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Journal articles on the topic 'Violence of History'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 14 December 2024

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1

Assayag, Jackie. "Violence de l'histoire, histoires de violence Abderrahmane MOUSSAOUI, De la violence au djihâd." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 49, no. 6 (December 1994): 1281–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ahess.1994.279328.

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Si le discours sur la violence est presque aussi dérisoire que celui qu'on dirige vers ceux qui sont violents, c'est précisément parce que la violence proprement dite se situe hors de tout discours. La fascination indéniable qu'elle exerce la situe du côté du négatif, cet au-delà de la raison une fois franchies les frontières du discours. De fait, une force qui discute, une puissance qui cherche à argumenter, une volonté qui se veut persuasive, renoncent à la violence aussi longtemps qu'elles requièrent l'assentiment. Mais la raison s'achoppe bien souvent à la contrainte physique qui la violente et la nie. La violence, quelles que soient ses expressions, excède par définition la raison.

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2

Finch, Andrew. "Women and violence in the later Middle Ages: the evidence of the officiality of Cerisy." Continuity and Change 7, no. 1 (May 1992): 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416000001442.

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La registre de l'officialité de Cerisy contient une immense quantité de données concernant les crimes violents. La principale utilité de ce matériel se situe dans l'aire des agressions. Dans ce domaine des descriptions détaillées permettent de reconstituer le ‘profil’ de la violence mâle ou femelle. Elles démontrent que les femmes étaient capables des mêmes actes de violence envers les hommes, mais que leur exposition à violence était plus limitée ou, en fait, différente. Les femmes étaient particulièrement exposées aux violences sexuelles et ménagères: les suspicions d'avortement et d'infanticide leurs sont invariablement imputées. Les témoignages ne fournissent néanmoins pas un lien évident (et prévu) entre la femme et la violence verbale.

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3

Oyarzún, Pablo. "Law, Violence, History." Critical Times 2, no. 2 (August 1, 2019): 330–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26410478-7708387.

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Abstract This article offers a reading of the concluding paragraph of Walter Benjamin's “Toward the Critique of Violence.” It discusses Benjamin's assertion that only a philosophical-historical approach can provide the key to a critique of violence in light of his essay's discussion of legal violence, and in light of his discovery of radically different types of violence. Benjamin argues that the legal order remains enclosed in a cycle of law-positing and law-preserving violence. Moreover, the legal order inherits the essential trait of myth and of mythic violence: ambiguity. This article shows that guilt is the destiny of those subjected to mythic (and legal) forms of violence. The fateful cycle of legal violence can be undone only by the irruption of an absolutely heterogeneous type of violence, which Benjamin calls divine violence. Its peculiarity consists in the fact that, in deposing legal violence (and the legal order as a whole), divine violence also deposes itself as violence. Although divine violence cannot be attested to as a fact or as a force unequivocally acting in the profane—that is, the human—context, it is nevertheless immanent to the profane world. Its immanence is the immanence of the messianic.

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4

Fritsch, Matthias. "History, Violence, Responsibility." Rethinking History 5, no. 2 (July 2001): 285–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642520110052666.

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5

Barras, Colin. "History of Violence." New Scientist 241, no. 3223 (March 2019): 29–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0262-4079(19)30557-3.

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6

Guerra Manzo, Enrique. "Rostros del habitus violento en Michoacán: los distritos de Coalcomán y Apatzingán, c. 1930-1980." Estudios de Historia Moderna y Contemporánea de México, no. 56 (October 4, 2019): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/iih.24485004e.2018.56.63790.

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<p>El presente artículo analiza las manifestaciones de un <em>habitus</em> agresivo en diversos espacios de las interacciones sociales en los distritos de Apatzingán y Coalcomán, del suroeste de Michoacán. Postula que entre 1930 y 1980 en la región coexistió una violencia instrumental (agraria, delincuencial y la vinculada al trasiego de enervantes) con una violencia expresiva (pistolerismo, <em>vendettas</em>). Ambas clases de violencia estaban vinculadas a la ineficacia del Estado para brindar seguridad en la región. Ese contexto de inseguridad propició la persistencia de un <em>habitus</em> violento así como una cultura del honor y de la autodefensa.</p><p>This article analyzes the manifestations of the aggressive habitus in divers spaces of the social interactions in the districts of Apatzingán and Coalcomán, southwest of Michoacán, México. Postulate that between 1930 and 1980 in the region coexisted an instrumental violence (agrarian, delinquency, drugs) with a ritual violence (<em>vendettas</em>, pistolerismo). Both kinds of violence were linked to the inefficiency of the Mexican State to offer segurity in the region. That context of insegurity propitiated the persistence of a violent habitus as well as a culture of honor and of the self-defense.</p>

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7

Minter, Adam. "Machiavelli, Violence, and History." Harvard Review of Philosophy 2, no. 1 (1992): 25–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/harvardreview1992216.

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8

Merlin-Kajman, Helene, and Roxanne Lapidus. "Language, Violence, and History." SubStance 32, no. 1 (2003): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3685691.

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9

Heyraud, Joyce King. "A History of Violence." Psychological Perspectives 49, no. 1 (July 2006): 156–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00332920600734790.

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10

Evans, David H. "A History of Violence." Canadian Review of American Studies 38, no. 1 (January 2008): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cras.38.1.1.

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11

Oslender, Ulrich. "Another History of Violence." Latin American Perspectives 35, no. 5 (September 2008): 77–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x08321961.

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12

Fernández, Adriana Loureiro. "A History of Violence." World Policy Journal 35, no. 2 (2018): 94–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07402775-7085799.

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13

Cotter, Cédric, and Ellen Policinski. "A History of Violence." Journal of International Humanitarian Legal Studies 11, no. 1 (June 22, 2020): 36–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18781527-bja10015.

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The International Review of the Red Cross, an academic journal produced by the International Committee of the Red Cross (icrc) and published by Cambridge University Press, traces its origins back more than 150 years. Throughout its existence, the publication has featured international humanitarian law (ihl) prominently. Because of this, it is possible to trace how the icrc was communicating publicly about ihl since 1869, allowing researchers to draw conclusions about how that body of law has evolved. In this article, the authors divide the history of the Review into five time periods, looking at trends over time as ihl was established as a body of law, was expanded to address trends in the ways war was waged, was disseminated and promoted to the international community, and how it is interpreted in light of current conflicts. Based on the way the law has been represented in the Review, the authors draw conclusions about the evolution of the law itself over time, and lessons this may provide for those who seek to influence the future development of the law regulating armed conflict.

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14

KAPILA, SHRUTI. "A HISTORY OF VIOLENCE." Modern Intellectual History 7, no. 2 (July 1, 2010): 437–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244310000156.

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This essay revises the common assumption that non-violence has been central to political modernity in India. The “extremist” nationalist B. G. Tilak, through a foundational philosophical reinterpretation of the Bhagavad Gita, created a modern theology of the Indian “political”. Tilak did so by directly confronting the question of the possibility of the “event” of war and the ethics of the conversion of kinsmen into enemies. Writing in the aftermath of the Swadeshi movement and from a prison cell in Rangoon, Tilak interpreted action as sacrificial duty that created a vocabulary of violence in which killing was naturalized. Violence, whether conceptual or otherwise, was not directed towards the “outsider” but was of meaning only when directed against the intimate. Unlike the distinction between friend and foe that has been taken as central to the understanding of the political in the twentieth century, it was instead the fraternal–enmity issue that framed the modern political in India. Tilak foregrounded the idea of a de-historicized political subject, whose existence was entirely dependent upon the event of violence itself. This helps to explain both the unprecedented violence that accompanied freedom and partition in 1947 and also the fact that it has remained unmemorialized to the present day.

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15

Merlin-Kajman, H. "Language, Violence, and History." SubStance 32, no. 1 (January 1, 2003): 35–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sub.2003.0019.

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16

Kollmann, Nancy Shields. "The Complexity of History." Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 44, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 41–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2018.440106.

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This article finds Steven Pinker’s argument for a decline of violence too Eurocentric and generalizing to fit all cases. Study of the early modern Russian criminal law, and society in general, shows that different states can develop radically different approaches to violence when influenced by some of the same factors (in this case Enlightenment values). The centralized Muscovite autocracy in many ways relied less on official violence and exerted better control over social violence than did early modern Europe, while at the same time it supported violence in institutions such as serfdom, exile, and aspects of imperial governance. Violence in the form of capital punishment declined but many aspects of social and official violence endured. Such a differentiated approach is explained by the state’s need to mobilize scarce human and material resources to survive and expand.

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17

Mota, Rosana Santos, Mariana Matias Santos, Adriana Diniz Rodrigues, Climene Laura de Camargo, Nadirlene Pereira Gomes, and Normélia Maria Freire Diniz. "Profile of pregnant adolescents with history of domestic violence." Rev Rene 14, no. 2 (2013): 385–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.15253/2175-6783.20130002000017.

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This quantitative study aims to evaluate pregnant adolescents in relation to socio demographic, gynecological and obstetric aspects and the experience of domestic violence. The subjects were 34 pregnant adolescents who got prenatal care in the city of São Francisco do Conde (Bahia, Brazil). Interviews were conducted. The majority of pregnant adolescents was between 16 and 19 years old and was single, black, non-educated, and financially dependent on parents or husband/partner, having initiated a sexual relationship before the age of 15. More than 40% declared a history of domestic violence. Some of them revealed the experience of domestic violence during pregnancy. In face of this reality, a professional look is necessary in order to recognize domestic violence as an aggravating factor to the health of these adolescents, a fact which has not been perceived in health care.

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18

Dwyer, Philip. "Whitewashing History." Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 44, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 54–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2018.440107.

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In Steven Pinker’s The Better Angels of Our Nature, there is a before and an after. Before the Enlightenment, the world was superstitious, cruel, and violent; after the Enlightenment, the world was rational and more peaceful. Pinker thus reduces violence to a fairly simplistic concept: all violence can be equated with irrationality, unreason, and ignorance. History is never as straightforward as Pinker would have his readers believe, and violence is a much more complex notion that is often driven not by superstition or unreason, but perfectly “rational” motives. This article argues that there is little causal connection between Enlightenment values and the decline in violence and that changes came about as a result of a complex series of reasons, some of them less than edifying. It raises the interesting question of whether ideas drive history, or whether they are simply the “ideological” bedrock on which change is grounded.

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19

Gonzales, Philip J. P. "Violence and the Exception of Christian Revelation." Maynooth Philosophical Papers 10 (2020): 151–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/mpp202091612.

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If violence is not the exception but the nomos under which we live, how can one gain a view of violence from outside the regime of violence and the history of its effects? This essay argues that the only way to confront the regime of violence’s history is to have recourse to a Judeo-Christian understanding of revelation and its exceptional non-violent message. A Christocentric philosophy of history, of broadly Augustinian contours, is presented which seeks to confront the nomos of violence with the Logos of peace. The enactment of this Christocentric perspective will be accomplished via a confrontation between René Girard and Giorgio Agamben read in view of their respective engagements with the thought of Benedict XVI.

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20

Bergman-Carton, Janis. "Christian Boltanski's Dernieres Annees: The History of Violence and the Violence of History." History & Memory 13, no. 1 (2001): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ham.2001.0003.

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21

Aparicio Rodríguez, Víctor. "La violencia política en la historiografía sobre la TransiciónPolitical violence in the historiography on the Transition." Vínculos de Historia. Revista del Departamento de Historia de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, no. 6 (May 31, 2017): 328. http://dx.doi.org/10.18239/vdh.v0i6.282.

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El objetivo de este artículo es hacer un balance de la forma en que los principales estudios historiográficos sobre la transición española han abordado la cuestión de la violencia política en dicho proceso histórico. Se suele explicar la transición española como un proceso modélico, en gran parte por el carácter pacífico del mismo. Sin embargo, determinados estudios inciden en la importancia de la violencia política durante la Transición y el impacto que causó en la vida social y política españolas. Ahondar en las diferencias de interpretación sobre la violencia política en los estudios históricos sobre el tema es lo que tratará de ofrecer el presente escrito.PALABRAS CLAVE: Transición, violencia política, historiografía, terrorismo, democracia.ABSTRACTThe objective of this article is to assess the way that the main historiographical studies on the Spanish Transition have approached the question of political violence throughout this historical process. The Spanish Transition is usually regarded as an exemplary process, mainly because of its peaceful nature. Nevertheless, a series of studies focus their interest on the relevance of political violence during the Transition and its impact on Spanish social and political life. This paper presents an attempt to delve into the various interpretations of political violence in historical studies on thistopic.KEY WORDS: Transition, political violence, historiography, terrorism, democracy.

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22

Simakova, Marina. "On the Violence of History." Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review 18, no. 1 (March 2019): 250–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1728-192x-2019-1-250-255.

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23

VINALE, ADRIANO. "A (Conceptual) History of Violence." History 101, no. 346 (June 6, 2016): 362–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-229x.12236.

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24

Azoulay, Ariella. "Potential History: Thinking through Violence." Critical Inquiry 39, no. 3 (March 2013): 548–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/670045.

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25

Weld, Kirsten. "Writing Political Violence into History." Latin American Research Review 48, no. 2 (2013): 175–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lar.2013.0023.

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26

Brooke, Nick. "Identity, History, and Political Violence." Political Psychology 39, no. 2 (March 25, 2018): 495–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/pops.12472.

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27

Mailey, Richard. "Archiving Sovereignty: Law, History, Violence." Law & Literature 31, no. 3 (September 2, 2019): 512–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1535685x.2019.1680035.

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28

Kole, Abhisake. "A History of Structural Violence." Journal of General Internal Medicine 35, no. 5 (February 18, 2020): 1589–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11606-020-05722-4.

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29

Sa'dan, Masthuriyah. "Reinterpretation of Sexual Violence Theology: Case Study of Amina Wadud’s Tafsir." Jurnal Perempuan 21, no. 2 (May 20, 2016): 163–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.34309/jp.v21i2.94.

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Sexual violence in the history of humankind is a common phenomena. Ironically the object of violence is frequently women. Unfortunately, those violence are legitimated with doctrine. Cases of husband beating wife as nusyuz and other violences are legitimated with holytexts. Muhamad’s personality to his wives even being used as legitimation of theology. This made interpretation becomes bias. Amina Wadud’s tafsir indicated that there is a need to re-evaluate and reinterprete those bias tafsir.

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30

Garnot, Benoît. "La violence et ses limites dans la France du XVIIIe siècle : l'exemple bourguignon." Revue historique o 122, no. 2 (February 1, 1998): 237–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhis.g1998.122n2.0237.

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Résumé Les archives judiciaires du XVIIIe siècle donnent l'image d'une société où la violence est omniprésente. Mais la prudence devrait s'imposer devant des documents qui ne rendent compte que de situations exceptionnelles. Certes, la violence fait partie des rapports humains, mais elle n'en constitue qu'un stade éphémère, inséré dans un cadre général le plus souvent pacifique. On est bien loin d'un monde qui serait déchiré en permanence par les bagarres et toutes les sortes de violences exercées par des individus frustes et impulsifs.

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31

Ineichen, Bernard. "Cruel creeds, virtuous violence: religious violence across culture and history / Fields of blood: religion and the history of violence / Violence and new religious movements." Mental Health, Religion & Culture 18, no. 4 (April 21, 2015): 312–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13674676.2015.1042850.

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32

Bergman-Carton. "Christian Boltanski's: Dernières Années: The History of Violence and the Violence of History." History and Memory 13, no. 1 (2001): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/his.2001.13.1.3.

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33

Kalman, Samuel. "Colonial Violence." Historical Reflections/Reflexions Historiques 36, no. 2 (January 1, 2010): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2010.360201.

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34

Vincent, Mary. "Understanding Violence." Contemporary European History 29, no. 3 (June 1, 2020): 285–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000296.

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Any civil war leaves a legacy of partisanship. Divisions persist over time and may be particularly bitter when, as in Spain, a culture of victory survives long after the end of hostilities. Any attempt at reconciliation was postponed, leading to an unusually bifurcated historiography, framed by a perennial interest into who, at base, was responsible for the outbreak of the civil war. The parameters of this debate were set in the 1970s, most notably in works by Stanley Payne and Paul Preston. It has continued in various guises since then, most recently revived by a generation of Spanish scholars, such as Fernando del Rey Reguillo, who have added case studies and new levels of detail, while leaving the terms of the debate more or less unchanged. Of course the historiographical panorama can change, often in tandem with the historical context, as several contributions to this roundtable make clear, notably those of Vjeran Pavlaković, Helen Graham and Giuliana Chamedes. However, the framing of the Spanish Civil War is still essentially moral: who bore responsibility for the outbreak of war, who was to blame for the defeat of the republic and, as a consequence, the conduct of the repression. One result has been to assimilate the history of the civil war with that of the Second Republic; another is a historiography that is largely political in tone and focus.

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35

Gerwarth, R. "Cultures of Violence: Interpersonal Violence in Historical Perspective." English Historical Review CXXIII, no. 502 (May 30, 2008): 687–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cen170.

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36

Eke, Kruger, and Mortimer. "““Memory/History, Violence, and Reconciliation: Introduction””." Research in African Literatures 43, no. 1 (2012): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/reseafrilite.43.1.65.

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37

Bassett, Mary T. "A history of US police violence." Lancet 397, no. 10289 (May 2021): 2039–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(21)01153-3.

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38

Crocker, Jonathan W. "Data-Becoming: History, Violence, and Justice." International Review of Qualitative Research 14, no. 4 (January 24, 2022): 631–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/19408447211049507.

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In this paper, I offer a materialist perspective on data-becoming through a series of (non)living encasements. The living bodies included as examples here (Emmett Till, William T. Simpson, and LaVerne Turner) point to a historical legacy of violence and justice that continues, albeit differently, in different contexts, at different times, and from different social positions. These encasements show that any meanings imbued in data are dependent on when and where it arises, what is intra-acting with it, and in what context. Along these lines, I suggest data is always in-process of becoming something other at the level of material intra-action. This paper understands the movement of racialized, gendered, and sexualized bodies for justice and their coincidental, intra-active relations as a set of ongoing, changing conditions that re/de/construct (non)violent realities across time and space. I offer a way to reconsider data as always evolving and resistant to the confines of written research which may open up pathways for non-binary applications of historical fact, violent encounter, and political justice in critical qualitative research.

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39

Vellasco, Ivan, and Cristiana Viegas de Andrade. "Crime and Violence in Brazilian History." Crime, Histoire & Sociétés 24, no. 1 (October 30, 2020): 29–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/chs.2687.

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40

Kumar, Sanjay. "History of Electoral Violence in Bihar." Research Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 6, no. 4 (2015): 277. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2321-5828.2015.00037.6.

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41

O'Neal, Rebecca. "Honour, Violence and Emotions in History." Social History 40, no. 2 (April 3, 2015): 250–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2015.1013710.

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42

Fagan, Jeffrey, and Garth Davies. "The Natural History of Neighborhood Violence." Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 20, no. 2 (May 2004): 127–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1043986204263769.

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43

Copping, Lee T., Anne Campbell, and Steven Muncer. "Violence, Teenage Pregnancy, and Life History." Human Nature 24, no. 2 (May 8, 2013): 137–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12110-013-9163-2.

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44

Pollock, Iain Haley. "An Abridged History of American Violence." African American Review 49, no. 1 (2016): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/afa.2016.0003.

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45

Muelleman, Robert L., and Patricia Burgess. "Male Victims of Domestic Violence and Their History of Perpetrating Violence." Academic Emergency Medicine 5, no. 9 (September 1998): 866–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1553-2712.1998.tb02815.x.

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46

Hartman, Alan G. "Violence and Hopelessness in the Colombian Novels La Virgen de Los Sicarios and Satanás." Journal of Latino/Latin American Studies 10, no. 2 (July 1, 2020): 48–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.18085/1549-9502.10.2.48.

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Abstract Colombia is a South American nation that has captured the imagination of the world. It is a land of beautiful colonial cities and towns, famous for coffee production, rich emerald mines, and the literature of José Asunción Silva and Gabriel García Márquez. Colombia’s beauty and rich literary history, however, are often overshadowed by the memory of Pablo Escobar, a notorious drug lord, and numerous deadly guerilla groups. Their roles in the international drug trade made Colombia the top producer and exporter of cocaine, which resulted in terrorism and violence that left the country one of the world’s most dangerous.1 In this article, I will explore how violence in Colombia has perpetuated the theme of hopelessness in the nation’s literature beginning in the mid-twentieth century. I will show this in three parts. Firstly, I will trace the history of violence in Colombia through the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and show that a literary genre of violence was absent in the nation until 1946, when the period known as “la Violencia” commenced. Secondly, I will explore how hopelessness resulted from violence in Colombia beginning in the period of “la Violencia.” Thirdly, I will show how violence is depicted as an evil that traps the protagonists of the contemporary Colombian novels La Virgen de Los Sicarios and Satanás in a state of hopelessness due to their powerlessness to truly change themselves because of the frustrated society in which they live.

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47

Spencer, Robyn C. "Mad at History." Radical Teacher 113 (February 14, 2019): 68–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/rt.2019.598.

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48

Sanders, Mark. "EXTRAORDINARY VIOLENCE." Interventions 3, no. 2 (January 2001): 242–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698010120059636.

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49

Finnstrom, S. "Terror and Violence: Imagination and the Unimaginable; Violence." Ethnohistory 54, no. 4 (October 1, 2007): 771–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-2007-037.

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50

Pelletier, Denis. "Religion et violence." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no. 76 (October 2002): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3772320.

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