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Sahni, Tarmeen K. "Domestic Violence Within Asian-Indian Communities: Does Acculturation Affect The Rate of Reported Domestic Violence?" NSUWorks, 2009. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/cps_stuetd/63.
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The present study examined acculturation among Asian-Indians, residing in the United States and Canada, and explored: (1) whether acculturation can predict reporting of domestic violence, (2) how acculturation between Asian-Indians immigrants and US/Canadian born Asian-Indians is related to reporting domestic violence, and (3) how traditional practices such as arranged marriage and/or dowry influence the relationship between acculturation and domestic violence. Participants (N=100) were administered the Acculturation Scale for Asian Indians (ASAI; Parekh, 2000) and the Revised Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS2; Straus, 1996). Results demonstrated that acculturation was not found to be a good predictor of physical assault or psychological aggression and that acculturation was not significantly related to physical assault or psychological aggression. Significant results were found for birth status and acculturation. Traditional arranged marriage and dowry could not be addressed due to the low number of participants that could be classified into these variables. Therefore, a qualitative analysis was conducted. Factors influencing these results and limitations of the present study were offered.
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Bérubé, Damien. "The East India Company, British Fiscal-Militarism and Violence in India, 1765-1788." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/40965.
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The grant of the diwani to the East India Company in August 1765 represents a climacteric moment in British imperial histories. Vested by the Mughal Emperor Shah Allam II, this newfound right to collect revenue saddled the Company with the broader and formal economic, judicial and military responsibilities of a territorial empire. Wherefore, in the era of post-Mughal political splintering, the EIC, as an emerging subcontinental state had to contend with internal revolts abetted by ethno-religious and socio-economic crises, but also because of threats posed by the Kingdom of Mysore and the Maratha Confederacy. Nevertheless, in the midst of the American Revolution, the EIC’s contentious and contested conduct of imperial governance in India became an ideological, philosophical and pragmatic point of domestic and imperial contention. Thus, confronted with the simultaneous internal and external implications of the crises of Empire between 1765 and 1788, the role of the Company’s fiscal-military administration and exercise of violence within the spheres British imperial governance was reconceptualised and in doing so contemporaries underwrote the emergence of what historians have subsequently called the ‘Second British Empire’ in India. Alternatively, the reconceptualisation of the EIC’s fiscal-military administration served to ensure the continuity and preservation of the British imperial nexus as it was imposed upon Bengal. This work, therefore, traces the Company’s fiscal-military administration and dispensation of violence during the ‘crises of empire’ as a point of genesis in the development and reformation of British imperial governance. Moreover, it will show that the interdependent nature of the Company’s ‘fiscal-military hybridity’ ultimately came to underwrite further the ideological, philosophical and pragmatic consolidation of imperial governance in ‘British India’. Accordingly, this dissertation examines the interdependent role between Parliament’s reconceptualisation of the East India Company’s fiscal-military administration of violence and the changing nature of British imperial governance in ‘British India’.
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Ignatius, Arun. "Sexual Violence in India (HR III C-Thesis)." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22963.
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This study is about gender based sexual violence in India. Rape is prevalent in many parts of the world but the reason to select India is because rape is the fastest growing crime in the country.The purpose of this study was to investigate why the police system in India respond to rape cases inconsistently. In India the extreme expression of stratification in the society was introduced by the religion and gender, class and caste the salient social identities were used for categorizing the people in a hierarchical social structure. In this study in order to find the reasons for the lack of consistency by the police the intersectional identities gender, class and caste are used because of the significance it has in the Indian society. The method applied in this study is the case study approach using multiple cases; three different cases of rape committed by and against adults in India are used to understand real life phenomena.The results revealed that gender, class and caste, the major components of the overlapping power systems of the Indian society intersect in the sexist society resulting in inconsistent police response influenced by the societal patriarchal mindset. The police response varies according to the position the perpetrators hold in the power structures.
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Kalra, Nikhila. "Negotiating violence : the construction of identity amongst Adivasi Christians in Udaipur district, Rajasthan." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:09504f8b-72ca-4a9c-ba32-555f87bf8549.
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This thesis elucidates processes of identity construction that have taken place amongst Bhil Christians in Udaipur district, Rajasthan, in the context of the endemic anti- Christian violence that has been carried out by Hindu nationalist organisations and adherents in this area since the late 1990s. My work explores how Bhil Christians engage with this, and seeks to make both an empirical and analytical contribution to existing analyses of anti-Christian violence by shifting the focus away from the construction of majoritarian Hindu identities in India's tribal belt, and placing it instead on the minority Christian community. Utilising a tripartite typology of violence (direct, structural and cultural) as its starting point, this thesis addresses questions of how Bhil Christians construct and perform their identity in this context, and how they understand and negotiate their relationships with both non-Christian communities and the state in their localities. This aims to situate Christians as agents in the construction of their own identities, rather than simply having 'otherness' imposed on them as a result of Hindu nationalist mobilization and rhetoric. This study shows that Bhil Christians are involved in a dualistic process of strategically emphasizing both difference and similarity between Christians and Hindus, while making recourse to an overarching adivasi identity that, in various ways, serves to challenge and often undermine the damaging constructions of Christianity that are propagated by the Sangh Parivar. At the same time, they foreground a Christian identity that is decisively shaped by notions of agency, moral uplift, and assertion; these are ideas that are informed by longer histories of adivasi self- and community making, but have acquired important new meaning and relevance in the context of anti-Christian violence.
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Look, Wing-kam, and 陸詠琴. "Jose Rizal and Mahatma Gandhi: nationalism and non-violence." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1997. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31951429.
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Dhattiwala, Raheel. "Hindu-Muslim violence in Gujarat, 2002 : political logic, spatial configuration, and communal cooperation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669731.
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This thesis uses a mixed methods approach to investigate the different levels of Hindu-Muslim violence in Gujarat (western India) in 2002 when at least a thousand Muslims were killed. An original dataset of killings is compiled to analyse macrospatial variation in the violence across towns and rural areas of Gujarat. Data collected from 21 months of ethnographic fieldwork in Ahmedabad city is used to investigate microspatial variation across three neighbourhoods with varying levels of violence.Macrospatial analysis discusses the link between political authority and its capacity to instigate ethnic violence as a response to electoral calculations and identifies the mechanisms by which violence against Muslims was orchestrated by the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Ethnographic findings demonstrate the importance of ecological strategies adopted by attackers and targets during the course of attack and urge a re-examination of the intuitive association of spatial proximity with greater interethnic contact. Findings also reveal methods of enforcement used by legitimate and illegitimate institutions of a peaceful slum neighbourhood in resolving commitment problems of cooperation. Finally, the thesis examines the aftermath of the violence, more specifically a political phenomenon of Muslims of Gujarat supporting the BJP nine years after the brutal violence.Methodologically, the main contribution of this thesis is in bridging the quantitative and ethnographic traditions in the sociology of ethnic violence to make possible the linking, and disentangling, of macrolevel risk factors associated with violence from microlevel factors. Findings of the thesis hopefully provide a better understanding of ethnic violence in multi-ethnic democracies and a roadmap of policy-making for India as it continues to struggle with ethnic strife.
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Scharer, Pyper. "An International Approach to Challenging Violence Against Women in India." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/630.
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The objective of this thesis is to identify ways that international actors can be most effective in influencing policy change pertaining to women’s safety and security in India. Since the 1970s, domestic groups within India and international organizations have focused on promoting gender equality and combatting problematic social norms that beget discrimination and violence against women. This thesis examines some of the programs and campaigns that Indian governments and civil society actors – domestic and international – have implemented to promote the rights and protections of women. This thesis considers examples of finance, social networking, training, education, and information propagation, which are key ways that international actors can participate in efforts to combat prevailing attitudes that undermine the human dignity of girls and women in India. Because violence against women is systemic in nature, and because it is a social malaise that transcends culture, development professionals should frame issues of gender violence in terms of basic human rights. Fundamentally, international organizations are most effective in enhancing the status of women in India by providing grassroots organizations with critical resources to which they would not otherwise have access.
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Neuman, Sandra. "The issue of sexual violence against women in contemporary India." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-27363.
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India is often described to be a country with a fast growing economy and progressive indicators of human development. However, over the last decade there has been a growing concern of increased reporting of sexual violence in India which seems to contradict the first description. Therefore this creates a problem on how we can understand and explain this. The objective of this study is to try to gain a deeper understanding of some of the underlying factors of increased reporting of sexual violence in India, and to understand in what way the ‘modernization’ process possibly could be put in relation to this, something that is analyzed with help from Durkheim’s theory of anomie. This study draws on a qualitative desk study with a compilation of material from existing research on sexual violence against women, both at home and in public spaces. The findings were analyzed in relation to Durkheim’s theory of anomie and gender theories from two authors. The results show that some of the underlying factors for increased reports of sexual violence against women in India, like patriarchy, education and employment for women and gendered power inequalities are in a complex interplay. It was further seen as ‘traditional’ norms and values clashed with ‘modernity’ and caused these factors for violence. The outcome of the study showed that the increased reporting of sexual violence can be related to the ’modernization’ process both in a positive and negative way. Through Durkheim’s theory of anomie it was possible to see that ‘modernization’ could have caused a state of anomie, which has lead to deviant behavior and resulted in increased reporting of sexual violence against women.
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Aiyar, Swarna. "Violence and the State in the partition of Punjab, 1947-48." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1994. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/251566.
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Purushotham, Sunil. "Sovereignty, violence, and the making of the postcolonial state in India 1946-52." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648623.
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Cavas, Jessica. "Voices Against Violence: Empowering Women to Access Informal Justice in Rural India." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/13415.
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This thesis explores the effectiveness of a community-led response to domestic violence in tribal communities within Udaipur district, Rajasthan, India. Situated within an Indian Non Government Organization's comprehensive women's empowerment program, this research shows that the Women's Resource Centers provide mediation to stop domestic violence and potentially prevent future violence through challenging cultural norms that perpetuate violence.
Using a program evaluation approach, I compare how the program is intended to operate to my observations and interviews with community implementers, primarily at one Women's Resource Center. This comparative lens serves to demonstrate the inevitable shifts and challenges that occur throughout implementation. I argue that development interventions addressing violence against women continually experiment with monitoring and evaluation tools, such as an outcome map, to capture their successes and setbacks to foster organizational learning and increase accountability to the intended beneficiaries of the program.
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Sherman, Taylor Corpus. "The politics of punishment and state violence in India 1919-1956." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.442495.
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Ortega, Christina E. "Hindu-Muslim violence in India: a national- and state-level study." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/43970.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedHindu-Muslim violence has plagued India for centuries. Deaths caused by Hindu-Muslim violence constitute a small proportion of the Indian population; therefore the historical precedence and incendiary nature of this violence in India is cause for concern. Additionally, because India is geographically positioned between two majority Muslim states, India has a vested interest in addressing its violence problem so that it does not create national-level disturbances as it has in the past. This thesis conducts a comparison of Hindu-Muslim violence in India at the national- and state-levels over two periods, 1950–1976 and 1977–1995, to demonstrate that Hindu-Muslim violence rose from the late 1970s through the 1990s, due to three main factors: 1) the organizational demise of the INC and the decay of the consociational system; 2) the emergence of the communal political party, the BJP; and 3) state-level variations of Hindu-Muslim violence based on the presence or absence of the INC’s monopoly of power in the state. The analysis recommends that only through a transparent and comprehensive communal violence policy and the promotion of the nonpoliticization of sociocultural data pertaining to the Indian population will the Indian government be effective in addressing the problem of Hindu-Muslim violence in India.
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Wilkinson, Steven Ian 1965. "The electoral incentives for ethnic violence : Hindu-Muslim riots in India." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/10093.
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Raj, Anamika. "The Unsafe Home: An Analysis of Reported Domestic Violence in India." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/92197.
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Violence against women has been acknowledged both nationally and internationally as a violation of women's basic human rights, an issue which weakens the overall development of women globally. India enacted the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act in 2005 in order to address the issue of domestic violence. This work examines the impact of the law and women's education and economic status on reported cases of dowry deaths and cruelty by husband and his relatives in 28 states of India between the years 2001 to 2016. My study hypothesizes that the states' female literacy rate and female workforce participation are negatively associated with the rate of reported cases of dowry deaths and cruelty by husband and his relatives. This study supports the ameliorative hypothesis that higher literacy rates and advanced economic and political status help reduce the victimization of women. Also, variations are seen among the 28 states for the cases of reported dowry death rates and cruelty by husband and his relatives' rates, suggesting that rates of dowry death are significantly higher in the eastern region and rates of cruelty by husband and his relatives are significantly higher in the south and the west (compared to the north).Master of Science
Domestic violence is a global issue. It can be understood as arising from patriarchal values and gendered norms which relegate women to a subordinate position to men. India is the world’s largest democracy, and India is a place where crimes against women are highly prevalent. India enacted the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act in 2005 in order to address the issue of domestic violence. This study examines the impact of the Act after 14 years of its passage. Domestic violence takes different forms ranging from physical, sexual, emotional, and psychological violence. This study focuses on two forms of domestic violence: dowry deaths and cruelty by husband and his relatives against the wife. It focuses on the analysis of reported cases of the two crimes. In this study, data from various Indian governmental websites have been collected and analyzed to demonstrate rates of domestic violence for all the states of India. The purpose of this study is to examine the impact of women’s status—operationalized as female literacy rate and female workforce participation—on the number of reported cases of domestic violence in Indian society from 2001 to 2016. This study supports the ameliorative hypothesis, which argues that places in which women have higher status report lower rates of victimization.
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Kaul, Sharika. "Sexual Violence Against Women in India: The Role of Public Policy and Social Media in the Persistence of Sexually Violent Crimes." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/739.
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Following the 2012 gang-rape of a 23-year-old paramedic student in New Delhi, India's rape culture received unprecedented global attention. The Central Government sought to reduce the incidence of sexually violent crimes against Indian women by implementing policy changes. However, crimes against women and reported rapes have continued to rise. This paper seeks to explain the persistence of sexually violent crimes in India by arguing that contemporary public policies and the dominating presence of men's rights organizations on social media platforms have reproduced rapability in unique and dangerous ways.
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Anand, Prathivadi B. "Violence and urbanisation: The Kerala-Bihar paradox and beyond." University of Bradford. Department of Development and Economic Studies, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3542.
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YesAbstract: The aim of this paper is to examine the alleged association between urbanisation and violence and to take some preliminary steps towards an exploration of the role of trust in improving urban governance and thus reduce violence. In this paper, violence is interpreted broadly to include both active or direct violence but also passive and social violence in terms of lack of voice, and as a symptom of governance failure. The paper includes a cross section analysis based on data for some 123 countries and an in-depth case study of India. I will also examine what may be termed as the Kerala-Bihar paradox. Kerala is well-known for its achievements in human development and according to India human development report of 2001, Kerala is ranked 1 on human development indicators while Bihar is among the states lagging behind in terms of human development. However, state level analysis of crime suggests that Kerala is more criminalised than Bihar. In examining this paradox, some inferences are drawn on the role of trust in improving accountable governance and how this may result in reducing violent crime. Some issues for further research are identified.
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Back, Madeleine. "Determinants of Intimate Partner SexualViolence against Women in India." Thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Institutionen för hälsovetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-41032.
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Intimate partner sexual violence (IPSV) is a public health problem andprimarily affects women. Almost 30% of all women who have been in arelationship with a man, have experienced physical or sexual violence by theirpartner in their life. Even though sexual violence is being investigated inIndia, the determinants of sexual violence are thus far little investigated,specifically the determinants of IPSV. The purpose of the study was toexamine the demographic and socioeconomic determinants of IPSV againstwomen in India. The study was carried out using a quantitative method basedon secondary data from the National Family Health Survey 4 (NFHS-4). Thevariables used was age, residential area, education, religion, wealth index andemployment (current/all year/seasonal). Descriptive statistics, Chi-square testand a multivariate logistic regression analysis were used to analyze the data.The results indicated that younger women experienced more IPSV than olderwomen, and women in rural areas lived through more IPSV than women inurban areas. However, were women with urban residency were more likely tobe exposed to IPSV, which indicates that urban residency can be a risk factorfor sexual violence. A remarkable finding was that the prevalence of IPSVamong working women was higher (9%) than nonworking women (6%), butthat the adjusted ORs showed no correlation between working status andIPSV. Current study has added further evidence of IPSV in India, usingnationally representative samples. Younger women with lower educationshould be emphasized and seen as a risk group for IPSV. An in-depth studyregarding the partner’s characteristics in India is warranted and an importantstep to chart additional determinants for IPSV.Betyg i Ladok 201214.
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Prasad, Binoy S. "Comparative political violence : riots and the State in the United States and India /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 1997. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9841328.
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DiPetta, Joselyn. "Women's autonomy in India the demographic and contextual determinants of domestic violence /." CONNECT TO ELECTRONIC THESIS, 2007. http://dspace.wrlc.org/handle/1961/4251.
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Macdonald, Helen Mary. "Resolution and rupture : the paradox of violence in witch accusations in Chhattisgarh, India." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.407632.
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McClure, Alastair. "Violence, sovereignty, and the making of criminal law in colonial India, 1857-1914." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2017. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/268185.
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This thesis explores the relationship between law, sovereignty and violence in colonial India in the period 1857-1914. From murder, to corporal punishment, to jubilee amnesty, this thesis highlights two gaps within the scholarship of nineteenth-century Indian legal and political history. Firstly, that histories of colonial law have been reluctant to provide a political analysis of the relationship between crime, sovereignty and identity in the everyday. Secondly, the much-noted shift in political discourse from East India Company to British Crown rule in histories of imperial political philosophy has left unexplained the relationship between liberalism, the codification of criminal law, and the production of colonial legal-political subjectivity. This lacuna in scholarship has resulted in the construction of a limited theoretical framework for understanding the underlying politics at play in the histories of crime, law, and punishment. Ultimately this work provides such framework, allowing the writing of law and the act of crime to be brought into histories of political philosophy and colonial sovereignty. As a revisionist history of colonial politics and law the thesis therefore breaks new ground in respect to our broader understandings of colonial sovereignty and politics, the practice of colonial law, and the constitution of the colonial state in India.
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Kissopoulos, Lisa. "Nationalist Conflict and Elite Manipulation in Serbia and India." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1186753678.
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Appileyil, Varghese Varghese. "Violence against Christians of India in the first decade of the twenty-first century." Fort Worth, Tex. : [Texas Christian University], 2009. http://etd.tcu.edu/etdfiles/available/etd-03162010-153500/unrestricted/Appileyil.pdf.
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Thesis (D.Min.)--Brite Divinity School, Texas Christian University, 2009.Title from dissertation title page (viewed Apr. 19, 2010). Includes abstract. "A project report and thesis submitted to the Faculty of Brite Divinity School in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Ministry." Includes bibliographical references.
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Saikia, Pahi. "Protest networks, communicative mechanisms and state responses: ethnic mobilization and violence in northeast India." Thesis, McGill University, 2010. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=86799.
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Disputes between Georgia and two of its regions, Abkhazia and Ajaria in the 1990s, led to considerably different outcomes---while the Abkhazians became embroiled in a full-blown civil war with the state of Georgia, the Ajarians remained conspicuously calm. Similarly, in 1967-70, while the Igbo and Hausa-Fulani regions engaged in a violent confrontation with the Nigerian state, the adjoining Yoruba territory prevented such hostilities and stayed relatively peaceful. Variations such as these have been a recurring theme in the study of contentious politics along ethnic lines. Despite similarities in historical and structural experiences, some ethnic groups are able to avert violence while others turn to highly disruptive forms of contention to secure their goals related to group rights, cultural recognition, political and territorial autonomy. What accounts for these variations? Why do some ethnic groups seeking cultural and political autonomy engage in extraordinarily high risk violent movements while others respond with relative quiescence? These are some of the important questions, an exploration of which constitutes the central focus of this dissertation.Although a host of explanations exist on the cause of these variations, this study tends to adopt a process-oriented approach while incorporating theoretical perspectives borrowed from contentious politics besides rationalist and social psychological assumptions of ethnic violence. At the most general level, this dissertation makes the fundamental claim that although the desire for material ends does play a crucial role; it is the emotional struggle over the relative status of group identity and core ethnic symbols that affords a group the ultimate mobilizing potential for collective action. Beyond this, a well-crafted analytical framework that includes the mobilizing structure, the organizational resources and state responses is developed to understand the correlation between the mobilizing process and the outcome of ethnic movements. The utility of this framework is demonstrated through a comparison of three tribal minority ethnic groups in the north-eastern part of India, where one group seeks to create a separate ethno-federal territory through high-levels and sustaining violent insurgent actions, another employs relatively low levels of violence for a shorter duration while a third group advances moderate claims and resorts to relatively peaceful contentious actions. Further, the level of ethnic violence is determined by the consistency and extent of state accommodation of ethnic demands, and the nature of state repression. The study indicates that consistent state accommodation is most conducive to the containment of violence and widespread rather than targeted repression produces support for higher levels of anti-state violence.
The analysis finds that popular support and participation are crucial to shape the trajectories and strategies of ethnic movements. What leads to variations in the level of popular following across cases, is the availability of vertical networks, the degree of commitment, legitimacy and effective communicative strategies adopted by decentralized activist organizations. This in turn, generates collective mobilization and produces the mechanisms for the sustenance of violent rebellion. Furthermore, the study finds that consistent state accommodation is most conducive to the containment of violence. It indicates that widespread rather than targeted repression produced support for higher levels of anti-state violence.
Les disputes entre la Géorgie et ses deux régions, Abkhazia et Ajaria, au cours des années1990, ont méné à des resultants tres differents--pendant que l'Abkhazia est entré dans une guerre civile avec l'état Géorgien, l'Ajaria est resté calme. De même en 1967-70, pendant que les Igbo et les régions Hausa-Fulani se sont engagés dans une confrontation violente avec l'état Nigérian, le territoire Yoruba est resté relativement pacifique. Des telles variations constituent un thème principal dans l'étude de la politique querelleuse ethnique. Malgré des similarités dans les expériences historiques et structurelles, certains groupes ethniques évitent la violence pendant que d'autres l'emploient de façon extreme pour protéger leurs buts rattachés aux droits de groupe, la reconnaissance culturelle, l'autonomie politique et territoriale. Qu'est-ce qui explique ces variations? Pourquoi certains groupes éthniques cherchent-ils l'autonomie culturelle et politique malgré les risques des mouvements violents pendant que d'autres y répondent plus tranquillement? Ceux-ci sont les questions principales analysées dans cette mémoire à travers un etude de trois cas differents dans le nord-est de l'Inde ou on voit qu'un groupe, les Bodos, cherche a créer un térritoire éthnique en utilisant de la violence extreme et soutenue, pendant qu'un autre groupe, les Dimasas, emploient des niveaux de violence rélativement bas pour des durés plus courtes alors qu'un tiers groupe, les Misings, expriment des affirmations plus moderées et employant des actions de dissidence plus paisibles.
Bien que nombreuses explications existent pour la cause de ces variations, cette étude emploie une approche focalisée vers les processus en incorporant des perspectives théoriques de la politique querelleuse et en plus des hypothèses psychologiques rationalistes et sociales de la violence ethnique. Au niveau général, cette mémoire montre que la structure de mobilisation des ressources d'une organisation expliquent le niveau de soutien en faveur de la mobilisation ethnique et que les différentes réponses publiques expliquent le niveau de violence. La disponibilité des réseaux fortement « verticales », legitimité du leadership, engagement continu, l'efficacité de la communication et le niveau de centralization des organizations activists determine le degré de soutien populaire et resources materielles nécessaries pour méner à une mobilization collective et réussi, ce qui est nécessaire pour qu'un groupe s'engage dans une mobilization violente et mantient une rebellion. Empiriquement, je fait une analyse des processus de mobilization et rébellion violente chez les Bodos qui montrait clairement ces characteristiques alors que les Dimasas et Misings, qui ne profitait pas de ces avantages, étaient fortement limités dans leurs efforts de transformer leur mouvements dans des rébellions intensifiés et soutenues.
En outre, cet étude trouve que la repression generalisée, plutot que la repression selective, produit du soutien pour des niveaux plus hauts de violence contre l'etat. La repression selective transforme la rebellion violente dans un mouvement plus modéré et de-radicalisé. L'etude montre en plus que les compromises de la part de l'etat et le fournissement de certaines motivations sélectives aux chefs des mouvements sont les facons les plus efficaces de contenir la violence.
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Jasani, Rubina. "Communal Violence, Displacement and Muslim Identities: Negotiating Survival and Reconstruction in Ahmedabad, Western India." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.487928.
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This thesis is an ethnographic study that aims to explore how communal violence and displacement changed the experiences of Muslim survivors of the violence of 2002 in . the state of Gujarat, Western India. The thesis looks at the moral and material reconstruction of life after the violence. The aim is to understand how the worst affected (in this context the migrant Muslims who had moved to the city from various Indian states to work in the textile mills, and who lived in the suburbs and outer suburbs of the city) were positioned in relation to state and civil society organisations (secular NGOs and community organisations) and how their location within these discourses shaped their perceptions of self, religion and the choices they made in order to negotiate survival. The thesis builds on Eickelman and Salvatore's (2006:97-104), concept of Public Islam which says that there is no singular concept of Islam, but rather a multiplicity of overlapping fonns of practice and discourse that represent the varied historical and political trajectories of the Muslim communities and their links and influences with societies elsewhere. The analysis is located in the realm of an emerging Muslim public sphere - a sphere which is constantly being redefined globally by changes in communication, travel and education, as well as competing ideas of politics and religion.
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Khan, Furrukh Abbas. "Memory, dis-location, violence and women in the partition literature of Pakistan and India." Thesis, University of Kent, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.252569.
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Ali, Syed Mahmud. "Nation-building and the nature of conflict in South Asia : a search for patterns in the use of force as a political instrument within and between the states of the region." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.319383.
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Philip, Shannon. "A city of men? : an ethnographic enquiry into cultures of youth masculinities in urban India." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:800c9cb5-d8a0-42ab-b37f-f2c8e9135de3.
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The gender order in urban India is changing rapidly. Several economic, political and sociocultural shifts have brought with them new opportunities and challenges for Indian men and women. This thesis attempts to understand some of these social and cultural changes from the perspective of a group of affluent young men in Delhi. By ethnographically studying young men and their masculinities in urban public spaces of leisure and consumption, this thesis explores some of their relatively new practices of consumption and embodied performances of gender, as well as its consequences on gendering a city space. Through focusing on newly commodified spaces like gyms, shopping malls, night clubs, bars, metro trains and cruising parks in Delhi, I argue that a politics of space, age, gender and class come together to mark men's identities, bodies as well as urban spaces, creating forms of belonging and exclusions in a neoliberal India. Within this context, I explore how ideas of what it means to be a young man are changing in a consumerist India and how this in turn shapes young men's relationships with other men, women, families and changing city spaces. Using ethnographic data collected over fourteen months of fieldwork in Delhi, along with visual and cultural analysis, this thesis lays bare the layers of masculine performances and reveals the everyday attempts at embedding and reproducing a heterosexist patriarchal social order under the guise of a 'new Indian man' and his 'new' India. In the process, I critically but empathetically explore the gendered hierarchies and anxieties that emerge in contemporary India and its consequences on various bodies and city spaces. The chief arguments are presented in five empirical chapters: 1) A 'New' Indian Man, 2) A Masculine Body, 3) Desexing a Masculine Body, 4) A Smart and Masculine City, and 5) A Safe/Unsafe City.
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de, Silva Purnaka Lohendra. "Political violence and its cultural constructions representations & narrations in times of war /." [S.l. : Amsterdam : s.n.] ; Universiteit van Amsterdam [Host], 2000. http://dare.uva.nl/document/83697.
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Luksaite, Eva. "The intimate state : female sterilisation, reproductive agency and operable bodies in rural North India." Thesis, Brunel University, 2016. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/13511.
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Female sterilisation or tubal ligation remains the most promoted and prevalent method of contraception in India today, especially among the rural and urban poor. This thesis provides an ethnographic account of poor women’s experiences of the sterilisation procedure in order to investigate the intricate relationship between the state, biomedicine and poor women in rural North India. The thesis draws on 18 months of ethnographic fieldwork in a mixed-caste village in Southern Rajasthan. Besides engaging with women in their daily lives in the village, participant observation was also carried out in regularly organised sterilisation camps, which were run by Marie Stopes India in two nearby towns. The thesis aims to explore how women experience the female sterilisation procedure, how this procedure relates to concerns beyond the sterilisation camp and how various forms and sources of authority influence reproductive decisions. The female sterilisation procedure encapsulates not only people’s engagements and negotiations with the power, practices and discourses of the state, but also with other forms of authority, such as biomedicine, and intersecting structures of gender, caste and class. The thesis approaches the main research theme – the relationship between the state, biomedicine and poor women in rural North India – by examining various relationships and power struggles within these domains as much as between them. The chapters focussing on the history of family planning in India, on local articulations of the state in the village and on local health workers who are an integral part of “motivating” women for the female sterilisation procedure reflect an effort to problematise “the state” and to investigate how local embodiments and discourses of the state contribute to women’s decisions to stop childbearing by undergoing the tubal ligation procedure. The ethnography of a sterilisation camp provides a look into processes of biomedical examinations conducted in the camp before the procedure, and shows how biomedical tools of knowing, seeing and acting are negotiated and contested by various biomedical personnel, bureaucrats, as well as by women seeking the procedure. In such a way, I problematise the category of “biomedicine” and highlight its contested nature. Finally, chapters on reproductive agency and operable bodies examine how women themselves make sense of tubal ligation, how they negotiate conditions under which to undergo the procedure, and how female sterilisation becomes a site to negotiate one’s social status. An ethnographic investigation of the state, biomedicine and poor women as categories which are not homogenous but rather are constituted through multiple internal and external contestations allows a deeper and more complex understanding of how increasing medicalisation of women’s lives in rural North India is experienced in various different ways. Furthermore, acknowledging the multiplicity of agendas, discourses and experiences within the categories of “the state”, “biomedicine” and “poor women” provides an insight into how power is contested and articulated on multiple levels and by multiple actors, resulting in theoretical contributions to the existing theories on power, governmentality and biopolitics.
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Nandrajog, Elaisha. "Hindutva and Anti-Muslim Communal Violence in India Under the Bharatiya Janata Party (1990-2010)." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2010. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/219.
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On May 16, 1998, under the directives of the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led coalition, the Indian government detonated three nuclear bombs in the Rajasthan desert, near a site called Pokhran.1 If the name of India’s inter-ballistic missile, Agni, the god of fire in the Vedic tradition, is inscribed in antiquity, its symbolism in 1998 was entirely new, reflecting the rise of a political party that emblematizes a chauvinistic, majoritarian stance.2 To celebrate India’s accomplishment, the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), a sister organization of the BJP, ordered the construction of a temple dedicated to Shakti, the goddess of strength, some fifty kilometers away from the testing site.3 The decision is an apt example of Hindutva ideologues’ use of the feminine metaphor of “innate strength” to legitimize aggression against external forces. Shortly after the nuclear tests, Bal Thackerey, the chairman of the Shiv Sena, a Mumbai-based Hindu nationalist ally of the BJP, declared that Hindus were no longer eunuchs—a notion that traces its roots back to the Mughal period which spanned three centuries.4 Thackerey’s statement ironically subverted the idea of female power and reiterated the masculinist theme that has animated Hindu nationalism since its inception in the 1920s. Hindutva’s sacralization of aggression had an anticipated consequence: Pakistan retaliated by exploding five nuclear bombs on May 28, 1998.5
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Gupte, Jaideep. "Linking urban civil violence, extralegality and informality : credibility and policing in south-central Mumbai, India." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.543675.
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Tatsuni, Kayoko. "Coalition politics, ethnic violence and citizenship : Muslim political agency in Meerut, India, c.1950-2004." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2556/.
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This dissertation examines the responses of the Muslim community in Meerut city, in western Uttar Pradesh, India, to the rise of militant Hindu nationalism and to the anti-Muslim violence that shook Meerut in April-May 1987. I show how Meerut Muslims engaged in adaptive economic and political strategies in the wake of the 1987 violence and how these strategies culminated in a new style of participatory politics. This emerged under the leadership of the hitherto low status Qureshi (butcher) community. I show how Qureshi political activism has worked to create a Muslim political community which can be mobilised in terms both of civic and Muslim identities. I also demonstrate how Muslim political leaders have engaged in an instrumental politics of vote-trading with Hindu low- caste political parties. Both communities are exploiting new possibilities for representation in an era of multi-party coalition politics at state and national levels. My account of the 'new Muslim politics' in Meerut examines how Islam is understood alongside civic, or even secular, accounts of what it means to be a Muslim in contemporary India. More generally, my discussion of the production of ethnic peace in Meerut since c.1990 allows me to contribute to an ongoing debate on the causes and differential geography of 'communal' violence in India. I do not attempt to adjudicate between the competing accounts of 'votes and violence' offered by Steven Wilkinson, Ashutosh Varshney, Paul Brass and others. Instead, I seek to build on their work by offering a more considered discussion of Muslim political agency in the face of provocative militant Hinduism. Behind concerted campaigns for security and survival, the 'new Muslim politics' mirrors a commitment to the goals of respect and dignity that is also to be found among the region's poorest Hindu communities and the Scheduled Castes (dalits).
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Alexandersson, Hanna. "Indian male voices on gender equality and sexual violence : a qualitative study." Thesis, Ersta Sköndal högskola, Institutionen för socialvetenskap, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:esh:diva-2437.
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This qualitative study aims to explore the status of gender equality and to provide background to the extensive sexual violence in India from the male perspective through the eyes of seven Gujarati men. The brutal rape of a young student, by whole world known as Nirbayha in December 2012 in the Indian capital, was the tragic event that started a mass reaction in India against the extensive sexual violence and has put the whole worlds light on the unequal conditions of men and women in the country. Being sexually abused as a woman is one extreme expression for female subordination in relation to men, accordingly “men´s violence to women” is a most current topic under social work research today. Social constructions and social structures need to be considered when studying sexual violence as well as gender issues. This thesis is based on a four weeks minor field study in Mandvi in Gujarat, India, where I conducted the interviews. The result is based on answers towards my main research question How do the interviewed men in Mandvi perceive gender equality, and what do they think of sexual violence? The answers clearly show the gendered thinking of the interviewed men. In the analysis I have tried to interpret and understand the data mainly based on the secondary research questions Are there any perceived connections between sexual violence and gender equality, and if so, how do these look? How do the interviewed men´s perceptions look in relation to earlier research and theoretical frames? What can be done, in a place such as Mandvi on different societal layers (individual, family, society) to prevent sexual violence? In the analysis I show the data through the mirror of theoretical frameworks and the earlier research, such as social work theory, critical theory, gender theory and contemporary Indian masculinity research.Denna kvalitativa studie avser att undersöka jämställdhet som bakgrund till det omfattande sexuella våldet i Indien, genom ett manligt perspektiv, utifrån intervjuer med sju män från Mandvi i Gujarat. Den brutala våldtäkten på en student i december 2012 i den Indiska huvudstaden, startade en massreaktion i landet, och satte hela världens ljus på de ojämställda villkoren kvinnor och män lever under. Detta våld är ett tecken på strukturell kvinnlig underordning, vilket liksom mäns våld mot kvinnor är ett mycket aktuellt forskningsämne. Resultatet baseras på de svar jag fick runt den primära forskningsfrågan, hur männen upplever jämställdhet och vad de tänker om sexuellt våld. I analysen undersöker jag samband däremellan, och diskuterar vad som kan göras på olika samhällsnivåer samt speglar datan genom teorier och tidigare forskning inom socialt arbete, kritisk teori, genusteori samt samtida indisk maskulinitetsforskning.
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Guha, Mirna. "Negotiations with everyday power and violence : a study of female sex workers' experiences in eastern India." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2017. https://ueaeprints.uea.ac.uk/66489/.
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Studies on sex work in India have tended to portray female sex workers as either victims or empowered agents. Over the last two decades, binaries of free and forced regarding participation in sex work have been reinforced by development discourses and interventions on HIV/AIDS and human trafficking which target the sex work community in India. This choice/compulsion binary, in turn, has elicited another binary of violent/non-violent social relations, thereby exceptionalising the nature of violence within sex work. This thesis argues against this exceptionalisation by locating an analysis of women’s participation in sex work, and their experiences of power and violence, within a context of everyday social relations in Eastern India. It presents qualitative data generated from eight months of fieldwork across two prominent red-light areas in Kolkata, a shelter home for rescued female sex workers in its southern suburb, Narendrapur, and villages in the South 24 Parganas district in West Bengal. Analysis shows that the research subjects’ experiences of power and violence in social relations with members of the household, community, market and state (Kabeer, 1994) and experiences of deviance (Becker, 1963) in these relationships, shape pathways into, lives within and pathways out of sex work. It highlights the cyclical nature of gender-based violence and power inequalities across the lives (Ellsberg and Heise, 2005) of women formerly and currently in sex work. Struggles with power and violence prior to entering sex work continue in different forms within sex work and persist even after women leave, often leading to a return to sex work. These findings problematize static readings of female sex workers’ victimhood and agency. Instead, they present a contextually nuanced analysis of their dynamic experiences and negotiations, rooted within an understanding of wider regional,social and cultural norms on women’s sexuality, mobility and labour force participation.
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Heitmeyer, Carolyn M. "Identity and difference in a Muslim community in central Gujarat, India following the 2002 communal violence." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2355/.
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The broad aim of the thesis is to examine the impact of class, caste and religious identity in constructing notions of Muslim identity in a small town in central Gujarat, India and to challenge wider assumptions about the primacy of religious identity in ordering sociality in 'everyday life' in the region following the large-scale violence against the Muslim minority in 2002. Based on fifteen months of ethnographic research, the thesis engages with debates about the impact of violence on inter-ethnic relations and the construction of a minority identity. My research focuses particularly on the Muslim Sunni Vohras in the town of Mahemdabad, a community whose language, residential patterns, dress and kinship system defy, both locally as well as more generally, dualistic notions of what constitutes 'Hindu'/'Muslim' modes of conduct. As a merchant group, Sunni Vohras in the town have traditionally maintained closer ties with local Hindu merchants rather than other Muslims with whom they commonly eschew close affiliation. Through an analysis of various spheres such as kinship, gender, religious practice and local politics, the thesis examines how different notions of 'Muslim identity' are at once predicated on an opposition to 'Hindu identity' but likewise how competing definitions are brandished as a means of establishing status and honour. On a wider level, the thesis presents an examination of how 'everyday coexistence' between different religious groups in the town following the 2002 violence and the way in which such coexistence is sustained and managed through informal networks. Unlike nearby cities, the town in which research was conducted had not previously experienced wide-scale attacks in the past and prided itself on the 'communal harmony' between Hindus and Muslims. The thesis argues that the ongoing salience of caste and class links between the two communities constitute a central factor in explaining how, despite the wider social and political context, religious identity has not succeeded in trumping previous forms of social stratification.
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Vaidya, Ashish Akhil. "Beyond Neopatrimonialism: A Normative and Empirical Inquiry into Legitimacy and Structural Violence in Post-Colonial India." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2015. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/347514.
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Political SciencePh.D.
The purpose of this project is to demonstrate that the rational-legal bureaucratic institutions inherited by post-colonial states from their former colonial patrons have clashed with indigenous cultural norms, leading to legitimation failure. This lack of legitimacy, in turn, leads to political and bureaucratic corruption among the individuals tasked with embodying and enforcing the norms of these bureaucratic institutions. Instances of corruption such as bribery and solicitation of bribes, misappropriation of public funds, nepotistic hiring practices, and the general placement of personal gain over the rule of law on the part of officials weaken the state’s ability and willingness to enforce its laws, promote stability and economic growth, and ensure the welfare of its citizens. This corruption and its multidimensional detrimental effects on the lives of citizens are forms of what has been called structural violence. In this project, I examine four case studies of Indian subnational states that have experienced varying degrees and types of colonial bureaucratic imposition, resulting in divergent structurally violent outcomes. Deeming these systems “violent” has normative implications regarding responsibility for the problems of the post-colonial world. Corruption is often cited as a reason not to give loans or aid to certain developing countries; but viewing the matter in terms of structural violence highlights the need for not only economic assistance but also institutional overhaul.
Temple University--Theses
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Banerjee, Sikata. "Masculine Hinduism, violence and the Shiv Sena : the Bombay riots of 1993 /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10776.
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Kumar, Megha. "Communal riots, sexual violence and Hindu nationalism in post-independence Gujarat (1969-2002)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2b06b4e0-afac-4571-ab46-44968d36b17c.
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In much existing literature the incidence of sexual violence during Hindu-Muslim conflict has been attributed to the militant ideology of Hindu nationalism. This thesis interrogates this view. It first examines the ideological framework laid down by the founding ideologues of the Hindu nationalist movement with respect to sexual violence. I argue that a justification of sexual violence against Muslim women is at the core of their ideology. In order to examine how this ideology has contributed to the actual incidents, this thesis studies the episodes of Hindu-Muslim violence that occurred in 1969, 1985, 1992 and 2002 in the western Indian city of Ahmedabad, Gujarat. An examination of these episodes shows that sexual violence against Muslim women, in both extreme and less extreme forms, were significantly motivated by Hindu nationalist ideology. However, in addition to this ideology, patriarchal ideas that serve to normalize sexual violence as ‘sex’ and sanction its infliction to maintain gendered hierarchies also motivated such crimes. Moreover, this thesis argues that the manifestation of Hindu nationalist and patriarchal motivations in acts of sexual violence was enabled by the breakdown of neighbourhood ties between Hindus and Muslims in 1969 and 2002. By contrast, during the 1985 and 1992 riots Hindus and Muslims strengthened neighbourhood ties despite extensive communal mobilization, which seems to have prevented the perpetration of extreme sexual violence against Muslim women. Thus, by providing a comprehensive analysis of the contribution of Hindu nationalist ideology, and arguing for the significance of the patriarchal ideas and neighbourhood ties in the infliction of sexual violence during conflict, this study contributes to and departs from the existing literature.
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Nandi, Sulakshana. "The role of community health workers (CHWS) in addressing social determinants of health in Chhattisgarh, India." University of the Western Cape, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4540.
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Magister Public Health - MPHThe aim of this research was to describe the role of Community Health Workers, in the Mitanin Programme, in addressing social determinants of health in Chhattisgarh State of India, with the view to identify the pathways for strengthening and making recommendations on this aspect of the CHW’s work for existing or future CHW programmes. A comparative case study design using qualitative research methods was adopted for the study, with the sample comprising of two case studies of action on social determinants by CHWs. The definition of a case was ‘successful action by a CHW (Mitanin) or team of CHWs (Mitanins) on nutrition or violence against women in the village or cluster of villages for which the CHW/s are responsible’. The sampling of the cases followed the ‘replication logic’, that is, examination of similar cases to draw general lessons. Data collection was undertaken through In-depth Individual Interviews and Group Interviews with CHWs, community members and programme staff that participated with the CHWs in, and also benefitted from, their action on social determinants. Respondents were identified through a process of snowball sampling. Seventeen in-depth interviews and ten group interviews (total 27) were conducted as part of the study. A broad conceptual framework of the factors facilitating and constraining the action on social determinants by the CHWs, along with the pathways for action on social determinants by the CHWs, along with the pathways for action on social determinants by CHWs and their role, was developed at the start of the research. The analysis was done using this conceptual framework, which was refined during analysis, resulting in an explanatory framework. The analysis was two-fold. Firstly, both cases were analysed and written up separately and then they were analysed together in order to draw cross case conclusions. Thematic analysis was undertaken. Ethical Clearance was obtained from the UWC Senate Research Committee and permission was obtained from the State Health Resource Center, the body coordinating the Mitanin Programme in Chhattisgarh. A Participant Information Sheet and Informed consent forms for both the individual and the group interviews were prepared and administered. The form for the group interview included a confidentiality-binding clause. The study showed that the Mitanins in Durgkondal and Manendragarh (the Blocks under study) had effectively and successfully addressed the issues of nutrition and xvii violence against women as social determinants, in a manner visualized in the initial programme documents. Despite threats to the autonomy of the programme, pressures to formalise the Mitanin’s role, and backlash from vested interests, such action remained sustained, nearly ten years since the start of the programme.
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Dasgupta, Shruti. "Experiences of Violence and Sex Work among Women Sex Workers in West Bengal, India: A Narrative Analysis." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1524159000871492.
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Maheshwari, Malvika. "Violent regulation and artists in India : the transformation of freedom of expression." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011IEPP0028.
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L'article 19 de la Constitution indienne garantit à tout citoyen le droit à la liberté d'expression. Cet article fut adopté en 1950 afin de poser les bases d'une démocratie laïque. Néanmoins, son interprétation connut d'importants changements à partir des années 1980 et des années 1990 lorsque les artistes et les œuvres d'art eurent à subir des violences continuelles. Cette thèse examine comment la liberté d'expression des artistes fut diversement interprété et comment elle fut régulé depuis les années 1950. Nous analysons ces évolutions en travaillant sur les rôles qu'on joués les instances de régulations étatiques (comme le Parlement, les tribunaux, l'Académie nationale des Arts). Nous montrons comment l'expression artistique fut l'objet de violences visant à la réguler. Ces violences traduisent un contexte politique changeant marqué par la criminalisation du Congrès et l'essor des tensions communautaires concomitant avec l'essor du Bhartiya Janata Party. Enfin, la présente recherche insiste sur les attaques dont les artistes furent la cible de la part des organisations nationalistes hindoues alors que le contexte politique est marqué par l'apparition de nouveaux médias et une anxiété croissante de voir l'Islam affirmer sa suprématie dont la population à majorité hindoue serait la victime. Ce mode opératoire fut repris par diverses organisations socio-politiques qui, bien que dépourvues de motivations idéologiques, attaquèrent les artistes en considérant que leurs sentiments personnels avaient été heurtés. Par le passé, l'Etat n'envisageait pas de rester neutre dans cette situation. Désormais, non seulement il le demeure, mais il appuie ceux qui répriment la liberté artistique. En décrivant les motivations de ceux qui commettent ces violences ainsi que le climat de peur et d'auto-censure qui règne parmi les artistes, nous démontrons que la régulation violente et désordonnée à laquelle est soumise la liberté artistique contribue à créer un climat de terreur perpétuel. Les libertés artistiques ont été modifiées, non dans le cadre constitutionnel mais en dehors de ce dernierEnshrined in the Article 19 of the Constitution of India, freedom of speech and expression is a fundamental right of every citizen. Adopted in 1950 with the aim of establishing a secular democracy, the trajectory of the Article 19 demonstrates a substantive mutation in the discourse of free speech due to the sustained violence on artists and works of art since the 1980s and early 1990s. The thesis examines the transformation of the meaning and the mechanisms of regulating freedom of expression of artists in India since the 1950s. It explores the complexities informed by the historically specific forms that both the regulatory (laws, judicial directives etc. ) and allocatory (the National Akademies of Art) aspects of state intervention have assumed in India. It also provides a window into the trajectory of violent regulation of artistic expression by examining the political changes through the criminalization of Congress and communal violence under the Bhartiya Janata Party. The work traces the militant Hindu nationalists’ attacks on artists- informed by new media technologies, anxiety of Islam’s supremacy over the ‘victimized’ Hindu majority, representation of women and sexuality, anti-West sentiments etc. Devoid of any ideological motives, gradually various socio-political organizations began emulating this modus operandi of attacking artists by claiming of ‘hurt sentiments. ’ While the institutions of state earlier considered it unaffordable to be neutral in such a conflict, now not only remained neutral but sided with those indulging in coercive suppression of artistic liberties. Tracing individual motivations behind the acts of violence and artists’ widespread admission of fear and self-censorship, the work argues that violent regulation of artistic expression from an unexpected, infrequent interruption of the creative process of everyday life transformed into a ‘continuous reign of terror. ’ The transformation of artistic liberties occurs not within the framework of the Constitution as much as over the very nature of the Constitution
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Saxena, Aditi. "Violence Against Women In India: A Closer Look At the Social and Legal System Interactions, Problems, and Solutions." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/41986.
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Violence against women (VAW) in India reflects encouraged patriarchal notions, societal despotism, and cultural subjugations. The Indian government is continuously striving to bring legal reforms that can deter perpetrators from inflicting violence on women. However, these changes are occurring only on the surface when in fact the issues are deep-seated. Therefore, this thesis addresses two main research questions: 1) What factors contribute to the increase in cases of VAW in India and how the legal system addresses these factors, and 2) What policies and schemes are employed to empower women and provide support services to women victims of violence, and what are the effects of these policies/schemes. To explore each of these questions, the thesis was divided into two parts. In part 1, a legal case analysis strategy was adopted to qualitatively analyze 26 High Court cases from Uttar Pradesh, India. Seven major themes emerged from the thematic analysis of these cases that highlight the reasons for the perpetration of violence, victim-blaming, barriers to report the crime, and legal systemic barriers. In part 2, a policy analysis framework was applied to review and analyze six major schemes and policies focused on VAW. All the schemes and policies were assessed, compared, and prioritized against different criteria which were constructed based on the research findings from part 1. Major results of this study suggest that the schemes and policies focused on VAW are structurally flawed and lack proper monitoring. In conclusion, efforts must be made to deter the act of perpetrating violence on women by implementing suitable community and family interventions, recognizing and eliminating factors that lead to revictimization, providing detailed guidelines to enhance services through local schemes and policies, and acknowledging patterns of patriarchal and cultural norms surrounding VAW.
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Bhandare, Teesta. "Someone Else's Honor: Women as Repositories of Male Honor and Their Subsequent Vulnerability to Sexual Violence in India." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/546.
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This article seeks to uncover the historical trajectory of the notion of women as repositories of male honor in Indian society and whether there has been a change in the discourse. Through a historically oriented comparative study of two case studies it draws attention to the fact that this perception of women has made them extremely susceptible to sexual attacks from members of opposing communities. At the time of Partition India witnessed large scale religion-based rapes where men of one religion attempted to assert their dominance over another religious community by raping the women of that community. Today the use of rape as a means of power assertion is still prevalent but now it is upper caste men who are seeking to assert their dominance over lower caste communities.This article believes that a combination of legal and social dilemmas is the cause of this discourse that works against the safety of women.
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Tresse, Anja. "The Impact of Female Political Leaders on Attitudes towards Gender Equality and Violence : - Survey evidence from Kerala, India." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-381795.
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Studies have repeatedly reported that states with higher levels of gender equality are more peaceful. Similarly, research has shown that individuals who hold feminist attitudes also hold more peaceful attitudes. This paper argues that there is a lack of studies on the relationship between gender equality and peaceful attitudes on the individual level. Building upon studies suggesting that gender equality is key in working towards peace, this paper investigates whether female political leaders can affect attitudes to gender equality and to violence. By integrating experimental components in a comparative case study, this study gathered survey-evidence from two villages in Kerala, India. The findings suggest that continuous exposure to female political leaders lead to more approving attitudes of gender equality but does not find enough support suggesting that attitudes towards violence are affected.
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Schiffer, Sharon Nambudripad. "How ending gender violence in India improves the nation's international reputation and tourism industry| A case for nationalism." Thesis, University of Massachusetts Boston, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1550780.
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As nations have become far more interconnected by means of globalization in the 21st century, the issues that affect one nation often have affects upon others. As India is a nation with a population of more than 1.2 billion, the issues that affect the nation also affect others. As an assault in Delhi, India made international news on December 16, 2012, the international community has become more aware of the incidents of gender-based violence that exist within the country. The ramifications of the international community's knowledge of the assault included a drastic decrease in both its international reputation and its tourism industry. As tourism provided 6.6% of its total GDP in 2012, it is an industry that is integral to the development of the nation. In order for India to increase its reputation and its tourism industry, gender-based violence in the form of assault and trafficking must be eradicated. This thesis will discuss the roots of gender-based violence specifically in India, and a case study of India's fight against colonialism will be used as an example of how a sense of nationalism was essential in meeting the goal of the nation at that time. As colonialism and gender-based violence are both 'enemies' to a nation's autonomy and reputation, this thesis will analyze the fact that the nation's ability to form a cohesive national identity, as it did during British rule, is essential for it to achieve its 2013 goals.
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Emerson, Ann. "Educating Pakistan's daughters : the intersection of schooling, unequal citizenship and violence." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2017. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/68415/.
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The purpose of this thesis is to explore how education in one girls' government school teaches understandings of citizenship and to identify potential links to the reproduction of identity-based violence in Pakistan. This in-depth qualitative case study was conducted in a girls' government model school. This study focuses on curriculum and school practices of the secondary school section. Data was collected through interviews with staff, a participatory workshop with teachers, focus groups with students, classroom observation, and informal discussions. I also analyzed the Pakistan Studies textbook used in the secondary section of the school. Using theories of critical education, intersectionality, and Galtung's violence triangle, I argue that despite recent political and curricular reform attempts, education in Pakistan reproduces a homogeneous concept of a legitimate citizen (male Sunni Muslim). While this evolved to unite an ethnically diverse Pakistan, it has contributed to identity-based violence (direct, structural, and cultural) against those that do not fit within this conception. In this school, the Pakistan Studies textbooks create an official discourse that promotes this gendered and exclusionary citizenship. I show how the Pakistan studies textbook uses history and constitutional lessons to promote citizenship that is based in a masculine Islam meant to oppose the Hindu ‘other' as well as to promote the exclusion of women and minorities from full citizenship. I also found that teachers own understandings of citizenship, which closely reflect the text, are deeply rooted in their understanding of their notions of the ideal Muslim woman. I find that the school rewards gendered behavior in both students and teachers. I then explore the extent to which the school reproduces other social divisions including religious, ethnicity, and class. I find that the school simultaneously reproduces, mitigates, and exacerbates these tensions. I then argue that the teachers' and students' understandings of the role of women to counter violence is rooted in the notions of middle class women's roles as mothers and supporters of men that are reproduced through school practice. This study furthers the knowledge on the links between education and violence by showing that promoting a homogeneous ideal of a citizen through education, while intended as a nation building project, can contribute to structural, cultural and direct violence against women and minorities, limiting their agency to engage in social transformation.
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Arvidsson, Tomas Kemppainen Ilkka. "Politiskt våld i Indien : från tre perspektiv: territoriets odelbarhet, nationalism & fundamentalism /." Östersund : Mid Sweden University. Department of Social Sciences, 2008. http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:1518/FULLTEXT01.
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Som, Anurag. "Dating Violence Attitudes, Experiences and Perceptions of Women in College: An Indian Context." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/35121.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this study was to understand the attitudes, perceptions and experiences of college women in modern India with regard to intimate partner violence, specifically dating violence. Surveys were collected from 489 undergraduate female participants. Only 99 participants (20%) were or had been in a dating relationship. The participants in this study self reported both perpetrating and receiving violence in these relationships. A significant positive relationship was found between dating violence perpetration and victimization and four risk factors: witnessing and experiencing abuse in one's family of origin, attitudes justifying wife beating, and problem behaviors associated with alcohol use. A significant negative relationship was found between anger management skills and the perpetration and victimization of violence in dating relationships. Finally, even though the rate of dating and alcohol use is low in India, the problem behaviors associated with these phenomena are very similar to those identified in the United States.
Although much is known about domestic violence and wife assault in the Indian context, there is almost no information or effort in the direction of prevention and education in the realm of dating violence. While India is advancing technologically, creating new opportunities for its youth, there is no simultaneous effort being made to protect its youth from risks of urbanization and cultural shifts. The young adults of India today are joining the global economy. However, there is no system put in place to educate and nurture their social and cultural evolution. Findings from this study suggest that as the youth open themselves up to the culture of dating and premarital courtship, there needs to be a parallel effort made to educate and train them about healthy relationships.Master of Science