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1
Suyanto, Bagong, Medhy Aginta Hidayat, and Rendy Pahrun Wadipalapa. "Sexual exploitation and violence of prostituted children." Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 33, no. 2 (June 24, 2020): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v33i22020.134-145.
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This study examines sexual exploitation and violence against prostituted children in East Java, Indonesia. Children who are involved in the commercial sex industry are generally prone to become victims of exploitation, violent acts, and other child abuse. This case study employs a qualitative research method to examine the various hardships experienced by prostituted children in East Java, Indonesia. The researchers interviewed ten prostituted children, seven “grey chickens” (female high school students doubling as prostituted children), eight former prostituted children, five pimps, eight procurers, and seven male customers in Surabaya City and Pasuruan Regency. This study found that, in the Indonesian commercial sex industry, prostituted children generally experience severe exploitation and violent acts. The children’s struggle to survive in the Indonesian prostitution business is a challenging condition because of their weak bargaining position: their subordinate status in the Indonesian patriarchal ideology, their weak position as children confronting adults, as well as their low socioeconomic position. The efforts to make policies to prevent exploitation and violence against prostituted children by the government and non-government agencies thus should take into account the conditions of the prostituted children as well as the driving factors for the child prostitution business that takes place in Indonesia.
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Varshney, Ashutosh, Mohammad Zulfan Tadjoeddin, and Rizal Panggabean. "Creating Datasets in Information-Poor Environments: Patterns of Collective Violence in Indonesia, 1990–2003." Journal of East Asian Studies 8, no. 3 (December 2008): 361–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800006470.
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Indonesia has witnessed explosive group violence in recent years, but unlike its plentiful economic statistics, the data on conflict are remarkably sketchy. Because the New Order (1966–1998) wanted to give the appearance of order and stability, it did not believe in publishing reports on group conflict, nor did it allow researchers and nongovernmental organizations to probe the patterns and causes of conflict. This article is based on the first multiyear dataset ever constructed on group violence in Indonesia. Following, and adapting for Indonesian conditions, methodologies developed and used elsewhere, we cover the years 1990–2003, split the data into various categories, and identify the national, regional, and local patterns of collective violence. Much that we find is surprising, given the existing theories and common perceptions about violence in Indonesia. Of the several conclusions we draw, the most important one is that group violence in Indonesia is highly locally concentrated. Fifteen districts and cities (kabupatenandkota), in which a mere 6.5 percent of the country's population lived in 2000, account for as much as 85.5 percent of all deaths in group violence. Large-scale group violence is not as widespread as is normally believed. If we can figure out why so many districts remained reasonably quiet, even as the violent systemic shifts—such as the decline of the New Order—deeply shook fifteen districts causing a large number of deaths, it will advance our understanding of the causes of collective violence in Indonesia.
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Sarhindi, Irfan Latifulloh. "Symbolic Violence in Indonesian Society." Journal of Southeast Asian Human Rights 1, no. 1 (November 13, 2017): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/jseahr.v1i1.5707.
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Islam is by far the largest religion in Indonesia, and given the size of Indonesia’s population and the massive percentage of which follow identify as Muslim, Indonesia becomes the biggest Muslim majority country. In the light of this reality, Islam becomes the society’s dominant role of conduct. As to be predicted in such system, a social hierarchy has developed in which Indonesian Muslims enjoy the most privileges. Such a situation has created a fertile ground for the possible use of what Pierre Bourdieu’s call ‘symbolic violence’. As a consequence, there is a tendency for the minor group of Indonesian people to be marginalized. Sadly, this seems to be exacerbated by the rise of Islamic conservativism and radicalisation in post-1998 Indonesia. That says, their lack of capability in recognizing minority’s rights often leads to religious intolerance. Considerably, as to solve such a situation, widening perspective as well as strengthening inter-group and inter-religion dialogue is required.
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TAHQIQ, NANANG. "REFLEKSI UNTUK MODERASI ISLAM-INDONESIA." Dialog 34, no. 1 (October 24, 2017): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.47655/dialog.v34i1.149.
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This reflective article describes the author's experience of the common attitude of Indonesian Muslims who are basically uncourageous and afraid of murder, violence, terrorism, radicalism, or the like. Indonesian Muslims prefer to moderate attitude than extreme one. Therefore, Indonesian Muslims--both individual and communal-- will always be moderate from the first onwards. Both experiences while living abroad (Canada) and notably in the country (Indonesia) proved to the author that Indonesian Muslims did not like violence. Moreover, the evidences suggested that the source of violence is external influence. One of related experiences on how Indonesian Muslims abroad tend to avoid violence was also experienced by the author during his lecture at McGill University, Montreal, Canada. In this article the author sketches briefly his story and conclude that the basic characteristics of Indonesian Muslims is moderate, and moderate Muslim trends or movements will be well acceptable and grow up.
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Panggabean, Samsu Rizal. "Conflict Studies in Indonesia: A Preliminary Survey of Indonesian Publications." PCD Journal 4, no. 1-2 (June 8, 2017): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/pcd.25772.
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This article will review a sample of published material on conflict and violence in Indonesia, written or co-authored by Indonesian authors. This selective approach will limit the literature reviewed whilst highlighting the significant contribution made to the literature by Indonesian scholars, researchers, and journalists. Much of the literature on conflict and violence in Indonesia that has been published during the last decade was written by non-Indonesian scholars and researchers. The particularistic approach adopted in this article will provide an opportunity for reviewing the state of conflict studies by Indonesian writers and scholars.
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Berenschot, Ward. "Patterned pogroms: Patronage networks as infrastructure for electoral violence in India and Indonesia." Journal of Peace Research 57, no. 1 (December 31, 2019): 171–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343319889678.
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The regular occurrence of election-related violence between ethnic or religious communities has generated a burgeoning literature on ‘the dark side’ of democracy. This literature provides convincing accounts of how political competition incentivizes politicians to foment violence. Yet such elite-oriented approaches are less convincing in explaining why and how political elites succeed in mobilizing people who do not share their concern for electoral benefits. This article addresses this challenge by relating the capacity of politicians to foment violence to the everyday functioning of patronage networks. Using ethnographic fieldwork to compare violent and nonviolent areas during Hindu–Muslim violence in Gujarat (2002) and Christian–Muslim violence in North Maluku (1999–2000), I find that the informal networks through which citizens gain access to state benefits (‘patronage networks’) shape patterns of election-related violence between religious communities. Politicians succeeded in fomenting violence in areas where citizens depended strongly on ethnicized patronage networks, while violence was averted in areas where state–citizen interaction was organized through networks that bridge religious divides. Interpreting this finding, I argue that patronage networks generate both infrastructure and incentives to organize violence. They provide the infrastructure for violence because their everyday functioning generates interdependencies between politicians and local followers that facilitate the instigation and organization of violence. Patronage networks also generate incentives for violence because when prevailing patronage networks bridge social divides, politicians relying on these networks have an interest in preventing communal violence. When socio-economic changes cause patronage networks to become organized along religious divides, as occurred in the violent areas in Gujarat and North Maluku, divisive political discourse is more likely to resonate and political actors are more likely to benefit electorally from communal violence. In this manner this article provides a novel explanation for both subnational variation in patterns of violence and the hardening of social divisions.
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Mu’in, Fatchul, and Rustam Effendi. "Cultural Violence represented in Indonesia and American Literatures." SHS Web of Conferences 53 (2018): 03003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20185303003.
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This article is aimed at describing the lives of dominated people of both Indonesia and America. Among the dominated people in Indonesian community are Indonesian Chinese people, and those in American community are African American people. The discussion on some Indonesia novels of post tragedy of 1998 shows that personally Chinese faced a hard life; and socially they were dominated. Therefore, it can be concluded that: (1) the personal behaviour of Indonesian Chinese is represented through the hard life, (2) social behaviour of Indonesian Chinese is represented through the dominated social life, and (3) cultural behavior is represented through the religious life with many problems.This is say that the cultural behaviour of Indonesian Chinese in Indonesia novels is represented through cultural violence. The similar result of discussion on some American novels of post slavery shows that (1) the black man as the representation of Black people (African-Americans) was always in a dilemmatic condition leaving him without any options. Whatever he chose, will have negative consequences, (2) the struggle for ‘equality’ through ‘violence’ will result in a ‘tragic fate’, and (3) the novel reflected the black people who yearned for freedom from white domination and expected to have good education, good employment, and equality in political opportunity, law enforcement/law protection, and in other sociocultural life.
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Lestari, Rizki Widya. "KEKERASAN TERHADAP PEREMPUAN DALAM FILM INDONESIA." KANAL: Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi 3, no. 2 (October 1, 2016): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.21070/kanal.v3i2.303.
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This study aimed to analyze the depiction of violence experienced by women in the film "7 heart, 7 love, 7 women". These research method used textual analyses to interpret the signs that are produced in a media text are elements of violence experienced by women. The results showed that violence to the women include (a) physical violence, among others: strangling, pulling, injuring a pregnant woman, and rape, (b) symbolic violence, among others: (1) psychological violence: deceive, insult, infidelity; (2) financial violence: lack of accountability husband; (3) functional violence: restrictions on women's social role as executor of reproductive function.
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Aly, Abdullah. "VIOLENCE IN ONLINE MEDIA AND ITS IMPLICATION TO ISLAMIC EDUCATION OF INDONESIA." Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies 10, no. 1 (May 29, 2020): 177–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v10i1.177-198.
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This article focused on two aspects. In aspect one we focused on the respond of online media to the issues of violence in Indonesia, especially Suara Muhammadiyah Online and Nahdhatul Ulama Online. In aspect two we recommend that the results of this study be the basis for developing Islamic education in Indonesia. Data collection was conducted by document study to texts of Suara Muhammadiyah Online as well as Nahdhatul Ulama Online, especially the issues of violence in Indonesia. The data were analyzed with discourse analysis used social semiotics model of Halliday, M.A.K. The study found that Muhammadiyah and NU had the same response to the issues of violence in Indonesia as social problems which should be denied. Both reject any form of violence, although they differ in detail the types of violence and the reasons for the rejection of violent cases in Indonesia. Furthermore, the results of the study recommended selecting both teaching materials and learning methods. Both were the opinions of Ibn Miskawayh and Naquib al-Attas and were further offered as a strategy to reduce the cases of violence that have occurred in Indonesia.
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Barron, Patrick, and Joanne Sharpe. "Local Conflict in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Understanding Variations in Violence Levels and Forms Through Local Newspapers." Journal of East Asian Studies 8, no. 3 (December 2008): 395–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800006482.
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Responding to conflict, in Indonesia and elsewhere, requires an understanding of its distribution, forms, and impacts. In this article, we outline an attempt to use local newspaper monitoring to measure the levels and impacts of violent conflict during the period 2001–2003 in two Indonesian provinces (East Java and NTT). We also assess variation in incidence, impact, and form across and within areas. The study data suggest first that previous research has vastly underestimated the impacts of violent conflict in Indonesia. Comparing our data with those of the previous attempt to use newspapers to map conflict in Indonesia (by the UN Support Facility for Indonesian Recovery [UNSFIR]), we find three times as many deaths from collective violence. These differences are a function of the level of news sources used, with provincial papers picking up only a small proportion of deaths in our research areas. Further, we argue that the impacts of certain types of violence between individuals should be included, leading to even higher figures. Second, our data call into question the dictum that violence in Indonesia is concentrated in a small number of regions. While there is variation between districts, we record large impacts from collective violence in areas not previously considered conflict-prone. Third, substantial variations in conflict form are found across regions, and these result in different kinds of impacts. This underlines the importance of consideration of the role of local factors in driving conflicts and suggests that approaches must be tailored to local conditions. Finally, we demonstrate that using local newspapers to measure and analyze conflicts presents a useful tool for understanding conflict in Indonesia. The use of subprovincial news sources captures more accurate estimates of conflict incidence than other methods, such as provincial newspaper mapping or surveying. It can also provide a basis for a deeper understanding of variations in patterns of conflict across areas and provide insights into how we might respond.
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Barron, Patrick, Sana Jaffrey, and Ashutosh Varshney. "WHEN LARGE CONFLICTS SUBSIDE: THE EBBS AND FLOWS OF VIOLENCE IN POST-SUHARTO INDONESIA." Journal of East Asian Studies 16, no. 2 (July 2016): 191–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2016.6.
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AbstractThe last decade has witnessed an extraordinary spate of scholarship on the ethno-communal violence that swept through Indonesia following the collapse of the Suharto regime. Yet we know very little about how these large-scale violent conflicts subsided and the patterns of post-conflict violence that have emerged since. We introduce evidence from an original dataset to show that the high violence period lasted till 2003, after which violence declined in intensity and scale. Despite this aggregate decline, we find that old conflict sites still exhibit relatively high levels of small-scale violence. We conclude that Indonesia has moved to a new, post-conflict phase where large-scale violence is infrequent, yet small-scale violence remains unabated, often taking on new forms. Finally, we propose that effective internal security interventions by the state are a key reason, although not the only reason, why large-scale violence has not emerged again despite the continued prevalence of low-level violence.
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Amin, Ayoeb. "KONSEP UKHUWWAH ISLAMIYYAH SEBAGAI MATERI PAI." TA'DIBUNA: Jurnal Pendidikan Agama Islam 1, no. 1 (December 8, 2018): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.30659/jpai.1.1.29-39.
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Violent, brutal, and horizontal conflicts, as well as verbal abuse and slander on social media that sparked hatred in this country raise questions. Why did the Indonesian people who had been known friendly suddenly become violent? Is hospitality a forced attitude? Is the glue of unity called nationality not strong enough? Or are there other factors that trigger the emergence of violence and conflict? This paper will discuss about the concept of the Ukhuwwah Islamiyyah which is expected to become an Islamic Education material in schools and madrasah-madrasah throughout Indonesia. By understanding the meaning of Ukhuwwah, it is hoped that the Indonesian people will be more mature in living in a society, nation, and state. This article using a religious approach, because the majority of the population of Indonesia is Muslim. It is hoped that through this approach it can achieve the desired goals, not even be disastrous. Violent, brutal, and horizontal conflicts, as well as verbal abuse and slander on social media that sparked hatred in this country raise questions. Why did the Indonesian people who had been known friendly suddenly become violent? Is hospitality a forced attitude? Is the glue of unity called nationality not strong enough? Or are there other factors that trigger the emergence of violence and conflict? This paper will discuss about the concept of the Ukhuwwah Islamiyyah which is expected to become an Islamic Education material in schools and madrasah-madrasah throughout Indonesia. By understanding the meaning of Ukhuwwah, it is hoped that the Indonesian people will be more mature in living in a society, nation, and state. This article using a religious approach, because the majority of the population of Indonesia is Muslim. It is hoped that through this approach it can achieve the desired goals, not even be disastrous.
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Jenny Munro. "The Violence of Inflated Possibilities: Education, Transformation, and Diminishment in Wamena, Papua." Indonesia, no. 95 (2013): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5728/indonesia.95.0025.
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Shalihin, Nurus, Firdaus, Muhammad Sholihin, and Andri Ashadi. "THE SOCIAL VIOLENCE AND REGIME CHANGES IN INDONESIA." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 8, no. 4 (September 4, 2020): 811–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2020.8481re.
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Purpose of the study: This paper aims to explain social violence during the transition of three regimes in Indonesia, from the Old Order to the New Order and from the New Order to the Reformation. This paper also analyzes the motives behind the violence at each transition of the regimes.
Methodology: The research was conducted through a literature study by examining media documents, magazines, research reports, scientific articles, and books on various social violence practices in every three regimes in Indonesia.
Main Findings: The result of the study found that the social violence in Indonesia has occurred in various forms and motives. Five types of social violence have been identified, communal violence, separatist violence, state-community violence, industrial relations violence, and political violence. The social violence has used as a tool to silence the past and carry out political propaganda by elites and to gain the power by opposition. Thus, it argues that all social violence practices are constructed by various interests of the regimes and anti-regimes.
Applications of this study: This study provides a mapping of violence in every political and regime transition in Indonesia. Thus, this study can be applied for two important issues. First, this study can be used as reference in anticipating political violence in the national and regional election process in Indonesia in particular, and other countries in general. Second, for developing countries, this study can be used as reference as reference in mapping and analyzing various social violence practices that accompany the transition process.
Novelty/Originality of this study: The recent studies of violence in Indonesia covered the issues of religious, ethnic, economic and political violence. There are limited studies violence and democracy transition in Indonesia and it’s relation to political regimes. This article focuses on violence and its relationship with the political regimes and regime’s changes in Indonesia.
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Rahama, Salma Nur, and Rina Hermawati. "Pengalaman Kekerasan pada Pedagang Kaki Lima di Indonesia." Anthropos: Jurnal Antropologi Sosial dan Budaya (Journal of Social and Cultural Anthropology) 7, no. 1 (June 24, 2021): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.24114/antro.v7i1.24572.
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This study aims is to describe about the violence experience against street vendors in Indonesia including the causes of violence, forms of violence and street vendors' experience responses to the violence. This research uses qualitative methods with collecting data techniques from literature studies such as ,notes, books, papers or articles, journals and so on. The research results showed that the causes of street vendor violence are related to the class that have more power and the class that have less power. The power in question is the power or strength that a person has to do what he wants. The forms of violence experienced by street vendors can be identified into three forms based on Galtung's theory, including direct violence that can be seen such as physical, verbal and sexual violence, then the second is structural violence, namely violence that is not perpetrated by individuals but is hidden in a structure both smaller and smaller structures. broader structure, then the third is cultural violence, namely the symbolic space that exists in the cognition system and can be a driving force for both direct and structural violence. PKL responses to the violence they experience are divided into two, namely resisting and not resisting.
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van Klinken, Gerry. "Book Review: Collective Violence in Indonesia." South East Asia Research 20, no. 1 (March 2012): 144–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5367/sear.2012.0095.
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Dittmer, Lowell. "The Legacy of Violence in Indonesia." Asian Survey 42, no. 4 (July 2002): 541–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2002.42.4.541.
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Tyson, Adam. "VIGILANTISM AND VIOLENCE IN DECENTRALIZED INDONESIA." Critical Asian Studies 45, no. 2 (June 2013): 201–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14672715.2013.792570.
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Barton, Greg. "Political Islam and Violence in Indonesia." Contemporary Southeast Asia 29, no. 2 (August 2007): 383–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs29-2j.
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Virgoe, John. "Conflict, Violence, and Displacement in Indonesia." Contemporary Southeast Asia 30, no. 3 (December 2008): 479–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs30-3f.
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Malley, Michael. "Indonesia: Violence and Reform Beyond Jakarta." Southeast Asian Affairs 2001 2001, no. 1 (April 2001): 159–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/seaa01k.
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Chiara Formichi. "Violence, Sectarianism, and the Politics of Religion: Articulations of Anti-Shi'a Discourses in Indonesia." Indonesia, no. 98 (2014): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5728/indonesia.98.0001.
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Varshney, Ashutosh. "Analyzing Collective Violence in Indonesia: An Overview." Journal of East Asian Studies 8, no. 3 (December 2008): 341–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800006469.
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In 2001, using violent junctures in the life of a seventy-year-old Indonesian as a metaphor for the whole nation, Benedict Anderson summarized the history of violence in Indonesia in a poignant manner:A seventy year old Indonesian woman or man today will have observed and/or directly experienced the following: as a primary school age child, the police-state authoritarianism of … Dutch colonial rule …; as a young teenager, the wartime Japanese military regime, which regularly practiced torture in private and executions in public …; on the eve of adulthood, four years (1945–49) of popular struggle for national liberation … at the cost of hundreds of thousands of lives; as a young mother or father … the cataclysm of 1965–66, when at least 600,000 and perhaps as many as two million people … were slaughtered by the military; in the middle age, the New Order police-state, and its bloody attempt to annex East Timor, which cost over 200,000 East Timorese lives …; in old age, the spread of armed resistance in … Aceh and West Papua, the savage riots of May 1998 … and … the outbreak of ruthless internecine confessional warfare in the long peaceful Moluccas. (Anderson 2001, 9–10)
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Wahyuni, Sri, Haris Supratno, and Kamidjan Kamidjan. "KEKERASAN SIMBOLIK DALAM NOVEL INDONESIA." RETORIKA: Jurnal Bahasa, Sastra, dan Pengajarannya 12, no. 2 (August 15, 2019): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.26858/retorika.v12i2.8833.
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Abstract: Symbolic Violence in Indonesian Novels. The general objective of this research is to find out the mechanism of symbolic violence, upper class habitus, and lower class habitus in the Indonesian novels. The approach used in this research is a qualitative approach. Data is collected using the documentation method. The results of the study of the mechanism of symbolic violence consisting of euphemisms in the form of compassion, giving, refusal are subtle. The censorship mechanism in the form of positive moral preservation in the form of honor and politeness. Upscale habitus in the form of hopes and lifestyles possessed by social groups above and class habitus under expectations and lifestyles owned by social groups below.
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Susanta, Yohanes K. "Hospitalitas Sebagai Upaya Mencegah Kekerasan dalam Memelihara Kerukunan dalam Relasi Islam - Kristen di Indonesia." Societas Dei: Jurnal Agama dan Masyarakat 2, no. 1 (October 24, 2017): 281. http://dx.doi.org/10.33550/sd.v2i1.62.
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ABSTRACT: This paper shows that religious violence is a reality that characterizes the history of mankind. The inter-religious violence became a regular phenomenon that is often encountered in Indonesian society. Therefore, this paper will examine the causes of inter-religious violence in Indonesia, especially the relationship between Muslims and Christians. This paper will also show the task of the church in preventing inter-religious violence by promoting and applying hospitality. It does not mean that the church is the most responsible side for the violence, but the church is a part and become a witness of the history of violence that has occurred. KEYWORDS: hospitality, Christians-Muslims relationship, violence, religious harmony
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Rowe, William S., Nurasiah FakihSutan, and Iryna M. Dulka. "A study of domestic violence against academic working wives in Medan." International Social Work 49, no. 1 (January 2006): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872806059400.
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English This study describes marital violence committed against wives working in the academic sector in Medan, Indonesia. Male dominance favoured by the patriarchal culture has in.uenced the responses of women. The violence documented is comparable with that experienced by women in other countries. The study also suggests that marital violence is found across socio-economic groups. French Cette étude décrit la violence conjugale subite par des femmes travaillant dans les secteurs académiques à Medan en Indonésie. La dominance masculine favorisé e par des valeurs sociales patriarcales a influencéles réponses des femmes. La violence documentée est comparable à celle éprouvée par des femmes dans d'autres pays. L'étude fournit des preuves que la violence conjugale se produit à travers les strates socio-économiques. Spanish Este estudio describe la violencia doméstica experimentada por mujeres trabajadoras en sectores académicos de Medan, Indonesia. Los valores sociales patriarcales han promovido la dominació n masculina y han tenido influencia en las respuestas de estas mujeres. Los abusos reportados fueron comparables con los experimentados por mujeres de otros países y ofrecen evidencia de que la violencia conyugal tiene lugar en diferentes estratos socio econó micos y niveles educativos.
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Tajima, Yuhki. "Explaining Ethnic Violence in Indonesia: Demilitarizing Domestic Security." Journal of East Asian Studies 8, no. 3 (December 2008): 451–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800006500.
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Recent scholarship on communal violence in Indonesia since the late New Order has focused on identifying causal mechanisms of particular subtypes of communal violence such as large-scale communal violence, town-level communal rioting, intervillage violence, and lynching. While such analyses are useful in understanding aspects specific to each subtype of violence, analyzing each subtype separately risks the analytical problem of selection on the dependent variable if there are important similarities across subtypes. Drawing on the observation that each of these subtypes appeared to rise and fall together since the late New Order, I propose a common factor that can explain the broad temporal patterns of communal violence. In particular, I point to increasing restraints on the military that arose from intraregime infighting, greater scrutiny of military actions during theketerbukaan(political openness) period, and the withdrawal of the military from police duties during Reformasi. I examine four cases of communal conflict: (1) a case in which intravillage violence was averted, (2) a case of lynching, (3) a case of lynching and subsequent intervillage reprisals, and (4) a case of large-scale communal violence. The first three cases are from Lampung province, and the fourth is the case of Poso district, Central Sulawesi.
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Masykuroh, Qanitah. "PHYSICAL AND VERBAL VIOLENCE IN INDONESIAN FOLKTALES RETOLD IN CHILDREN’S BOOKS." Kajian Linguistik dan Sastra 1, no. 1 (June 20, 2016): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.23917/kls.v1i1.2475.
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Folktales as a cultural expression can contain all aspects of human life including violence. As Indonesia comprises so many diverse cultures, the contextof violence, its degree and its nature, are also various. This study examines the forms of violence in Indonesian folktales, focusing on how physical and verbal violence are depicted in Indonesian folktales retold in children’s books that were published in ten years of post-reformasi period. Content analysis is used to scrutinize the forms of violence. The finding shows that physical and verbal violence in Indonesian folktales retold as children’s storybooks is prevalent. I argue that the diverse forms and nature of violence presented in children’s story books illuminate the connection between social and individual expressions of violence. This study provides a way to look at the structural and ideological function ofviolence in contemporary traditional folk literature.
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Rumble, Lauren, Ryan Fajar Febrianto, Melania Niken Larasati, Carolyn Hamilton, Ben Mathews, and Michael P. Dunne. "Childhood Sexual Violence in Indonesia: A Systematic Review." Trauma, Violence, & Abuse 21, no. 2 (April 8, 2018): 284–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1524838018767932.
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There has been relatively little research into the prevalence of childhood sexual violence (CSV) as well as the risk and protective factors for CSV in low- and middle-income countries including Indonesia. Systematic searches conducted in English and Bahasa Indonesia in this review identified 594 records published between 2006 and 2016 in peer-reviewed journals and other literature including 299 Indonesian records. Fifteen studies, including nine prevalence studies, met the quality appraisal criteria developed for this review. The review found that CSV research is scarce: Only one study included nationally representative prevalence estimates. Varying definitions for CSV, survey methods, and sample characteristics limited the generalizability of the data. The available evidence points to significant risk of sexual violence affecting both girls and boys across many geographical and institutional settings. Married adolescent girls are vulnerable to sexual violence by partners in their homes. Children in schools are vulnerable to CSV by peers and adults. Victims seldom disclose incidents and rarely seek support. In addition, early childhood experiences of trauma were strongly associated with later perpetration of sexual violence and revictimization. Limited information is available about protective factors. This review synthesizes evidence about what is currently known about CSV in Indonesia and identifies the strengths and weaknesses of the existing research. A more robust evidence base regarding CSV is required to better inform policy and justify investment into prevention programs.
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Meyer, David A., and Arthur Stein. "Analysing “Long Data” on Collective Violence in Indonesia." Asian Journal of Social Science 43, no. 5 (2015): 613–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04305006.
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“Long data”, i.e., temporal data disaggregated to short time intervals to form a long time series, is a particularly interesting type of “big data”. Financial data are often available in this form (e.g., many years of daily stock prices), but until recently long data for other social, and even other economic, processes have been rare. Over the last decade, however, long data have begun to be extracted from (digitized) text, and then used to assess or formulate micro-level and macro-level theories. The UN Support Facility for Indonesian Recovery (UNSFIR) collected a long data set of incidents of collective violence in 14 Indonesian provinces during the 14 year period 1990–2003. In this paper we exploit the “length” of the UNSFIR data by applying several time series analysis methods. These reveal some previously unobserved features of collective violence in Indonesia—including periodic components and long time correlations—with important social/political interpretations and consequences for explanatory model building.
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Fauzi, Agus. "Agama, Pancasila dan Konflik Sosial di Indonesia." e-Journal Lentera Hukum 4, no. 2 (August 29, 2017): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/ejlh.v4i2.5295.
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During Reformasi Era, Indonesia has still had serious social issues with reference to social clashes and religious violence. The contestation between majority and minority and the monopoly of interpretation of Pancasila as a state ideology have dominated public sphere which affects on the increase of social clash with various backgrounds. The increase of social clash including religious violence results in the uncertainty whether or not Pancasila as a state ideology is capable of tackling contemporary Indonesian realities. Moreover, Pancasila also needs to tackle religious transnationalism ideology which has spread across the nation and receive positive sympathy from some Indonesians. Based on these realities, this writing aims to examine dimension of divinity and humanism in Pancasila and then propose an ideal concept of the divinity in the framework of Indonesian unity.
Keywords: Pancasila, Religious Conflict, Indonesia and Ideology
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David Kloos. "In the Name of Syariah? Vigilante Violence, Territoriality, and Moral Authority in Aceh, Indonesia." Indonesia, no. 98 (2014): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5728/indonesia.98.0059.
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Rusyidi, Binahayati. "DEFINITIONS OF VIOLENCE AGAINST WIVES AMONG INDONESIAN SOCIAL WORK COLLEGE STUDENTS." Journal Sampurasun : Interdisciplinary Studies for Cultural Heritage 3, no. 1 (July 13, 2017): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.23969/sampurasun.v3i1.343.
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Violence against wives is the most common form of violence against women reported in Indonesia. Understanding the definition of violence against wives is one of first steps to address the problem given that recognition about what constitutes violent behaviors has an influence on how society responds to victims and perpetrators.
The study described and examined factors associated with the attitudes of Muslim undergraduate social welfare students toward definitions of violence against wives using socio-demographic and socio-cultural perspectives. Samples were selected non-randomly using convenience sampling techniques. Data were collected through a self-administered survey taken by 275 students in the social welfare department of two separate universities located in the provinces of Yogyakarta and East Java late 2016. Data was analyzed using hierarchical regressions techniques.
The study found that students generally reported stronger agreement to viewing physical violence as a form of violence against wives. On the contrary, they were less likely to view non-physical violence as violent behavior. Gender, attitudes toward gender roles, and type of university were found to be associated with attitudes toward the definition of violence against wives. Implications from the findings were discussed, taking into account the roles of educational institutions in shaping the students’ attitudes.
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Nilan, Pam, Argyo Demartoto, and Alex Broom. "Masculinity, Violence and Socioeconomic Status in Indonesia." Culture, Society and Masculinities 5, no. 1 (April 1, 2013): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3149/csm.0501.3.
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Peluso, Nancy Lee. "Violence, Decentralization, and Resource Access in Indonesia." Peace Review 19, no. 1 (February 2007): 23–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402650601181840.
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Schiller, Anne, and Bambang Garang. "Religion and inter-ethnic violence in Indonesia." Journal of Contemporary Asia 32, no. 2 (January 2002): 244–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472330280000151.
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Mariani, Nina. "Ahmadiyah, conflicts, and violence in contemporary Indonesia." Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies 3, no. 1 (June 1, 2013): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v3i1.1-30.
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This article examines conflicts and violence experienced by Ahmadiyah commu-nity in Indonesia after reformasi era. In spite of diversities among Muslims in<br />Indonesia, Ahmadiyah (Jemaat Ahmadiyah Indonesia) has been experiencing some<br />forms of violence both from other Muslims and government. The number of<br />violence has risen dramatically after the issuing second fatwa from Majelis Ulama<br />Indonesia in 2005 and the Joint Ministerial Decree (SKB) on Ahmadiyah. Those<br />forms of violence are issuing decree on banning Ahmadiyah, sealing the mosques<br />and banning of doing religious activities, and mobbing the mosques and houses,<br />including killing. Furthermore, this paper argues that Indonesia’s goverment does<br />not take its responsibility to protect its people particularly from minorities groups,<br />even some local governments also do violence towards Ahmadiyah community.<br />Artikel ini membahas konflik dan kekerasan yang dialami oleh komunitas<br />Ahmadiyah di Indonesia setelah masa reformasi. Walaupun Muslim di Indonesia<br />sangat beragam, Jemaat Ahmadiyah Indonesia mengalami beberapa bentuk<br />kekerasn baik dari Muslim yang lain maupun dari pemerintah. Jumlah kekerasna<br />yang menimpa mereka meningkat tajam setelah dikeluarkannya fatwa sesat kedua<br />dari MUI pada tahun 2005 dan Surat Keputusan Bersama (SKB) tiga menteri mengenai Ahmadiyah. Berbagai bentuk kekerasan yang menimpa mereka yaitu<br />pengeluaran peraturan pelarangan keberadaan Jemaat Ahmadiyah di berbagai<br />provinsi, penyegelan masjid dan pelarangan melakukan aktifitas keagamaan,<br />penyerangan masjid- masjid dan rumah-rumah warga Ahmadiyah, bahkan<br />pembunuhan. Selain itu, pemerintah pusat sepertinya tidak melaksanakan<br />kewajibannya untuk melindungi warganya, terutama dari kalangan minoritas<br />bahkan beberapa pemerintah lokal justru melakukan kekerasan terhadap warga<br />Ahmadiyah di daerahnya.<br />
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Sidel, John T., and Benedict R. O'G Anderson. "Violence and the State in Suharto's Indonesia." Pacific Affairs 75, no. 1 (2002): 146. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4127278.
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Kammen, Douglas. "Mass Violence and Regime Change in Indonesia." Indonesia 107, no. 1 (2019): 95–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ind.2019.0006.
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Noor, Farish A. "Riots, Pogroms, Jihad: Religious Violence in Indonesia." Religion, State and Society 38, no. 4 (December 2010): 432–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2010.525325.
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Bertrand, Jacques. "Ethnic Conflicts in Indonesia: National Models, Critical Junctures, and the Timing of Violence." Journal of East Asian Studies 8, no. 3 (December 2008): 425–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800006494.
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Beginning in the mid-1990s, there was a sudden rise in violent ethnic conflict in Indonesia. Two aspects that require explanation are the timing and clustering of this type of conflict historically. Other studies have not adequately explained these aspects. Methodological and thematic choices have generated problems with identifying and explaining clustering. Microlevel studies fail to account for the broader changes occurring at a macrolevel. Some researchers have chosen to broaden the scope of analysis of violent events to provide explanations of violence more generally. After reviewing these other studies, I argue that a historical institutionalist approach remains best able to explain the clustering of conflicts and the following period of stability. Changing institutional contexts at critical junctures created rising anxieties as well as opportunities to renegotiate group inclusion and status in the Indonesian state.
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Welsh, Bridget. "Local and National: Keroyokan Mobbing in Indonesia." Journal of East Asian Studies 8, no. 3 (December 2008): 473–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800006512.
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From horrific accounts of men decapitated to “ordinary” accounts of stolen motorcycles, the routine beating and killing of alleged criminals by mobs (massa) has become common in Indonesia. This article examines the patterns ofkeroyokan—mobbing—from 1995 through 2004 in four provinces and highlights the temporal, spatial, and substantive variations of this phenomenon. Drawing from a database of provincial and local news clippings in Bali, Bengkulu, West Java, and South Kalimantan and in-depth case studies and interviews, this article shows that mobbing varies considerably. Its causes are nationalandlocal. The temporal data show that nationally the most important factor to influence levels of mobbing was the introduction of decentralization. The power vacuum that resulted from the policy decision to transfer authority from the center to localities increased local violence. Yet this macrolevel explanation is inadequate to show the spatial variation and different forms of mobbing violence. To understand the causes of these dimensions of variation, one has to move away from macronational approaches measuring violence and include a more microethnographic local approach. A richer understanding of mobbing must be locally rooted. This article uses three case studies to illustrate the centrality of local factors affecting this form of violence. The case studies suggest that mobbing is shaped by the acquiescence of actors in local communities and local learning. The article draws attention to the need to incorporate local data and methods into an analysis of violence in Indonesia and to appreciate varied daily rituals of violence as reservoirs of conflict.
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Sirry, Mun'im. "Fatwas and their controversy: The case of the Council of Indonesian Ulama (MUI)." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 44, no. 1 (December 14, 2012): 100–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463412000641.
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This article discusses a different side of two controversial fatwas — one against Muslims participating in Christmas celebrations and the other against pluralism, liberalism and secularism — issued by the Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI, Council of Indonesian Ulama). Most studies on MUI have emphasised the role that the Council's fatwas have played in inciting sectarian violence in Indonesia. Without denying the connections between violence and the MUI fatwas, this article argues that these controversial fatwas have also opened up room for more fruitful and constructive discussions among different religious groups in Indonesia. This article asks: What were the roots of the controversy over these intolerant fatwas? How did the state respond to them? And what does the controversy over these fatwas tell us about the nature of public debate on Islam in Indonesia? By answering these questions this article will shed light on aspects of contemporary Indonesian public debates about Islam that have been overlooked in current scholarship.
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Eleanora, Fransiska Novita, and Edy Supriyanto. "Violence against Women and Patriarkhi Culture in Indonesia." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 7, no. 9 (October 1, 2020): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v7i9.1912.
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One of the violations of human rights is violence experienced by women, where women are placed in a weak and vulnerable position with violence in terms of physical, psychological, economic and sexual violence. This violence results in women often undergoing unfavorable treatment and results in prolonged trauma due to acts carried out by men as holders of power and superior in life, as well as dominating both in the household, the economy and also politics. The existence of patriarchal culture which has existed for a long time and assumes that women indeed in their nature must serve their husbands and as successors to offspring result in women being unable to do anything, especially if coupled with the community's assumption that a woman as a weak person not required get an education which is high because it is labeled as a weak human being and this is what causes men to increasingly dominate the superior or power of women. The purpose of this study was to determine the relationship of patriarchal culture to violence experienced by women and efforts to combat violence caused by patriarchal culture. Method This study was conducted with normative research by examining the literature and legislation relating to the problem under study. The result is that a culture of patriarchy dominates the superiority of men to rule where woman can rule in life its aspects.
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Rahman, Fazlul. "Kekerasan Atas Nama Tuhan: Respons "Netizen" Indonesia." JURNAL INDO-ISLAMIKA 2, no. 2 (June 20, 2012): 197–231. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/idi.v2i2.1175.
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Violence in the name of God—terrorism attacks, violence toward minority even inter religious conflicts—has nowadays become a global issue. In Indonesia, there are at least 30 cases of “holy” violence committed in the last ten years. The demand to have such freedoms, as of expression, of speech, of getting access to information, could be seen as a process of an ongoing democracy. Internet, in this context, is one of the popular media to channel this ambitions of democracy. On the other hand, many Muslim extremists use this change and this media to channel the ideology of jihad. This article aims to shed light on how the Indonesia netizen’s (cyber community) response to those kind of radical Islamist messages. By using descriptive content analysis to the comments of the respective issue in Kaskus website, this paper sees the variety of the responses that would contribute to the prevention of violence in the name of religion and suggest some solutions.
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Kartika, Vestina Ria, and Supardi Hamid. "Developing Papua As A Way Out To Overcome The Armed Violence Group ( Kelompok Kekerasan Bersenjata ) in Papua." Management Technology and Security International Journal 1, no. 2 (November 1, 2020): 180–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.47490/mtsij.v1.i2.180188.
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Papua’s development m us t be considered in developing Indonesia. It is the unity in Bhineka Tunggal Ika. The equality and justice in striving the people’s prosperity is also important for Indonesian people. Pancasila is the basis of the nation, which explains the five principles that have a power in developing Indonesia towards a “Mutual Cooperation ( Gotong Royong )” society. The fifth principle, the justice for all Indonesian people shows that it is Soekarno’s idea of how the people can relish the existence of justice and prosperity in both formal and non - formal fields which leads to mutual cooperation. It is implemented in Jokowi’s era which is building and developing the marginalized areas, from Sabang to Merauke, esp ecially the neglected areas. This is the time to realize the real action for Papua to gain justice although the challenges and obstacles that will be faced are not easy. Injustice, marginalization, and sub - culture are often being the starting points of var ious crimes and violences in Papua. The Violence Armed Group ( Kelompok Kekerasan Bersenjata ) uses those three variables as the reasons for committing various forms of violences and politically frame it with the desire to escape from Indonesia. The governme nt and the ruling regime are in charge to keep increasing the development in Papua. It is all for the sake of justice, equality, and prosperity for Papua’s people. Keyword: Inequality, Marginalization, Subculture, Papua, Conflict, Crime
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Mahfud, Mahfud, and Rizanizarli Rizanizarli. "Domestic Violence against Women in Indonesia: The Recent Domestic Violence Elimination Law Analysis." Fiat Justisia: Jurnal Ilmu Hukum 15, no. 4 (June 30, 2021): 387–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.25041/fiatjustisia.v15no4.2276.
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Even though Law Number 23 of 2004 concerning on the Elimination of Domestic Violence was promulgated fifteen years ago, the number of domestic violence against women has not significantly decreased. The Law has not set concrete actions that may fall under the domestic violence that can be punished, particularly in terms of sexual abuse psychological violence, and negligence in household towards women. This research aims to analyze domestic violence against women in this Law and the conducts that are considered to be domestic violence which is commonly found in daily life in Indonesia. A purely qualitative research method encompassing document analysis of key documents in Indonesia and the Anti-Domestic Violence Law 2004 is adopted in this paper. The research reveals that This Law is particularly protecting women from household violence in Indonesia. The law has recognized physical violence, sexual violence, psychological violence, and negligence as sorts of domestic violence against women in household although it might find difficult to enforce the law when dealing with marital rape regarding lack of reports from victims and polygamy concerning circumstances that can be used to criminalize the perpetrators.
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Sekarwangi Saraswati, Putu. "Urgensi Perlindungan Hukum Terhadap Perempuan Dan Anak Korban Kekerasan." Jurnal Ilmiah Raad Kertha 3, no. 2 (August 31, 2020): 42–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.47532/jirk.v3i2.218.
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Women and children as marginalized people whose existence in Indonesia are many objects of oppression because patrilineal culture makes women and children in Indonesia must be protected specifically in order to get definite and fair legal protection especially to women and children victims of violence, so that not many Indonesian women feel his life is always oppressed and not many children in Indonesia lose their future
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Kimura, Ehito. "Indonesia in 2011." Asian Survey 52, no. 1 (January 2012): 186–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.1.186.
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Abstract Corruption and political infighting continued to dominate the headlines in Indonesia in 2011. While lawmakers and political parties continued to be deeply unpopular, new developments dragged President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's popularity down to all-time lows. Religious violence ticked upward and took new forms. Meanwhile, the economy posted strong gains, and the government continued to look for ways to raise its profile on the international stage.
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Ahmad, Mukhsin. "A Hermeneutical Analysis on Fatwa of the Council of Indonesian Ulama Dealing with Discriminating Shia in Indonesia." MADANIA: JURNAL KAJIAN KEISLAMAN 23, no. 1 (July 7, 2019): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.29300/madania.v23i1.1751.
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The present article is aimed at analyzing the Council of Indonesian Ulama (MUI, Majelis Ulama Indonesia) fatwa on Shia in Indonesia. The decree of MUI fatwa should be described and analyzed due to potential powerful to influence Indonesian Muslim community. Besides, there are three dialectics of discovering the fatwa such as the author, the content, and the reader of fatwa. The effect of such decree tends to occur a violence among religious minority such as discrimination and intimidation. The process of producing fatwa does not properly consider five contingencies as the parameter of authoritative fatwa. According to MUI, Shia is one of the deviate belief systems in Indonesia because it has primary different doctrine from ten indicators. To avoid the authoritarianism of fatwa and violence against religious minority, MUI as an official institution who produces the fatwa should consider the five contingencies, namely honesty, diligence, reasonableness, comprehensiveness, and self restraint.