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Journal articles on the topic 'Violence India'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

K, Mohammed Nabeel, and Sumathy M. "Dowry and Domestic Violence Against Women In India." Technoarete Transactions on Advances in Social Sciences and Humanities 2, no. 1 (May 23, 2022): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.36647/ttassh/02.01.a001.

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Domestic violence is a serious human rights and public health issue, with physical and mental health implications. The five basic components of domestic violence in Indian contexts are emotional abuse, physical violence, sexual violence, honour killing, dowry-related abuse, and death. The purpose of this study is to investigate domestic violence experienced by Indian women, particularly as a result of dowry and associated difficulties. Secondary data from NCRB, NFHS, and NCM were used in the study. According to the survey, dowry is the leading cause of domestic violence against women in India. Dowry-related deaths in India are falling year after year, which is a good indicator. There is always a need to educate rural India about the negative aspects of dowry. Domestic violence is prevalent in our community, and it has unspoken consequences for a woman's economical well-being, physical and mental health, and, as a result, society as a whole. Keyword : Domestic Violence, Dowry, Women empowerment, Spousal Violence, Sexual Violence.

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2

Dr. Dalliandeep Kaur Tiwana. "Communal Violence in India and Legislative framework to Control Riots: A Chronological Study." Legal Research Development an International Refereed e-Journal 7, no. I (September 30, 2022): 30–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.53724/lrd/v7n1.11.

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Communal violence in India is reality since time immemorial. India being the secular country is home to the different religions and cultures. Mutual tolerance and inter-dependence upon each other irrespective of the religion used to be the essence of the Indian society. With the advent of British rule in India the policy of divide and rule was launched in the nation. People started fighting on the name of the caste and religion. Violence based on religion and caste has become a distinctive feature of Indian democratic setup today. The incident can only be regarded as communal riot if there is element of violence in it. Prior to the independence we had witnessed number of communal riots in the country and even after independence also. The present research work is an attempt to analyze the incidences of communal violence in India in a chronological order and to trace the real reasons behind such violence. Researcher has also made an attempt to look into legislative provisions available to compact such violence in India

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3

Agarwal, Renu. "Combating Violence against Women in India." Journal of National Development 31, no. 1 (July 1, 2018): 141–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.29070/31/57447.

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4

Verma, Ashish. "Adolescent Violence through Technology in India." Indian Journal of Youth and Adolescent Health 05, no. 03 (September 29, 2018): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.24321/2349.2880.201812.

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5

Reddy, M. Kodanda Rama, and Amnesty International. "Custodial Violence in India." Social Scientist 21, no. 7/8 (July 1993): 104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3520350.

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6

Ponniah, James. "Communal Violence in India." Journal of Religion and Violence 5, no. 1 (2017): 79–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jrv20175239.

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7

Barman, Rup Kumar. "Caste Violence in India." Contemporary Voice of Dalit 3, no. 2 (July 2010): 193–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974354520100205.

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8

Kimuna, Sitawa R., Yanyi K. Djamba, Gabriele Ciciurkaite, and Suvarna Cherukuri. "Domestic Violence in India." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 28, no. 4 (August 30, 2012): 773–807. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260512455867.

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9

Simister, John, and Judith Makowiec. "Domestic Violence in India." Indian Journal of Gender Studies 15, no. 3 (December 2008): 507–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097152150801500304.

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10

Bryjak, George J. "Collective Violence in India." Asian Affairs: An American Review 13, no. 2 (June 1986): 35–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00927678.1986.10553665.

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11

Dr. Shilpa Jain. "Domestic Violence Legislation In India- An Appraisal." Legal Research Development: An International Refereed e-Journal 1, no. II (December 30, 2016): 01–09. http://dx.doi.org/10.53724/lrd/v1n2.02.

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India became independent in 1947 and adopted a Constitution in 1950, which remains in force today.1 Part III of the Constitution protects fundamental rights, including the right to life, which has been interpreted to mean the right to live a life with dignity and free from violence.2 The Constitution also empowers the State to take affirmative measures to protect women under Article 15.3 The Indian Parliament has often invoked Article 15 to pass special legislative or executive measures to protect women, which have generally been upheld by the CourtsIt took India fourteen years after independence to pass its first law directly relating to violence against women. In 1961, the Dowry Prohibition Act (DPA) came into effect which penalized not only taking but giving of dowry. However, the Act did not effectively curb the practice of dowry.5 The Indian Parliament later passed Dowry Prohibition (Amendment) Acts in 1984 and 1986, but their impact was as negligible as that of the 1961 Act.6

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12

Da Costa, Dia. "Indian feminisms: law, patriarchies, and violence in India." Feminist Review 98, no. 1 (June 6, 2011): e17-e19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.2011.14.

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13

Davis, Benjamin M. "Indian feminisms: law, patriarchies and violence in India." Culture, Health & Sexuality 12, no. 6 (August 2010): 721–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13691058.2010.488897.

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14

Copeman, Jacob. "Violence, non-violence, and blood donation in India." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 14, no. 2 (June 2008): 278–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9655.2008.00501.x.

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15

Krishnan, Kavita. "Gendered Discipline in Globalising India." Feminist Review 119, no. 1 (July 2018): 72–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41305-018-0119-6.

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Discrimination and violence against women in India often tend to be discussed, framed and explained in cultural terms alone. It is a commonplace assumption that Indian cultural norms are responsible for women's oppression in India and that India's moves to open up the economy to globalisation will usher in modernity and empower women. Another similar assumption is that gendered violence and patriarchal oppression are produced and located primarily in the (Indian traditional) family and community, and that women's entry into the globalised workforce will empower and help them confront and overcome such violence and oppression. This paper attempts to challenge this false binary between ‘family/community/tradition/culture’ and ‘modern political economy’. It looks at the methods used across various sites—household/family, college/university and factory—to subject women's labour and sexuality to a regime of surveillance and gendered discipline. It also looks at the ways in which this regime is disrupted and challenged repeatedly by women's protests.

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Dr. Shiv Pratap Singh Raghav. "Domestic Violence in India: An Analytical Study." Legal Research Development: An International Refereed e-Journal 4, no. II (March 30, 2019): 01–05. http://dx.doi.org/10.53724/lrd/v4n2.02.

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Domestic violence at home is a gender-based violence, intending on subordinating women. The global dimensions of domestic violence are of great concern, both in terms of their scope and extent. Section 498A of Indian Panel Code was introduced in the year 1983 to protect married women from being exposed to cruelty by the husband or his relatives. In the l980s the worm and movements in India foregrounded the issue of violence against women with a special emphasis on dowry related violence suffered by married women. Under the provisions of criminal law, while the perpetrator of domestic violence could be prosecuted and punished, women's need for shelter, maintenance, custody of children and compensation remained unaddressed. The issue of “domestic violence” must not necessarily remain domestic. The notion of domestic violence must be taken out from the “private sphere” and politicized.

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17

V. Reznik, Sergey, Olga V. Dekhnich, Sergey A. Kutomanov, Maksim A. Maidansky, and Yana S. Filatova. "“AHIMSA” PRINCIPLE IN THE RELIGIOUS AND CULTURAL PRACTICES OF ANCIENT AND CONTEMPORARY INDIA." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 7, no. 5 (October 29, 2019): 830–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.75107.

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Purpose: The paper is focused on the development of the ahimsa principle and its specifics in the ideology of ancient and contemporary India, in its religious and cultural practices. Methodology: An in-depth analysis of the sacred texts of Brahmanism, Jainism, and Hinduism allows to provide a philosophical and anthropological definition of the concepts of violence and non-violence in Indian ideology and its religious and cultural practices. A review of the concepts of violence and non-violence in the religions of contemporary and ancient India is made. Result: The author concludes that issues of violence and non-violence in religious traditions are primarily based on prerequisites connected with religion and world views resulting from concepts concerning the beginnings of life. Hinduism emerged from concepts of Universal sacrifice as the origin of being, that is why its interpretation of violence and non-violence is different from that in monotheistic religious traditions. Applications: This research can be used for universities, teachers, and students. Novelty/Originality: In this research, the model of “AHIMSA” Principle in the Religious and Cultural Practices of Ancient and Contemporary India is presented in a comprehensive and complete manner.

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18

Beard, Lisa. "On the Map: Feminist Political Ethnography in Gendered Citizenship." Comparative Political Theory 2, no. 1 (February 23, 2022): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26669773-bja10035.

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Abstract In Gendered Citizenship: Understanding Gendered Violence in Democratic India, Natasha Behl explores the gap between the promise of gender equality enshrined in the Indian Constitution and contemporary patterns of sexual and gendered-based violence and discrimination in democratic India. This essay explores the political ideas, meaning making, and the interplay of state and civilian discourses undergirding forms of gendered violence illuminated by Behl’s feminist and interpretive approach. The essay closes by tracing two themes for further inquiry—feminist geographies and political openings/closures—and offers some preliminary engagement.

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19

AHMAD, FAREED. "Impact of TV Violence on Children in India." Indian Journal of Applied Research 4, no. 5 (October 1, 2011): 606–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.15373/2249555x/may2014/191.

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20

Kumar, B. Chaitanya Kiran, Gurram Suresh, and Prof Challapalli Swaroopa Rani. "Violence and Constitutional Guarantees Against Women in India." Global Journal For Research Analysis 3, no. 8 (June 15, 2012): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.15373/22778160/august2014/141.

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21

Ahankari, Anand, Mark Hayter, Clare Whitfield, Parveen Ali, Sneha Giridhari, Shruti Tambe, Pratyush Kabra, Kranti Rayamane, and Pavel Ovseiko. "aDolescents gEnder surVey, rEsponsible coupLes evaluatiOn, and capacity building Project in India (DEVELOP): a study protocol." F1000Research 8 (June 24, 2019): 958. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/f1000research.19521.1.

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Gender-based violence against women is a serious concern in India. This affects the health and wellbeing of victims and their dependents. Published evidence has documented a variety of reasons for such violence in Indian societies, paving a pathway to design, implement, and evaluate intervention models to address this issue. DEVELOP is a research study designed by UK and Indian research teams to plan future projects to address gender-based discrimination and violence against women and girls in India. This study protocol provides detailed information on the objectives, research methods, data collection, storage, analysis, and dissemination plans of the DEVELOP. The first component is a survey of adolescent boys and girls from rural areas of Maharashtra state of India to understand their gender equality related knowledge and beliefs. The insight gathered will be used to design interventions targeted at adolescent populations through future research and development programmes. Secondly, an evaluation of the ‘Responsible Couples’ project will be conducted to assess its success and challenges, and to design suitable programme activities and models. The ‘Responsible Couples’ project is implemented in 40 villages of Maharashtra state to improve relationships in married couples, prevent violence against women, intervene during violence, and to provide support services for women and their family members. Research findings will be disseminated though public engagement events in India, international conferences, and peer reviewed publications. This will impact on the policy and work models of Indian partners to plan future project investments. Research findings will be also useful for local government authorities andnon-government agencies striving to advance gender equality.

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22

Bhat, Meghna, and Sarah E. Ullman. "Examining Marital Violence in India." Trauma, Violence, & Abuse 15, no. 1 (July 24, 2013): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1524838013496331.

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23

Martin, S. L., A. O. Tsui, K. Maitra, and R. Marinshaw. "Domestic Violence in Northern India." American Journal of Epidemiology 150, no. 4 (August 15, 1999): 417–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.aje.a010021.

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24

Bawaskar, Himmatrao Saluba. "Violence against doctors in India." Lancet 384, no. 9947 (September 2014): 955–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(14)61629-9.

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25

Sheldon, Rose Mary. "Political violence in ancient India." Small Wars & Insurgencies 30, no. 2 (February 23, 2019): 479–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592318.2018.1546566.

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26

Pallikadavath, Saseendran, and Tamsin Bradley. "DOWRY, ‘DOWRY AUTONOMY’ AND DOMESTIC VIOLENCE AMONG YOUNG MARRIED WOMEN IN INDIA." Journal of Biosocial Science 51, no. 3 (July 30, 2018): 353–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932018000226.

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SummaryDowry practice, women’s autonomy to use dowry (‘dowry autonomy’) and the association of these with domestic violence were examined among young married women in India. Data were taken from the ‘Youth in India: Situation and Needs Study’ carried out in six Indian states during 2006–07. A total of 13,912 women aged 15–24 years were included in the study. About three-quarters of the women reported receiving a dowry at their marriage, and about 66% reported having the ability to exercise autonomy over the use of it – ‘dowry autonomy’. Dowry given without ‘dowry autonomy’ was found to have had no protective value against young women experiencing physical domestic violence in India. While women’s participation in paid employment increased the odds of them experiencing physical domestic violence, women’s education and marrying after the age of 18 years reduced the likelihood of experiencing physical domestic violence.

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27

Sinha, Madhumeeta. "Witness to Violence." Indian Journal of Gender Studies 17, no. 3 (October 2010): 365–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097152151001700303.

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This article attempts to place feminist documentary filmmaking in the context of the women’s movement in India. More specifically, it seeks to examine some of the widely debated concerns and strategies that have animated feminist documentary filmmaking in India through an analysis of two important films: Deepa Dhanraj’s Something Like a War and Reena Mohan’s Skin Deep.

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28

Doyle, Mark. "Massacre by the Book: Amritsar and the Rules of Public-Order Policing in Britain and India." Britain and the World 4, no. 2 (September 2011): 247–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2011.0025.

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In the immediate aftermath of the 1919 killings at Amritsar, where British forces commanded by Reginald Dyer gunned down hundreds of unarmed Indians at an illegal demonstration, debate centered on whether Dyer's actions were typical or atypical of British behavior in India. While British commentators generally regarded this violence as aberrant and ‘un-British,’ Indian nationalists and some British observers saw the killings as merely an unusually naked manifestation of the generalized violence of British imperialism. This article offers a re-examination of the Amritsar killings by placing Dyer's behaviour within the context of the rules governing public-order policing in both India and Britain. While broadly agreeing that the killings were part of a pattern of state violence in British India, it argues that the killings were not carried out in opposition to the rule of law but were, in fact, authorized by the law. In both Britain and India, the rules of public-order policing gave police and military commanders the power to use deadly force in dispersing crowds and by remaining deliberately vague about when such force should be used. The restraint of state violence in Britain came about through the vigilance of the press and Parliament, but in India state violence against large crowds was much more common due to fewer external checks. The killings at Amritsar did not violate the rule of law, therefore, but they did expose a profound difference between Britain and India in how that law was enacted.

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Kapur, S. Paul. "India and Pakistan's Unstable Peace: Why Nuclear South Asia Is Not Like Cold War Europe." International Security 30, no. 2 (October 2005): 127–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/016228805775124570.

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Scholars attribute conventional violence in a nuclear South Asia to a phenomenon known as the “stability/instability paradox.” According to this paradox, the risk of nuclear war makes it unlikely that conventional confict will escalate to the nuclear level, thereby making conventional confict more likely. Although this phenomenon encouraged U.S.-Soviet violence during the Cold War, it does not explain the dynamics of the ongoing confict between India and Pakistan. Recent violence has seen Pakistan or its proxies launching limited attacks on Indian territory, and India refusing to retaliate in kind. The stability/instability paradox would not predict such behavior. A low probability of conventional war escalating to the nuclear level would reduce the ability of Pakistan's nuclear weapons to deter an Indian conventional attack. Because Pakistan is conventionally weaker than India, this would discourage Pakistani aggression and encourage robust Indian conventional retaliation against Pakistani provocations. Pakistani boldness and Indian restraint have actually resulted from instability in the strategic environment. A full-scale Indo-Pakistani conventional confict would create a significant risk of nuclear escalation. This danger enables Pakistan to launch limited attacks on India while deterring allout Indian conventional retaliation and attracting international attention to the two countries' dispute over Kashmir. Unlike in Cold War Europe, in contemporary South Asia nuclear danger facilitates, rather than impedes, conventional confict.

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Chandra, Kanchan, and Omar García-Ponce. "Why Ethnic Subaltern-Led Parties Crowd Out Armed Organizations: Explaining Maoist Violence in India." World Politics 71, no. 2 (March 11, 2019): 367–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004388711800028x.

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AbstractThis article asks why some Indian districts experience chronic Maoist violence while others do not. The answer helps to explain India’s Maoist civil war, which is the product of the accumulation of violence in a few districts, as well as to generate a new hypothesis about the causes of civil war more generally. The authors argue that, other things equal, the emergence of subaltern-led parties at the critical juncture before armed organizations enter crowds them out: the stronger the presence of subaltern-led political parties in a district at this juncture, the lower the likelihood of experiencing chronic armed violence subsequently. They develop their argument through field research and test its main prediction using an original, district-level data set on subaltern incorporation and Maoist violence in India between 1967 and 2008. The article contributes a new, party-based explanation to the literatures on both civil war and Maoist violence in India. It also introduces new district-level data on the Maoist movement and on the incorporation of subaltern ethnic groups by political parties in India.

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Shrivastava, Surbhi, and Muthusamy Sivakami. "Evidence of ‘obstetric violence’ in India: an integrative review." Journal of Biosocial Science 52, no. 4 (November 14, 2019): 610–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932019000695.

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AbstractThe term ‘obstetric violence’ has been used to describe the mistreatment, disrespect and abuse or dehumanized care of women during childbirth by health care providers. This is a review of the existing literature in India on violence against women during childbirth. The review used the typology of Bohren et al. (2015). An internet search of PubMed, Google Scholar and JSTOR was conducted using the terms ‘obstetric violence’, ‘mistreatment’, ‘disrespect and abuse’ and ‘dehumanized care’. Studies based on empirical research on women’s experiences during childbirth in health facilities in India were included in the review. The search yielded sixteen studies: one case study, two ethnographic studies, two mixed-methods studies, three cross-sectional qualitative studies, seven cross-sectional quantitative studies and one longitudinal quantitative study. The studies were analysed using the seven categories of mistreatment outlined by Bohren et al. (2015): 1) physical abuse, (2) sexual abuse, (3) verbal abuse, (4) stigma and discrimination, (5) failure to meet professional standards of care, (6) poor rapport between women and providers, and (7) health system conditions and constraints. An additional category of ‘harmful traditional practices and beliefs’ emerged from the Indian literature, which was also included in the review. Although geographically limited, the selected research highlighted varying prevalences of the different forms of ‘obstetric violence’ in both public and private birth facilities in India. ‘Obstetric violence’ in India was found to be associated with socio-demographic factors, with women of lower social standing experiencing greater levels of mistreatment. In response to this normalized public health issue, a multi-pronged, rights-based framework is proposed that addresses the social, political and structural contexts of ‘obstetric violence’ in India.

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Chaurasiya, Dinesh, Vaishali Chaurasia, and Shekhar Chauhan. "The Correlates of Violence against Women in India: Findings from the Recent National Demographic Health Survey." Asian Review of Social Sciences 7, no. 3 (November 5, 2018): 132–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.51983/arss-2018.7.3.1455.

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Violence against women is a serious human rights abuse and public health issue in India. The Intimate Partner violence (IPV) cases among Indian couples are very high. This article aims to find the determinant of Intimate Partner Violence in India. The data are drawn from the fourth round of National Family Health Survey (NFHS-IV). According to Demographic Health Survey guidelines, IPV is measured using 13-item questions in women questionnaire. This section is analysed to fulfil the objective of the study. Bivariate and multivariate logistic regression is used to find out the unadjusted and adjusted odds ratio. The analysis is carried out using STATA version 14. The prevalence of IPV, emotional violence (EV), physical violence (PV) and sexual violence (SV) is 33.15, 13.23, 29.68 and 6.60 respectively. The likelihood of IPV increases with the increase in marital duration. All kind of violence is less likely to occur in rural areas (IPV: AOR=0.86, p<0.01; EV: AOR=0.81, p<0.01; PV: AOR=0.85, p<0.01; & SV: AOR=0.92, p=0.09). Hindu women are more likely to face all kind of violence than women in other religion. Alcohol consumption is one of the predominant factors for IPV in India (AOR=3.08, CI=2.96-3.21, p<0.01). From this study, we find that marital duration, the age difference of spouses, number of children, place of residence, caste, religion, and education of couple, alcohol consumption and wealth index are some of the important predictors of IPV in India.

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Mahapatro, Meerambika, R. N. Gupta, and Vinay K. Gupta. "Control and Support Models of Help-Seeking Behavior in Women Experiencing Domestic Violence in India." Violence and Victims 29, no. 3 (2014): 464–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.vv-d-12-00045.

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In India, there is limited prioritization of domestic violence, which is seen as a private and family matter, and handled as a social responsibility rather than a complaint or crime. Despite the Domestic Violence Act, implemented in 2006, the widespread phenomenon of domestic violence across Indian states goes unreported. Using control and support models, this article aims to examine women’s behavior in seeking help while dealing with partner violence. It is a population-based analytical cross-sectional study covering 14,507 married women from 18 states of India, selected through a systematic multistage sampling strategy. Both quantitative and qualitative methods were used to generate data.It was observed that legal complexities combined with social realities make the life of an average Indian woman insecure and miserable. Most women surveyed preferred the social-support model and opined that if they face domestic violence, they would seek help from their parents as the first option in the order of preference. The responses of women while dealing with domestic violence are often spontaneous and determined by the pressing need to resolve matters within the home/community, rather than addressing them in the public domain of state institutions where procedures are cumbersome and lengthy. A new integrated development model proposed by several communities aims to prevent domestic violence through the intervention of health care systems.

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KAPILA, SHRUTI. "A HISTORY OF VIOLENCE." Modern Intellectual History 7, no. 2 (July 1, 2010): 437–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244310000156.

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This essay revises the common assumption that non-violence has been central to political modernity in India. The “extremist” nationalist B. G. Tilak, through a foundational philosophical reinterpretation of the Bhagavad Gita, created a modern theology of the Indian “political”. Tilak did so by directly confronting the question of the possibility of the “event” of war and the ethics of the conversion of kinsmen into enemies. Writing in the aftermath of the Swadeshi movement and from a prison cell in Rangoon, Tilak interpreted action as sacrificial duty that created a vocabulary of violence in which killing was naturalized. Violence, whether conceptual or otherwise, was not directed towards the “outsider” but was of meaning only when directed against the intimate. Unlike the distinction between friend and foe that has been taken as central to the understanding of the political in the twentieth century, it was instead the fraternal–enmity issue that framed the modern political in India. Tilak foregrounded the idea of a de-historicized political subject, whose existence was entirely dependent upon the event of violence itself. This helps to explain both the unprecedented violence that accompanied freedom and partition in 1947 and also the fact that it has remained unmemorialized to the present day.

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Purushotham, Sunil. "Internal Violence: The “Police Action” in Hyderabad." Comparative Studies in Society and History 57, no. 2 (March 20, 2015): 435–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417515000092.

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AbstractThrough an examination of the September 1948 event known as the “Police Action,” this article argues that “internal violence” was an important engine of state formation in India in the period following independence in 1947. The mid-century ruptures in the subcontinent were neither incidental to nor undermining of the nascent Indian nation-state project—they were constitutive events through which a new state and regime of sovereignty emerged. A dispersal and mobilization of violence in and around the princely state of Hyderabad culminated in an event of violence directed primarily at Hyderabad's Muslims during and just after the Police Action. This violent mediation of the incorporation of India's Muslims into the postcolonial order left significant legacies in subsequent decades. These events in the heart of peninsular India, and the processes behind them, have remained largely invisible or obscured in the historical record. Here I substantially revise the historiography of what happened in Hyderabad, and draw on my findings to offer an alternative perspective on decolonization in India.

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Smears, Ali. "Mobilizing Shakti: Hindu Goddesses and Campaigns Against Gender-Based Violence." Religions 10, no. 6 (June 13, 2019): 381. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10060381.

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Hindu goddesses have been mobilized as powerful symbols by various groups of activists in both visual and verbal campaigns in India. Although these mobilizations have different motivations and goals, they have frequently emphasized the theological association between goddesses and women, connected through their common possession of Shakti (power). These campaigns commonly highlight the idea that both goddesses and Hindu women share in this power in order to inspire women to action in particular ways. While this association has largely been used as a campaign strategy by Hindu right-wing women’s organizations in India, it has also become a strategy employed in particular feminist campaigns as well. This article offers a discourse analysis of two online activist campaigns (Priya's Shakti and Abused Goddesses) which mobilize Hindu goddesses (and their power) in order to raise awareness about gender-based violence in India. I examine whether marginalized identities of women in India, in relation to caste, class and religious identity, are represented in the texts and images. To do so, I analyze how politically-charged, normative imaginings of Indian women are constructed (or maintained). This analysis raises questions about the usefulness of employing Hindu goddesses as feminist symbols, particularly in contemporary Indian society, in which communal and caste-based tensions are elevated.

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Mehta, Brinda J. "Contesting Militarized Violence in “Northeast India”." Meridians 20, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 53–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-8913107.

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Abstract The northeastern states of India have been positioned as India’s postcolonial other in mainstream politics with the aim to create xenophobic binaries between insider and outsider groups. Comprising the eight “sister” states of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Sikkim, and Tripura, this region represents India’s amorphous shadowlands in arbitrary political markings between the mainland and the off-centered northeastern periphery. These satellite states have been subjected to the neocolonial governance of the Indian government and its implementation of political terror through abusive laws, militarized violence, protracted wars against civilians and insurgents alike, and gender abuse. Women poets from the region, such as Monalisa Changkija, Temsüla Ao, Mamang Dai, and others, have played a leading role in exposing and denouncing this violence. This essay examines the importance of women’s poetry as a gendered documentation of conflict, a peace narrative, a poet’s reading of history, and a site of memory. Can poetry express the particularized “sorrow of women” (Mamang Dai) without sentimentality and concession? How do these poetic contestations of conflict represent complex interrogations of identity, eco-devastation, and militarization to invalidate an elitist “poetry for poetry’s sake” ethic?

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Daxecker, Ursula. "Unequal votes, unequal violence: Malapportionment and election violence in India." Journal of Peace Research 57, no. 1 (December 17, 2019): 156–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343319884985.

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Elections held outside of advanced, industrialized democracies can turn violent because elites use coercion to demobilize political opponents. The literature has established that closely contested elections are associated with more violence. I depart from this emphasis on competitiveness by highlighting how institutional biases in electoral systems, in particular uneven apportionment, affect incentives for violence. Malapportionment refers to a discrepancy between the share of legislative seats and the share of population, violating the ‘one person, one vote’ principle. Drawing on recent work on malapportionment establishing that overrepresented districts are targeted with clientelist strategies, are more homogenous, and are biased in favor of district-level incumbent parties, I argue that overrepresented districts present fewer incentives for using violence. In contrast, elites in well-apportioned or underrepresented districts exert less control over electoral outcomes because such districts have more heterogenous voter preferences, raising incumbent and opposition demands to employ violence. I examine the effects of malapportionment on violence using constituency-level elections data and new, disaggregated, and geocoded event data on the incidence of election violence in India. Results from six parliamentary elections from 1991 to 2009 show that electoral violence is less prevalent in overrepresented constituencies, and that violence increases in equally apportioned and moderately underrepresented districts. The analysis establishes additional observable implications of the argument for district voter homogeneity and incumbent victory, accounts for confounders such as urbanization and state-level partisanship, and validates measures of election violence. The findings illustrate that institutional biases shape incentives for electoral violence.

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Radford, Jill. "Geetanjali Gangoli: Indian Feminisms: Law, Patriarchies and Violence in India." Asian Journal of Criminology 5, no. 1 (May 29, 2009): 69–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11417-009-9069-4.

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Mukhopadhyay, Simantini, and Trisha Chanda. "Abused but “Not Insulted”: Understanding Intersectionality in Symbolic Violence in India." Indian Journal of Human Development 16, no. 1 (April 2022): 119–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09737030221101100.

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The fourth round of the Indian National Family Health Survey shows that the proportion of women who felt that wife-beating was justified exceeded the proportion of men who felt so in India. We find that more than one-fourth of the women in India who have experienced spousal bodily violence say that they never felt insulted by the action of their husbands. We hypothesise that this absence of the feeling of insult despite facing physical violence indicates the presence of symbolic violence. This form of violence manifests through symbolic channels and cannot take place without the complicity of the victim. Feminist writing in India has argued that gender needs to be considered at its intersection with class and caste to understand how the control of female sexuality relates to the organisation of production, sanctioned and legitimised by ideologies. We run instrumental variable probit regression of the likelihood of having felt insulted on the woman’s economic class and social group affiliation. We find that once the experience of facing spousal physical violence and other background characteristics are controlled for, women from non-poor households are significantly less likely to have felt insulted, as compared to poor women. Furthermore, compared to women from most other social groups along the intersections of class and caste, non-poor upper caste women are less likely to report insult.

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Salamor, Yonna Beatrix, and Anna Maria Salamor. "Kekerasan Seksual Terhadap Perempuan (Kajian Perbandingan Indonesia-India)." Balobe Law Journal 2, no. 1 (April 17, 2022): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.47268/balobe.v2i1.791.

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Introduction: Violence that occurs against women today is an individual problem or a national problem, but it is a global and even transnational problem. This is because violence against women is related to human rights issues. Violence against women does not only accur in Indonesia. Almost in every country women face various types of violence. One of the most prominent countries with violence against women is India.Purposes of the Research: The purpose of this article is to find out about the comparison of sexual violence against women in Indonesia and India.Methods of the Research: The research method used is normative juridical research that uses legal sources of material obtained through literature studies and statutory regulations.Results of the Research: Sexual violence against women is not only a problem in Indonesia, but also a problem in various parts of the world. Cases of sexual violence against women that accur in Indonesia-India continue to increase. Therefore, cases of violence against women in Indonesia must be handled properly. One of them must have legal regulation as a basis for preventing sexual violence against women. In India it self already has regulations on sexual violence against women but the handling is not running effectively due to caste factors, economic factors.

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Nagarajan, Rangasamy, and Harihar Sahoo. "Polygyny and spousal violence in India: Findings from the 2019 – 2021 national family health survey." International Journal of Population Studies 7, no. 1 (December 29, 2022): 108–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.36922/ijps.v7i1.350.

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Polygyny results in a variety of physical, sexual, and psychological consequences for women which has an impact on gender relations such as the subordination of women, unequal treatment of spouses, neglect of children, rivaling step-children, and inheritance issues among children/spouses. This study aims to explore the association between polygyny and spousal violence in India using the data from the fifth round of the National Family Health Survey-5 of India in 2019 – 2021, which provides information on both polygyny and spousal violence. To understand the effect of polygyny on spousal violence, multivariate logistic regressions were used to obtain unadjusted and adjusted odds ratios by controlling a number of explanatory factors. The results reveal that women in polygynous unions experience more spousal violence compared with those in monogamous unions. The results indicate that, since the law does not permit men to be married to more than one wife simultaneously, this form of marriage should be discouraged by strictly enforcing it to protect women from marital violence in polygynous unions. The analysis contributes to the body of the literature on the association between polygynous marriage and spousal violence in the Indian context.

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Nainar, Vahida. "Understanding the rise of sexual violence in India." Journal of Gender-Based Violence 6, no. 1 (February 1, 2022): 9–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/239868021x16327330840617.

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There is a sharp rise in sexual violence against women and girls over the last decade in India. The 2015‐2017 National Crimes Records Bureau (NCRB) data suggest that the rise in sexual violence in different states in India ranges between 30‐95 per cent. Though there are several literatures to understand and explain the phenomenon of sexual violence, there are dimensions of sexual violence that remain unexplored leading to substantive knowledge gaps. The article attempts to examine the knowledge gaps and understand the phenomenon of rise in sexual violence. It discusses relevance of patriarchal dominance theory and social disintegration theory to explain the phenomenon. The article concludes that patriarchal dominance theory is the basis for understanding the deep-rooted causes of gender violence as exemplified by rising instances of sexual violence. However, the cultural spillover concept, where the general acquiescence to public violence as illustrated in the high number of elected officials with criminal records, or a corporate decision to make free data accessible to 90 per cent of India’s population by 2017 shows discernable links with the rise in sexual violence.

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Plys, Kristin. "Violence as a Tactic of Social Protest in Postcolonial India." European Journal of Sociology 60, no. 2 (August 2019): 171–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975619000080.

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AbstractIn March 1974, trade union leader and Chairman of the Socialist Party of India, George Fernandes, formed a new independent trade union of railway workers and then led a massive nation-wide strike lasting about a month. Two years later—March 1976—Fernandes was arrested as the principal accused in the Baroda Dynamite Conspiracy Case, a plot to bomb strategic targets in New Delhi in resistance to Indira Gandhi’s authoritarian rule. How did George Fernandes’ political work change over these two years—from engaging in traditional trade union movement tactics during the Railway Workers’ Strike in 1974 to being the ringleader of a plan to bomb strategic targets in resistance to the postcolonial state? Why would an activist who advocated non-violent social movement tactics change strategies and end up leading a movement that primarily uses violent tactics? I argue that in its violent repression of the Railway Workers’ Strike and its illegal imprisonment of the strike’s leaders, Indira Gandhi’s administration demonstrated to Fernandes and other opposition party leaders that there was no room for a peaceful solution to the ever increasing social conflict of early 1970s India. Therefore, when Gandhi instated herself as dictator, longstanding advocates of satyagraha believed that symbolic violence against the state was the tactic most likely to lead to the restoration of democracy in India.

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Wilkinson, Steven Ian. "India, Consociational Theory, and Ethnic Violence." Asian Survey 40, no. 5 (September 2000): 767–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3021176.

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Garcia, Eveline Cruz, Pedro Suyã Costa Vieira, Raízza Caroline de Andrade Viana, Felipe Cardoso Mariano, Mara Iany Braga de Brito, Jose de Araújo Feitosa Neto, Nadia Nara Rolim Lima, and Modesto Leite Rolim Neto. "Domestic violence and suicide in India." Child Abuse & Neglect 127 (May 2022): 105573. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2022.105573.

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47

Wilkinson, Steven Ian. "India, Consociational Theory, and Ethnic Violence." Asian Survey 40, no. 5 (September 2000): 767–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2000.40.5.01p01013.

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Saxena, K. B. "Political Violence and Police in India." Social Change 39, no. 1 (March 2009): 129–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004908570903900108.

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Raj, Anita, and Lotus McDougal. "Sexual violence and rape in India." Lancet 383, no. 9920 (March 2014): 865. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(14)60435-9.

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Dhawan, Nisha, Deepa Punetha, Yoganand Sinha, Shubhra P. Gaur, Sandra L. Tyler, and Forrest B. Tyler. "Family Conflict/Violence Patterns in India." Psychology and Developing Societies 11, no. 2 (September 1999): 195–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097133369901100205.

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