissent pour devenir fondateurs : Rome pour Rémus et Romulus et le diocèse d’Emly pour saint Ailbhe. La louve est aussi liée à la débauche et à la luxure, et le bordel est nommé lupanar en latin.
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38

Madondo, Sibusiso Hyacinth. "“Pecunia non olet”: The She-Wolf and Ambivalent Motherhood." IRIS, no. 36 (June 30, 2015): 57–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.35562/iris.1556.

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La louve (lupa) n’est pas seulement associée à la violence et à la terreur mais elle évoque également l’image de la mère nourricière et protectrice comme dans les légendes de Rémus et Romulus et de saint Ailbhe. Dans les deux légendes, des héros allaités par une louve grandissent pour devenir fondateurs : Rome pour Rémus et Romulus et le diocèse d’Emly pour saint Ailbhe. La louve est aussi liée à la débauche et à la luxure, et le bordel est nommé lupanar en latin.
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39

Usoltsev, S. A., and D. S. Leontieva. "Adaptation of Christian Pacifism by St. Ambrose of Milan in the Context of Christianity's Transformation into the State Religion of the Roman Empire." Izvestiya of Altai State University, no. 6(128) (December 12, 2022): 70–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2022)6-11.

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The theory of just war, its formation and development, in the late 20th — early 21st centuries becomes a popular topic. This is due to ethical paradoxes arising from the constant decline in tolerance to violence in modern society and the need to justify the right of the state to use violence. The focus of our research is the era of the transformation of Christianity into the state religion of Rome in the 4th century, during the reign of Emperor Theodosius the Great. Bishop Ambrose of Milan, who embraced both Roman and Christian traditions at the same time, made a career in public service, a faithful supporter of Theodosius and a minister of the church, left a literary legacy reflecting the complex processes of transformation of Christian anti-state radicalism and pacifism. Ambrose combines Cicero's doctrine of just war, epic admiration for bravery with the demand for Christian humility and self-sacrifice. As a participant in the political process, Ambrose was able to adapt the Christian view.
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40

Dodge, Hazel. "Roger Dunkle . Gladiators: Violence and Spectacle in Ancient Rome . London: Pearson Education Limited. 2008. Pp. x, 398. £21.99." American Historical Review 116, no. 3 (June 2011): 854. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.116.3.854.

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41

Prescott, Christopher. "Introduction." Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 32, no. 18 N.S. (September 13, 2021): vii—x. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/acta.9016.

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The articles in the present volume are the result of two workshops held at the Norwegian Institute in Rome that are both robustly disciplinary, but simultaneously raise issues beyond the disciplinary bounds of art history (into philosophy, history of ideas and history) and archaeology (into criminology, heritage studies and contemporary sociology and politics). The first was organised by DniR-researcher Mattia Biffis in October 2019, The Art of Truth: Providing Evidence in Early Modern Bologna. The second section is based on a digital workshop organised by DniR-researcher Samuel Hardy in collaboration with the Heritage Experience Initiative project at the University of Oslo in October 2020, Handling of Cultural Goods and Financing of Political Violence. On cover:ANNIBALE CARRACCI (BOLOGNA 1560 - ROME 1609), An Allegory of Truth and Time c. 1584-1585. Oil on canvas | 130,0 x 169,6 cm. (support, canvas/panel/str external) | RCIN 404770Royal Collection Trust / © Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II 2021.
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42

Blidstein, Gerald. "Prayer Rescue and Redemption in the Mekilta." Journal for the Study of Judaism 39, no. 1 (2008): 68–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006308x245982.

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AbstractIt is generally acknowledged that activist Jewish opposition to Rome waned after the futile Bar Kokhba revolt. This judgement has been based on the historical record, in which such opposition is absent. In this paper I show that this shift in policy has left literary traces, particularly in the Tannaitic midrash, Mekilta. Such traces show the rabbis disparaging physical violence in their reading of the exodus from Egypt, and then urging prayer as the most appropriate and potent tactic in the struggle for freedom. In all this, the release from Egyptian bondage symbolizes the ultimate deliverance from Roman power.
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43

Tomson, Peter J. "De dynamiek van het christelijk-joods conflict 50-150 AD." NTT Journal for Theology and the Study of Religion 62, no. 4 (November 18, 2008): 284–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/ntt2008.62.284.toms.

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Although the social sciences have gained their place in the theological faculties, a sociological approach of New Testament problems is not yet granted. This especially concerns the separation of Christianity from Judaism. The popular model of ‘the parting of the ways’ suggests a separation of friends because of differing views. Rather, referring to a sociological study about the correlation between social polarisation and violence, this article presents the hypothesis, elsewhere to be tested in detail, that it was the social polarisation process generated by the Jewish wars against Rome which triggered the separation of Jews and Christians.
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Perry, Peter S. "Critiquing the Excess of Empire." Journal for the Study of the New Testament 29, no. 4 (June 2007): 473–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142064x07078998.

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Despite their many differences, John the Seer of Patmos and Dio the rhetorphilosopher of Prusa share a basic critique of the Roman Empire. Limiting the comparison to Rev. 18 and Dio's twelfth Olympic Oration (with an important reference to Dio's thirteenth Oration), this essay concludes that John and Dio critique the violence, exploitation and luxury of Rome, grounding their analysis in divine sovereignty over earthly rulers. This common critique suggests that John's message may have been sympathetically heard by a wider audience than simply a few Christian communities, and that Revelation should be reevaluated in this light.
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Magliveras, Konstantinos D., and Gino J. Naldi. "The International Criminal Court’s Involvement with Africa: Evaluation of a Fractious Relationship." Nordic Journal of International Law 82, no. 3 (2013): 417–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718107-08203004.

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This article examines the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) role in relation to international crimes allegedly committed in Africa; it considers the difficulties and obstacles that the ICC has encountered in securing the co-operation of not only States Parties but also of non-States Parties which, in certain instances, are mandated to assist it; and it analyses the acrimonious relationship that has arisen between the African Union (AU), the Continent’s political and security organisation, and the ICC. Thus far, the two most significant sources of antagonism between the ICC and Africa have been the arrest warrants against President al-Bashir of Sudan in relation to the situation in Darfur, and the crimes against humanity allegedly perpetrated during Kenya’s post-election violence in 2007–2008. Finally, the article examines the continuing attempts by African States to amend Article 16 of the Rome Statute.
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46

Morrison, Benjamin. "Murder, Greed, and Corrupt Politicians: The Fall of the Roman Republic." General: Brock University Undergraduate Journal of History 7 (April 11, 2022): 103–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/tg.v7i1.3672.

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With a prompt that has been written about countless times, this essay argues that the fall of the Roman Republic was inevitable by examining the end of the republic through a new lens- political instability. This paper draws on primary sources and key individuals such as Julius Caesar and the lesser-known Gracchi brothers. The title does not lie – the fall of Rome is filled with exciting twists and turns that are examined within this work. This paper focused on three important political leaders from roughly 130-40BC. The Gracchi Brothers introduced a new strategy to gain power as Tribunes and set a precedent for political violence in the Roman Republic. Lucius Sulla utilized his unstoppable military power to gain control of the Republic as a dictator and removed plebeian favour reforms, removing power from the citizens of Rome. Julius Caesar was the Roman Republic’s final leader; his thirst for power and political self-interest is what eventually caused the Roman Republic to come to an end. The reader will come to find that ancient politics was much more violent than its modern-day counterpart. The Roman Republic did end, but why? Could these key figures have made different choices that might have saved Rome?
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Engels, Jeremy. "The Two Faces of Cincinnatus: A Rhetorical Theory of the State of Exception." Journal for the History of Rhetoric 17, no. 1 (January 2014): 53–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jhistrhetoric.17.1.0053.

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ABSTRACT This article offers a rhetorical theory of what Giorgio Agamben has called the “state of exception” through a genealogy of the figure of Cincinnatus. In classical Rome, Cincinnatus was named dictator not once, but twice; first to save the city from invaders, and second to put down a popular, democratic uprising. Here we see the two sides of exception, or what I call the two faces of Cincinnatus: enemyship, and sovereign violence. These two faces are linked by an anti-democratic logic that is premised on the will of “the people,” as becomes clear in the counter-revolutionary writings of the founders of the United States.
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Claire, Brighton. "Avoiding Unwillingness: Addressing the Political Pitfalls Inherent in the Complementarity Regime of the International Criminal Court." International Criminal Law Review 12, no. 4 (2012): 629–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01204002.

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The complementarity principle enshrined in the Rome Statute is the cornerstone on which the International Criminal Court is built. It holds the key to the ICC’s legitimacy, credibility, and ability to act. The complementarity regime was not truly tested until 2011 when the Kenyan Government challenged the admissibility of the ICC’s investigation into the widespread violence that followed the Kenyan general elections in 2007. Both the Pre-Trial Chamber and Appeals Chamber held that the Kenyan case was admissible on the basis that Kenya had not demonstrated sufficiently that it was carrying out national investigations, as required to render the case inadmissible. This paper presents an analysis of both Chambers’ decisions by reference to the role and function of the complementarity regime. It contends that the Chambers’ decisions appear to have been inappropriately influenced by political considerations and consequently failed to give effect to the principles underlying the complementarity regime itself.
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49

Luiten, Loek. "‘LIKE A LILY AMONGST THE THORNS’: PATTERNS OF NOBLE POWER AND VIOLENCE BETWEEN FARNESE AND ORSINI, 1378–1447." Papers of the British School at Rome 87 (March 19, 2019): 245–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246218000387.

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Violence and peace-making in medieval Italy have often been analysed in urban environments. But what happened if two powerful baronial families clashed in the countryside? This paper, by looking at the feud between the Farnese and Orsini di Pitigliano during the Western Schism, illuminates various patterns of conflict and conciliation. Such conflicts witnessed the participation of relatives, allies, and subjects who shared in the sense of community and honour of their lords. The various motivations for actors to become involved on behalf of or in opposition to barons are analysed here in detail. The events of the Farnese–Orsini feud on the micro-level are linked to wider developments on the Italian peninsula and European politics. In the second part of this paper the successful conclusion of the feud is analysed in light of the return of the papacy to Rome. The meticulous detail in which the peace agreement was hammered out then provides further insight into the strategies employed by baronial families to maintain the peace. In all, this paper therefore contributes to the study of violence and peace-making as well as of the Italian nobility during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
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Somfai, Péter. "The Loss of Innocence: Catullan Intertexts in Vergil’s Eclogue 8 and the Camilla Episode of the Aeneid." Sapiens ubique civis 1, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 121–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/suc.2020.1.121-139.

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In ancient Rome, some elements of the wedding ritual (e.g. the raptio or the defloration) could be associated with aggression and death. In Catullus 62 and 66 – two poems dealing with the topic of marriage –, these connotations get a special emphasis, in part due to the motif of cutting symbolizing violence and changing. In this paper, I examine the way the above mentioned poems constitute the background for the allusion to Medea in Vergil’s Eclogue 8 and the depiction of Camilla in Book 11 of the Aeneid. It will be of fundamental importance to observe the way aggressiveness – being a traditional characteristic of men – gets transferred to women, by means of intertextual connections.
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