Journal articles on the topic 'Village communities Malaya'

Abstract Tanjong Piandang is a Chinese fishing village in Krian, Perak, Malaysia. It first appeared in Anderson’s work in 1824 as a favorite resort for pirates. The people in Tanjong Piandang had the reputation of being a lawless and turbulent lot, and the British colonial government tried to demolish the settlement twice by burning it down after riots. Each time, villagers gathered together and rebuilt their houses. This paper investigates how the colonial government tried to maintain law and order in this space, and the local resistance that attempted, though ultimately failed, to keep the colonial power out their village. Most of the studies on the grassroots resistance against British rule in Malaya are concentrated on the local Malay communities, not on the Chinese who are considered as a migrant community. Therefore, Tanjong Piandang is a good case study of Chinese resistance against the British.

Coastal communities are some of the most vulnerable groups to the effects of climate change. The Non-Governmental Organization of the Environmental Malay Youth Institute (LSM IPMPL), a partner of the three villages on Bengkalis Island, has traced the communities’ ignorance of climate change policies to the poor digital literacy of community members. This has had an impact on the involvement of community components and local village governments in climate change mitigation and adaptation efforts. This community service provides assistance, socialization, and training to improve the literacy of the coastal communities of Bengkalis Island, especially as it concerns their access to climate change policies. The results of this activity show an increase in the communities’ knowledge, abilities, skills, and digital awareness of the government's efforts towards forming a climate-resilient society. Furthermore, the activity produced social impact as it increased peace, improved the community's economy and improved the quality of the community's living environment.

This article investigates how British officials and observers of the Malay Archipelago in the nineteenth century explained the prevalence of piracy in the region, particularly in terms of race and civilization. The writings by, among others, Thomas Stamford Raffles, John Crawfurd, James Brooke and Peter Benson Maxwell on contemporary Malay piracy are analysed. Whereas there was broad agreement among these observers that the alleged lack of civilization on the part of the Malays was a major reason for the prevalence of piracy in the region, there was considerable disagreement about the Malays’ capacity for civilizational progress and improvement. The degree to which the Malays were deemed capable of civilization in turn influenced the policies and measures implemented by the British to suppress piracy, ranging from the promotion of free trade to the wholesale extermination of entire villages and communities of suspected pirates. Criticism from humanitarians and liberals in London against the brutality of the latter tactics, however, led to a more restrained British deployment of violence in the Malay Archipelago from the middle of the nineteenth century.

This article elaborates on how living heritage can be understood and shows that conservation programmes can be a catalyst for establishing sustainable communities in heritage areas. The authors in this article have examined one typical Malay traditional village, Kampung Morten, in the Melaka state of Malaysia. This village will serve as a prism for exploring community perceptions and as a platform for asking a number of questions, including how the conversation programme works, what impacts urbanization has on traditional villages, how do communities survive, and what limitations does the current incentives policy have in meeting community needs. This research has employed a mixed method study, involving various data generation instruments including surveying, interviewing and observation. From this research, it has been found that the impacts of urbanization have altered community lifestyle and values. The authors have tried to illustrate the residents’ perception of the heritage incentives programme, shedding light on their strengths and weaknesses. This article concludes that that there are constraints on the current incentives policy implementation and related issues due to its rapid development and its impact on local livelihoods.

The research objectives were to: (1) analyze the spatial distribution of the level of flood vulnerability in Motaain Village; (2) know the community's attitude towards the flood disaster in Motaain Village; and (3) know the community's adaptation strategy in dealing with flood disaster in Motaain Village.The type of research is descriptive research, which the type of research that has a purpose to explain specifically a symptom and event that is happening at the present time or an actual problem by using data in the form of quantitative and qualitative data. The study population was 196 heads of families. The sampling technique used is a random sample or random sampling or probability sampling, with a simple random sampling technique. The sample size in this study was 45 families, determined by lottery. Data sources consist of primary data and secondary data. Data collection techniques are: interviews, observation, and documentation. The data analysis technique used is qualitative and quantitative analysis.The results of the study: (1) baed on six parameters, namely soil type, elevation/place, slope, land use, rainfall and river density, the Motaain Village area has two flood-prone zones, namely a moderately vulnerable zone and a very flood-prone zone; (2) the attitude of the community before the flood disaster, during the flood disaster, and after the flood disaster varied; (3) adaptation strategies before the flood disaster, during the flood disaster, and after the flood disaster, the safety of human casualties, the economic aspect, the social aspect, the structural aspect, and the cultural aspect.

In the past people identified the dayak, especially sub ethnic of Kanayatn as Christians or Catholics. By the time and the rapid progress of the Kanayatn communities in their religious aspect, there was also a change of faith. Since the 1980s several Kanayatn people started converting to Islam or mualaf. To reveal how the existence of those who live as minority Muslims in the midst of the Kanayatn who are still Christian or Catholic, this study was done using a qualitative approach with a case study design. The location of the study was in the remote area in West Kalimantan, precisely in Sidas Village, Sengah Temilah District, Landak Regency. Result of the study showed that after the Kanayatn people converted to Islam, they are experiencing a breakdown of identity. Their existence is accepted by halfhearted both by the Kanayatn and Malay communities. The Malay community in general are still perpetuating them as "converts". Meanwhile the Kanayatn community (Christian community) considers them as Malay or descendant of Malay. Nevertheless, Kanayatn people who convert to Islam try to maintain their identity as Kanayatn people who are Muslim or in short Muslim Kanayatn. Other findings show that as the minority where they are lack of religious guidance, the Muslim community of Sidas Village must be smart in responding to the situation so that they can survive and coexist peacefully among of the Christian majority.

This article attempts to understand how the settlement layout of riverbank communities, with the case in the Ogan Malay community in South Sumatra province. This article is based on empirical reality in which the community tends to always live on the riverbank, especially the riverbank, with raging water. For the Ogan Malay community, the settlement is an area consisting of villages as dwellings, but also include agricultural areas (fields, fields, and gardens) and other supporting areas, as a source of life. As a riverbank community, the river has always been central in determining the layout of elements of its settlements, thus creating a unique settlement layout pattern. This article is the result of ethnographic (anthropological) research conducted by the author in April - June 2019. Data were collected through depth interviews with indigenous leaders and local communities in the location, as well as through participant observation of life activities in the research field. The results showed that living on the riverbanks is not arbitrary, but based on the community's knowledge system on the river environment itself. This knowledge creates a unique pattern of community settlement layout, where the river has always been central in the preparation of layout planning.

By the trade and the spread of Islam, Malay language (BM) was introduced. Hatuhaha language (BHT) and Malay language (BM) were used based on their needs. When Portuguese and The Netherlands ruled there, Hatuhaha communities (HA) forced down from the mountain and occupied the coastal areas. The use of Hatuhaha language (BHT) began to be prohibited; especially in the Hulaliu village which have been Christianized. On the contrary, in the four villages which were not Christianized, Hatuhaha language (BHT) was limited use because they did not always have business with the colonial. Furthermore, religious fragmentation occurs gradually, and impacted sosiologically on the development of Hatuhaha language (BHT). This phenomenon is then examined by quantitative and qualitative approaches that utilize the library study method, observation, survey, and interview. The results showed that in addition to the factors of colonization and Christianization, religious practice in Hatuhaha community (HA) has given more significant impact on Hatuhaha language (BHT) shift. It could be shown through correlation test by using Chi-Square on the level of frequency in using Hatuhaha language (BHT) on the domain of family, religious, and custom.

The phenomenon of the demands of an increasingly modern and increasingly advanced era makes Remote Indigenous Communities known as the Suku Anak Dalam inevitably have to be involved in various communication contexts. This study aims to determine the form or context of communication that takes place in Remote Indigenous Communities, and see the content or elements of messages in building communication during the social interaction of Suku Anak Dalam in the midst of the life of the majority of Malay people in Saramangun, Sekamis Village, Jambi. This study was analyzed using the concept of the context of communication contexts with the Qualitative Method. describe and analyze the phenomena and social activities of the Anak Dalam Tribe. Data was collected through in-depth interviews in the Anak Dalam community, structured field observations and documentation. The data analysis technique used is that according to Matthew B. Miles and A. Michael Huberman (in Sugiyono, 2012: 246) there are three components, namely: Data Reduction, Data Presentation and Verification / Withdrawal of Conclusions. Field findings and analysis results show that the context and content of Communication in Remote Indigenous Communities is using Interpersonal Communication, Group Communication, Organizational Communication.

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui rasionalisasi nilai-nilai mitos kemponan pada masyarakat etnis Melayu di Desa Peniti Besar Kabupaten Mempawah. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode pendekatan kualitatif deskriptif dalam menggambarkan mitos kemponan yang dipercayai masyarakat dan mengobservasi serta mewawancarai masyarakat setempat. Teknik pengumpulan data yaitu observasi, wawancara, dan dokumentasi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa mitos kemponan yang mengandung nilai-nilai yang bersifat rasional, tetapi tidak diketahui oleh masyarakat yang hanya percaya bahwa mitos kemponan hanya berisi bala atau malapetaka. Padahal, hal ini bisa dibuktikan dengan terdapatnya jenis-jenis, fungsi, dan makna rasionalisasi nilai-nilai mitos kemponan. The research aimed at knowing a rationalizing of the mythical virtues of reverberation on Malay communities in the village of big safety pins in the pawning county. The study USES a descriptive qualitative approach to address the myth of the kempean village of the great pin district over, and to observe and interview local communities. The data-collection technique used is observation, interview and documentation. Research has shown that the myth of the death of the Malay people in the village of great pin holds rational but unknown values of a society whose memorandum bene simply believes that the myth of kemponan merely contains a bala or disaster is proven by its potential, a function and meaning of rationalizing the mythic values of kemponan.

The Kampong Bharu community was established by the Colonial British government in the late nineteenth century as a 'Malay Agricultural Settlement' - a riverside area strategically removed from the old city centre of Kuala Lumpur, where many of the economic activities fuelled the city's early growth. Ethnic Malay families from several villages were relocated here and given exclusive land rights to maintain a 'village life'. Due to complex land rights enactment, entitlements and inheritance laws, many parcels in this neighbourhood have remained untouched for more than a century. The appearance and lifestyle associated with Kampong Bharu today are seemingly at odds with a city that aggressively grows around it. This paper explores the neighbourhood and documents the complexities and contradictions of urban development that the area encapsulates. Kampong Bharu today sits in the heart of the city. Many parcels of the land have changed ownership. The agricultural land with its modest original house gradually expanded into a sprawling, ramshackle home for dozens of extended families. It has become the hotspot for resettlement for new urban migrants that come to the city to resettle during pre and post- independence. Many historical events have happened here and it has become one of the most well-known neighbourhood in the city. Efforts by the authority to develop this area failed due to various reasons. They had tried to establish a balance between the concerns of long-term inhabitants and the demands of modern development. This paper examines the reasons and also explores how stakeholders in Kampong Bharu have been involved in recent redevelopment efforts. Key stakeholders including landowners, residents, village heads, and leaders of local associations were interviewed, and their concerns and aspirations were documented.

AbstractSubperiodic filariasis (Brugia malayi) infections are endemic in the State of Sarawak, Malaysia, along the coastal villages and rural communities where the mosquitoes Mansonia bonneae Edwards, M. dives (Schiner) and M. uniformis (Theobald) are the main vectors. Two ecologically similar villages, Kampung Ampungan and Kampung Sebangkoi, were selected for comparison of the three Mansonia spp. in terms of their entomological baseline data, namely biting activity, survival and infective rates. Data obtained on their annual transmission potential (ATP), annual infective biting rate (AIBR) and vectorial capacity (C) showed M. bonneae to be the principal vector of B. malayi infections in Sarawak. Survival rates of M. bonneae and M. dives were estimated using both the exponential model of Macdonald which assumes an age-independent survival rate and the Gompertz model which assumes a decrease in the survival rate with advancing age of female mosquitoes.

Human understanding of nature and forms of human behavior due to its closeness to cultural elements, shape the local wisdom of the community. Cultural values, attitudes, and behaviors that are culturally oriented in the life structure of local communities shape the cultural intelligence of a community, which is formed in the existing traditional rituals. Customary rituals have different meanings and procedures in each region, specifically in Pangkalan Buton Village, Sukadana Subdistrict, the surrounding community interprets it as a tribute to their ancestors or ancestors as a form of gratitude. Based on observations made by researchers, there are several traditional rituals such as the tradition of Nyambut Tamu, Tepung Tawa, Betangas, and Mandi Safar. The problem is the tradition is rarely seen because of the rapid progress of the times, making the behavior or knowledge of an object that is Malay culture increasingly fade, especially among teenagers. The purpose of this study was to identify the local wisdom of Malay culture through several traditional rituals in the village of Pangkalan Buton. This research method is a qualitative study, using the Focus Group Discussion (FGD) method as a data processing tool that has been collected previously in the traditional rituals of Nyambut Tamu in the village of Buton base. The stages of the research began from the identification of problems, permits, observational studies in the form of data collection and interviews to the process of analysis-synthesis associated with the Malay cultural traditions. The results of the study were in the form of descriptions of various forms of local community cultural traditions, especially in the residents of Pangkalan Buton village, Sukadana District, Kayong Utara Regency. The study concludes that each region in the archipelago has a unique tradition that is different and needs to be preserved, with the results of this identification will bring up a 'sense of belonging' for local residents.

Tongkat ali (Eurycoma longifolia Jack) is one of the tropical forest plants in Indonesia, which is utilized as a raw material in the manufacture of various modern and traditional medicines. However, information regarding the potential and conservation of this plant in indigenous communities in Karimun, Riau Islands has not been well-documented. Therefore, researchers conducted a study in Pongkar Village and Karimun Anak, Tabing, Riau Islands concerning the potential and conservation of tongkat ali for the lives of the people in these research locations. Data were collected through an ethnobotanical approach and interviews with selected respondents, traditional healers, village heads, the representative from Karimun Forestry Conservation Office, and local people who utilize this plant in their daily lives. The results showed that the local community utilized tongkat ali (Eurycoma longifolia Jack) as medicinal ingredients to treat fever caused by malaria, to increase stamina, and to be an alternative source to increase the family’s income. In addition, efforts to conduct in-situ and ex-situ conservation supported by the community, indigenous communities, and government agencies are highly needed so that its utilization can be carried out sustainably.

Background: Plasmodium knowlesi malaria is a zoonotic infection that affects rural communities in South East Asia. Although the epidemiology of the disease has been extensively researched, the voices of individuals within affected communities often go unheard. Here, we describe a study that explores the importance of gatekeepers in conducting research among rural communities, their perspectives on the challenges encountered when attempting to avoid malaria infection, and their views on participatory research. Methods: Between 1 November 2021 and 28 February 2022, we conducted a study in Kudat district, Sabah, using a multi-method design. All participants consented to the study, which included health care workers (HCWs) (n = 5), community leaders (n = 8), and faith leaders (n = 1). We conducted interviews, transect walks, and observations with gatekeepers to ensure data trustworthiness. All interviews were conducted in the Sabah Malay dialect. The sessions were audio- and video-recorded, transcribed into English and analyzed using thematic analysis. Results: Between 2017 and 2021, the number of cases of P. knowlesi malaria detected in humans ranged from 35 to 87 in villages under the care of the Lotong primary health care clinic. The challenges in controlling malaria include social norms, lifestyles, socioeconomic factors, environmental factors, and limitations of basic resources. Critical discussions regarding participation with the gatekeepers identified that face-to-face interviews were preferable to online discussions, and influenced willingness to participate in future research. Conclusion: This study was conducted among village gatekeepers during the COVID-19 pandemic and generated information to drive methodological changes, opening up new ideas by sharing perspectives on challenges in P. knowlesi malaria control among vulnerable communities. The study generated trust in the community and expanded knowledge regarding participation that is critical for future community-based studies.

The research entitled "Riau Malay Language, Kampar Dialect: Overview of Morphological Forms" was motivated by minor attention of Kampar society, especially the younger generation towards the language. The phenomenon happened because of the cultural assimilation of the Kampar society with other communities. Moreover, there were exiguous observers of the Riau Malay Language of Kampar dialect. Therefore, this research was conducted with the purpose of describing the basic nouns and nouns derivation from the Riau Malay language Kampar Dialect: An Overview of Morphological Forms. This Research was considerable to be done to find out the background of life and culture that is closely related to government programs to preserve the regional culture in Indonesia. This research was also expected relevant for the development and research of languages which are feared to be extinct if they are not published since now. In addition, it supported the fostering and development of national languages, especially in the enrichment and vocabulary of Indonesian languages as well as documenting the Malay language profile of the Kampar dialect so that it does not experience a shift or even extinction. This research was a qualitative type of field research and uses ethnographic methods. This research was conducted in Muara Selaya Village, Kampar Kiri District, Kampar Riau Regency. Research data in the form of words gathered from the informant's speech. Data collection were done by observation, record, see competent involvement, collaboration. Analyzing the data were done by reducing, presenting data, and drawing final conclusions. The results of this study were basic nouns consisting of general basic nouns and special basic nouns such as ayi ‘water', asoʔ 'smoke', ujan ' rainy ', anjiʸaŋ 'dog', and padusi 'female' while Malay nouns derived from the Kampar dialect Malay among them -an in Aŋsuŋan 'instalment payment', -wan in Baŋsawan 'aristocrats', ka-an in the kacomean 'anxiety', ke-an in kelurahan administrative village‘, pe- in petani 'farmer', pa- in padagang 'merchant, pany- in panyogan ' lazy‘, and pa-an in pajonjiyan 'agreement'.

The threat of criminal sanctions in Indonesian state law does not have a major impact on reducing sexual harassment cases. In some places, efforts to sanction cases of sexual harassment using adat law can be another alternative, because of the unique relationship between traditional communities and adat law. This research examines the existence and implementation of adat law sanctions to solve the problem of sexual harassment in Kungkai Village, Merangin, Jambi Province. The type research is field research or empirical juridical research using a legal anthropological approach. The data collection instrument is through observation, interviews with indigenous peoples, and literature review. Adat sanctions for perpetrators of sexual harassment crimes in Kungkai Village are called “utang adat”. This sanction was given by the adat party in Kungkai Village for perpetrators of sexual crimes to pay compensation. The application of Islamic values in the Jambi Malay traditional seloko, adat bersendi syarak, syarak bersendi Kitabullah can be found from the addition of punishment by assessing the marital status of the perpetrator or victim such as the jarimah zina in Islamic criminal law. The existence of adat law has an urgency to maintain community compliance with legal values and norms.

This study aims to provide a concept for the formation of civic Disposition through the Antar Pakatan culture that grows in the Sambas Malay community. Activities that have become a habit in this tradition are the basis for applying the values that shape character. In a qualitative approach to research, the method used is ethnography. Data collection through participatory observation and interviews with 11 community leaders, religious leaders, communities, and village heads. This data analysis technique consists of three paths: data reduction, data presentation, and concluding. Based on the findings of Antar Pakatan, some values shape citizenship attitudes, namely an increase in the sense of unity, social care, a system of cooperation values in the economic field that can become a harmonious character by strengthening the values of Pancasila. The attitude of citizenship through Antar Pakatan as an effort to implement meanings such as adaptation, prioritizing peace, namely the formation of democratic attitudes and social care and integration. It is to unify perceptions of the benefits of togetherness to form a sense of unity that creates social attitudes and harmonizes harmony between communities.

The indigenous people (orang asli) in Malaysia are one of the Bumiputera groups that are left behind in the development of the country. Various efforts and allocations from government and non-government have been channelled to them, yet orang asli are still unable to stand on their own. This study describes the attitudes and characters that exist in indigenous communities and proposes strategies to develop character so that all development programs designed can lead to success. This study uses a qualitative method through descriptive document analysis. The results of this study show that the negative character of orang asli can be overcome by triggering self-efficacy in themselves. Their character development strategies need to start from education at the school level. Orang asli who are successful in their life must act as role models and participate in every program to be implemented. In addition, the strategy should also involve family and chief of village as a motivator towards good character. This study can contribute to the foundation in implementing orang asli development programs in Malaysia.

The balanced role of local communities in tourism development will arise in our minds when we discuss sustainable tourism. Dynamic tourism in Indonesia currently offers many strategic issues related to how to involve local communities to support its development, including adapting local values as an optimization strategy for Sapta Pesona Indonesia. On the other hand, local wisdom as cultural capital to support community resilience is very potential in maintaining the balance and sustainability of tourism development. This article aims to describe how the jerampah behavior in the Malay community of Sambas regency can be a potential cultural capital in supporting the internalization of the Sapta Pesona Indonesia program, especially for the hospitality value. A descriptive qualitative approach was used with the main data collection method in the form of interviews, observation, and analysis of secondary data obtained from news content on the tourism agenda in Temajuk Village and its surroundings from 2019 to 2020. It can be concluded that there is relevance between the jerampah behavior and the hospitality indicator in Sapta Pesona Indonesia. This cultural capital has also a social construction based on history. It is manifested in verbal and behavioral forms and relevant to be included in the internalization strategy of Sapta Pesona Indonesia based on local wisdom. Some Research by focusing on the internalization model of sapta pesona is needed for future research with similar themes.

Western historiography assumes a chronological linear unfolding of progress, and early Western commentators on Asian societies tended to see them as stagnant variants of earlier phases in European history, as feudal despotisms and passive, unchanging village communities. In assessing levels of “development” or “progress” such observers looked for recognizable specialist institutions in politics and the economy; finding few such institutions, they saw only “backwardness”. To most Europeans, trying to make sense of unknown societies and cultures, the alien could only be made comprehensible by identifying it with the familiar. It was then all too easy to proceed as if the unknown was simply a mutant or primitive version of the known. Ideas, social relationships and values which were literally beyond their ken, were often simply not seen at all. In their observations of both political and economic systems, they saw decline, corruption and confusion because they failed to recognize the patterns which structured society. So it seemed natural that the West should dominate such societies and guide them on the correct path.

Covid-19 has brought untold harm and human suffering worldwide. Deaths and economic recessions continue to increase in many countries of the world particularly in European countries. In the recent past, Africa presented itself as less affected than the rest of the world but now the situation is changing dramatically. An intervention study was done in two districts of rural Malawi namely Thyolo and Mulanje to reduce infection rate of covid-19. Ten villages comprising of 852 households were included in the study. Personal protective equipment Resources (PPEs) coupled with preventive messages with an emphasis on hand washing, distancing, wearing of face masks and contact tracing were mainly the content of the messages. Washing buckets with taps, basins and soaps were provided in groups. The villages were followed up six months later and established that diarrhoea diseases reduced among the under-fives and in the adult population. The findings of the study concluded that as communities adhered to the prevention measures of covid-19, other diseases related to poor sanitation reduced in the studied population. Based on the study findings, it is recommended to increase the study population and resources for the prevention of covid-19 disease to yield positive domain effect. Conducting a country wide similar study would be beneficial and need to be considered which will prevent the general population from covid-19 and other water borne diseases.

The Siak Regency Government's policy to close the tourist attraction of the Siak Sri Indrapura Royal Palace to prevent the spread of the Covid-19 outbreak has an impact on the economy of the community, including the people of Mempura Village. This service aims to help develop ecotourism potential to improve the economy of the Mempura Village community during the Covid-19 pandemic. The method of implementation used in this service activity uses the lecture method accompanied by direct dialogue with the community. Siak Regency has been known to the public, both nationally and internationally, with the tourist attraction of the Siak Sri Indrapura Royal Palace which is famous for its glory and historical heritage that is thick with Malay cultural features that blend Islamic nuances. In fact, apart from historical tourism, the beautiful and luscious landscape of Siak Regency has the potential to become a promising ecotourism area. Especially when people's economic conditions are deteriorating due to the Covid-19 pandemic that has hit during the last few months. The effort made by the service team is to provide legal counseling on ecotourism to help the community develop the potential for ecotourism in Mempura Village. In developing an ecotourism area, real support from the Siak Regency Government is needed as a form of the government's support for improving the community's economy

Child Friendly Integrated Public Space (RPTRA) is one of the communities established by the DKI Jakarta government in order to build a communication platform. RPTRA is managed by a group of individuals who have good intentions in managing it. Not only that, managers are sometimes faced with other tasks, which also require the role of all management members. As in other groups, group dynamics occur within them. For example, in the form of things throwing work responsibilities, reporting to each other, resulting in the process of working together being hampered and making the work process not smooth. The implementation of the webinar activity is carried out with the asynchronous method, in the sense that the participants and the team do not conduct the seminar on a live broadcast. But by communicating in WhatsApp groups, questions and evaluations using the g-form, delivering material through YouTube media. Through outreach activities which lasted for approximately five hours and carried out asynchronously, the counseling provided benefits for the participants. Keywords: Malaka Sari Village, RPTRA manager, Team Work Abstrak Ruang Publik Terpadu Ramah Anak (RPTRA) merupakan salah satu komunitas yang didirikan pemerintah DKI Jakarta guna untuk membangun wadah berkomunikasi. RPTRA dikelola oleh sekelompok individu yang berniat baik dalam melakukan pengelolaannya. Tidak hanya itu, pengelola terkadang dihadapkan dengan tugas-tugas lainnya, yang juga membutuhkan peran dari seluruh anggota pengelola. Seperti pada kelompok lainnya, dinamika kelompok terjadi didalamnya. Misalnya yaitu berupa hal-hal melempar tanggung jawab kerja, saling melapor satu dengan lainnya, sehingga mengakibatkan proses kerja bersama menjadi terhambat dan membuat proses kerja menjadi tidak lancar. Pelaksanaan kegiatan webinar dilakukan dengan metode asinkroni, dalam artian bahwa peserta dan tim tidak melakukan seminar secara siaran live. Melainkan dengan berkomunikasi di dalam WhatsApp group, pertanyaan dan evaluasi menggunakan g-form, penyampaian materi melalui media youtube. Melalui kegiatan penyuluhan yang berlangsung kurang lebih selama lima jam dan dilakukan secara asinkroni penyuluhan memberikan manfaat bagi peserta. Kata kunci: Kelurahan Malaka Sari, Pengelola RPTRA, Kerjasama

Migration is the movement of population from one area to another, whether from one village to other village or from one city to another city and from one country to other country conducted by someone or group of society with intention to stay and live or not, due to various factors as the reasons. Thailand is one of the country in Southeast Asian countries with its geographical location between Australian Continent and China’s mainland. Muslims in Thailand are minority that develop rapidly and the biggest minority after China. They live in the southern part of Thailand as the base of Malay-Muslim communities, but it is a region that has religious conflict. Thai government obliges assimilation of Thai culture (Buddhism) towards Muslim minority. The struggle of Muslim Pattani society takes place for the their freedom in worship and conserves Pattani Malay c ulture. Keywords: Migration, Cultural Assimilation, Minority Muslims Migrasi adalah perpindahan penduduk dari suatu wilayah ke wilayah lain baik itu dari desa ke desa lain, dari desa ke kota atau dari kota ke kota dan dari suatu negara ke negara lain yang dilakukan oleh seseorang atau sekelompok msyarakat dengan niat menetap atau tidak menetap karena berbagai faktor yang menjadi penyebabnya. Thailand adalah salah satu negara diantara negaranegara di kawasan Asia Tengara dengan letak geografisnya berada di kawasan antara Benua Australia dan daratan China. Umat Islam di Thailand merupakan minoritas yang berkembang cepat dan merupakan minoritas terbesar setelah China, Mereka tinggal di kawasan Thailand bagian selatan sebagai basis masyarakat Melayu-Muslim namun merupakan daerah konflik agama. Pemerintah Thailand mewajibkan asimilasi budaya Thai (agama Budha) kepada muslim minoritas. Perjuangan masyarakat Muslim Pattani terjadi demi kebebasan mereka dalam beribadah dan melestarikan budaya Melayu Pattani. Kata Kunci: Migrasi, Asimilasi Budaya, Muslim Minoritas

AbstractObjectiveTo examine the types of coping strategies practised by Indigenous women or Orang Asli (OA) in Peninsular Malaysia during times of food shortage and to determine the level of severity for food insecurity that will trigger each specific coping strategy.DesignA qualitative case study was conducted. Pertinent information about each type of coping strategy was gathered by in-depth interviews. To gauge the level of severity for each of the coping strategies, focus group discussions (FGD) were held. Thematic analysis was used for data analysis.SettingOA villages in the states of Kelantan, Pahang, Perak and Selangor, Malaysia.SubjectsSixty-one OA women from three ethnic groups (Senoi, Proto-Malay and Negrito) for in-depth interviews and nineteen OA women from the Proto-Malay ethnic group for three FGD.ResultsThe findings identified twenty-nine different coping strategies and these were divided into two main themes: food consumption (sub-themes of food consumption included dietary changes, diversification of food sources, decreasing the number of people and rationing) and financial management (sub-themes of financial management included increasing household income, reducing expenses for schooling children and reducing expenses on daily necessities). Three levels of severity were derived: less severe, severe and very severe.ConclusionsThis information would enable local authorities or non-governmental organisations to more precisely target and plan interventions to better aid the OA communities needing assistance in the areas of food sources and financial management.

The South of Vietnam is an area of plains; however, it has special features not only in Vietnam, but also world-wide as it is the place where a lot of ethnic groups live, leading to multireligion and multi-culture. The history of formation and development of the land is closely associated with the process of reclaiming virgin soil, building up villages, expanding the territory to establish, to enforce and to defend sovereignty of communities whose dominating role lies in the Viet’s hands. Due to the South’s special characteristics and big significance to the country development, there have been a lot of researches to affirm the cultural values of the communities living in the land, contributing to the enrichment of the Vietnamese culture. On the other hand, there are also researches on a bigger scale which cover the whole region revealing a lot of evidences from the first inhabitants as well as their cultures. These inhabitants, as far as anthropological type and culture are concerned, are close to the ethnic groups of the Malayo-Polynesian language family. The expansion of territory, establisment as well as enforcement and protection of sovereignty of the Nguyen Loads and Nguyen Dynasty received positive and effective contribution from inhabitants of different ethnic groups out of whom the Viet played the dominating role. The paper, based on the materials and my knowledge, presents the link of origins between the inhabitants in the South in ancient times and some ethnic groups in the Central highlands in order to clarify the formation process of the Southern communities.

The process of communication and interaction between indigenous peoples and the outside community gives birth to a distinctive form of cultural acculturation. The process also occurs in traditional communities in Gantarang Lalang Bata. As the center of the kingdom, they have been interacting with people with different cultures between Java, Malay, and Europeans. The purpose of this research is to study the form of cultural acculturation that influences the development. Data collection technique is done through primary data and secondary data. The analytical technique used is descriptive analysis by constructing reality and cultural meaning and approach of a sense of place. The results showed that the pattern of settlement Gantarang Lalang Bata formed an association between human elements and natural elements. Different cultural diversity systems between Hindus, Javanese, Europeans, and Arabs have an influence on the formation of landscapes. Cultural style of Hindu that leads to the tradition of pakammik, the Javanese element refers to the mosque building, the existence of the cannon as an attribute of European elements and tradition and layout associated with Arabic influence. The influence of Javanese culture - Islam became the most dominant side influenced settlement pattern and formed mekka keke as a sense of place from the old village of Gantarang Lalang Bata.

Ecotourism is one strategy for supporting conservation, generating income, and creating employment for communities living around protected areas. In Malaysia, the management of national parks (protected areas) focuses on the planning and implementation of various activities which contribute to the long-term conservation of the areas while mitigating or reducing conflicts between human and the environment. The issue is whether ecotourism development helps to improve income and reduce rural poverty. A case study was conducted in 2014 where 158 Malay households from Kampung Kuala Tahan were interviewed. Villagers engaged in economic activities related to ecotourism development in Kuala Tahan National Park (KTNP) area (2,477 sq. km) directly and indirectly. The result shows the average monthly household income of this village was RM4, 035. On the whole, about 90% of the average monthly household income was cash income while 10% income in kind. The income sources of villagers were from those within the state land forest areas (related to NTFP harvesting), and outside KTNP (related to forestry and ecotourism). Income generated outside KTNP(related to forestry and ecotourism) area was significantly high compared to those within state land forest and outside KTNP (non-forestry). On average, about RM1, 895 or 47% of the average monthly household income was generated from the ecotourism related activities and forest area. The highest percentage of cash income was from villagers’ engagement as tour guides. Income generated from this source accounted for 13% of household income. Ecotourism related retail stores or restaurant operators also significantly contributed to the average monthly household income at 10%. The incidence of poverty among the households in the village was 4% in 2014 compared to 3.4% among rural Malaysian households in 2012. The findings in this study showed that the income received from forestry related activities and ecotourism is important in reducing poverty among local households.

Reading short stories “Suku Pompong” (Pompong Tribe) and “Rumah di Ujung Kampung” (House at the End of the Village) is like reading a historical reality that is happening on the ground of Riau Malay. The exploitation of forest resources on a large scale in recent decades in Riau Province has changed the land use of the area of intact forest into plantation area. The exploitation process causes friction in the community. The friction is eventually lead to conflict between communities and plantation companies. Their struggle to resolve conflicts and maintain their ancestral land, the strength of the company that has the license to the land and sadness when the public finally has always been on the losing side. This study objected to describe the objective reality of the Malay community in terms of land conversion, the communal land into plantations and reality of imaginative literature contained in the short stories “Suku Pompong” dan “Rumah di Ujung Kampung”. This study applied the sociology of literature approach, while the sociological approach to literature is a literary approach that specializes in reviewing literature by considering the social aspects. Based on these approaches, it can be concluded that short stories Suku Pompong and Rumah di Ujung Jalan are short stories that raised the reality of the Malay community.AbstrakMembaca cerpen “Suku Pompong” dan cerpen “Rumah di Ujung Kampung” seperti membaca sebuah realita sejarah yang terjadi di tanah Melayu Riau. Ekploitasi sumber daya hutan secara besar-besaran pada beberapa dekade terakhir di Provinsi Riau telah mengubah tata guna lahan dari kawasan hutan yang utuh menjadi kawasan perkebunan. Proses eksploitasi tersebut menimbulkan gesekan-gesekan dalam masyarakat. Gesekan-gesekan inilah yang akhirnya menimbulkan konflik antara masyarakat dengan pihak perusahaan perkebunan. Perjuangan masyarakat dalam menyelesaikan konflik dan mempertahankan tanah leluhur mereka, kekuatan pihak perusahaan yang memiliki surat izin atas tanah tersebut, dan kesedihan ketika masyarakat akhirnya selalu berada di pihak yang kalah. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan realitas objektif masyarakat Melayu Riau dalam hal alih fungsi lahan, dari lahan tanah ulayat menjadi lahan perkebunan, dan realititas imajinatif sastra yang terdapat dalam cerpen “Suku Pompong” dan cerpen “Rumah di Ujung Kampung”. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan sosiologi sastra, yaitu suatu pendekatan sastra yang mengkhususkan diri dalam menelaah karya sastra dengan mempertimbangkan segi-segi sosial kemasyarakatan. Dari pendekatan tersebut dapat diambil kesimpulan bahwa cerpen “Suku Pompong” dan cerpen “Rumah di Ujung Kampung” memang merupakan cerpen yang mengangkat realitas masyarakat Melayu Riau.

Amount allocated in 2017 for this initiative RM 754,892.00 (US$ 195,353 or CHF 187,509.16) Background and context: Urbanization and its discontent have seen more urban poor in need of immediate medical intervention. Only a small percentage of women ever performed mammogram due to medical screening cost and poor knowledge pertaining to mammography screening for breast cancer. A massive health education campaign through multiple methods and agencies is necessary to upend this deep-seated perception. Aim: MAKNA's mobile mammography screening unit aims to improve lifesaving chances of people afflicted by cancer through early detection of presymptomatic cancer, using approved and fully equipped vehicle with the latest technology available. Focusing in early detection Garnering resources inter alia to help the financially-challenged cancer patients Many cases that come to MAKNA come in the late stages where help of a cure is usually less than 30% Enhancing knowledge and awareness among general public Economic-wise: cheaper to screen for diseases compared with treating patient Reducing death rate from breast cancer by conduct and deliver nationwide campaign all over Malaysia from districts to cities, rural to urban dwellings Strategy: Equipment overall specs Breast screenings with mammography using full fledge digital unit (GE SENOGRAPHE 2000D) Primary objectives: To conduct mammograms and clinical breast examinations (CBE) to public. To conduct general screening to public. Secondary objectives: To conduct cancer awareness and screening program to public. To educate staffs on early detection of cancer. To raise fund for financially challenged cancer patients via MAKNA various fundraising projects Key messages: Early detection saves lives - know the early warning signs and get screened. Care for yourself and others -help us to help the financially challenged cancer patient. (Cancer treatment is very expensive.) Get involved! -Participate in our activities Further targeted communities: Rural interior villages across Malaysia Costs and returns: A. Total 2007-2017: Total costs: RM 5,787,634 (US$ 1,497,398 or CHF 1,437,713) (RM 2,499,500 for fixed assets + RM 3,288,134 for services) Total ROI: Total screenings: 204 locations Results (by case): Normal: 20,027 Benign: 2434 Abnormal/referred: 383 Cancer diagnoses: 23 B. Year of 2017´s impacts: Costs: RM 753,109 (US$ 194,878 or CHF 187,083) ROI: 6378 screenings: 47 locations Result (by case) Normal: 5329 Benign: 956 Abnormal/referred: 93 Cancer diagnoses: 7 What was learned: Majority of cancers are the result of unhealthy lifestyle rather than inherited genetic faults. Breast cancer rate by ethnic: highest in Chinese > Malay > Indian > others. Early stage of breast cancer most detected. Patient navigation program to improve follow-up with positive cases. Overall, this is a scalable solution. Specifically in good prospect to operate in Borneo, East Malaysia with 2 more units.

-Timothy Barnard, J.M. Gullick, A history of Selangor (1766-1939). Kuala Lumpur: Malaysian branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1989, vi + 220 pp. [MBRAS Monograph 28.] -Okke Braadbaart, Michael L. Ross, Timber booms and institutional breakdown in Southeast Asia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001, xvi + 237 pp. -H.J.M. Claessen, Patrick Vinton Kirch ,Hawaiki, ancestral Polynesia; An essay in historical anthropology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001, xvii + 375 pp., Roger C. Green (eds) -Harold Crouch, R.E. Elson, Suharto; A political biography. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001, xix + 389 pp. -Kees van Dijk, H.W. Arndt ,Southeast Asia's economic crisis; Origins, lessons, and the way forward. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian studies, 1999, ix + 182 pp., Hal Hill (eds) -Kees van Dijk, Sebastiaan Pompe, De Indonesische algemene verkiezingen 1999. Leiden: KITLV Uitgeverij, 1999, 290 pp. -David van Duuren, Albert G. van Zonneveld, Traditional weapons of the Indonesian archipelago. Leiden: Zwartenkot art books, 2001, 160 pp. -Peter van Eeuwijk, Christian Ph. Josef Lehner, Die Heiler von Samoa. O Le Fofo; Monographie über die Heiler und die Naturheilmethoden in West-Samoa. Frankfurt am Main: Lang, 1999, 234 pp. [Mensch und Gesellschaft 4.] -Hans Hägerdal, Frans Hüsken ,Reading Asia; New research of Asian studies. Richmond: Curzon, 2001, xvi + 338 pp., Dick van der Meij (eds) -Terence E. Hays, Jelle Miedema ,Perspectives on the Bird's head of Irian Jaya, Indonesia; Proceedings of the conference, Leiden, 13-17 October 1997. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1998, xiii + 982 pp. (editors with the assistance of Connie Baak), Cecilia Odé, Rien A.C. Dam (eds) -Menno Hekker, Peter Metcalf, They lie, we lie; Getting on with anthropology. London: Routledge, 2002, ix + 155 pp. -David Henley, Foong Kin, Social and behavioural aspects of malaria control; A study among the Murut of Sabah. Phillips, Maine: Borneo research council , 2000, xx + 241 pp. [BRC Occasional paper 1.] -Gerrit Knaap, Frédéric Mantienne, Les relations politiques et commerciales entre la France et la péninsule Indochinoise (XVIIe siècle). Paris: Les Indes Savantes, 2001, 395 pp. -Uli Kozok, James T. Collins, Malay, world language; A short history. Second edition. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan bahasa dan pustaka, 2000, xii + 101 pp. -Nathan Porath, Hoe Ban Seng, Semalai communities at Tasek Bera; A study of the structure of an Orang Asli society. [A.S. Baer and R. Gianno, eds.] Subang Jaya, Malaysia: Centre for Orang Asli concerns, 2001, xii + 191 pp. -Nathan Porath, Narifumi Maeda Tachimoto, The Orang Hulu; A report on Malaysian orang asli in the 1960's. [A.S. Baer, ed.] Subang Jaya, Malaysia: Centre for Orang Asli concerns, 2001, xiv + 104 pp. -Martin Ramstedt, Raechelle Rubinstein ,Staying local in the global village; Bali in the twentieth century. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1999, xiii + 353 pp., Linda H. Connor (eds) -Albert M. Salamanca, Thomas R. Leinbach ,Southeast Asia: diversity and development. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 2000, xiii + 594 pp., Richard Ulack (eds) -Heather Sutherland, Muhamad Hisyam, Caught between three fires; The Javanese pangulu under the Dutch colonial administration, 1882-1942. Jakarta: Indonesian-Netherlands cooperation in Islamic studies (INIS), 2001, 331 pp. [Seri INIS 37.] -Heather Sutherland, Roderich Ptak, China's seaborne trade with South and Southeast Asia (1200-1750). Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999, xii + 366 pp. [Variorum collected studies series CS638.] -Sikko Visscher, M. Jocelyn Armstrong ,Chinese populations in contemporary Southeast Asian societies. Richmond, Surrey: Curzon, 2001, xiv + 268 pp., R. Warwick Armstrong, Kent Mulliner (eds) -Reed Wadley, Clifford Sather, Seeds of play, words of power; An ethnographic study of Iban shamanic chants. Kuching: Tun Jugah foundation, 2001, xvii + 753 pp. [Borneo classic series 5.] -Boris Wastiau, Raymond Corbey, Tribal art traffic; A chronicle of taste, trade and desire in colonial and post-colonial times. Amsterdam: Royal Tropical Institute, 2000, 255 pp. -Willem G. Wolters, Wong Kwok-Chu, The Chinese in the Philippine economy, 1898-1941. Quezon city: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1999, xvi + 279 pp. -Volker Grabowsky, Stephen Mansfield, Lao hill tribes; Traditions and patterns of existence. New York: Oxford University Press, 2000, vii + 91 pp. -Volker Grabowsky, Jean Michaud, Turbulent times and enduring people; Mountain minorities in the South-East Asian Massif. Richmond, Surrey: Curzon, 2000, xiii + 255 pp. -Volker Grabowsky, Jane Richard Hanks ,Tribes of the northern Thailand frontier. (with a foreword by Nicola Tannenbaum), New Haven, CT: Yale University Southeast Asia studies, 2001, xlviii + 319 pp. [Monograph 51.], Lucien Mason Hanks (eds)

The Malays who migrated to live in urban areas in Malaysiaare well known as a group of community that has strong bonding with their rural villages; the place where majority of them were originated from. Village or known as Desa in the Malay language is always the best place for holiday escapism, festivals and ceremonial events. This paper intends to investigate the characteristics of the Malay village adopting the Information Processing Theory, in order to understand reasons why they are so captivating and longing for by those who lived away from them. A qualitative approach is adopted in this research. A case study was carried out in Perak, the state that is located in the North part of Malaysia. Findings of this study inform that the village natural characteristics, cultural significance and their close- knit communities are among the magnets, pulling the urban people to pay visits and spending their precious times in this natural environment.

This study aims to determine the stereotype Melayu Malas on Ethnic Malay associated with the term "kojo saibu tak kojo mangatus kojo tak kojo saibu mangatus" for the effect on the work ethic, and community perceptions of the negative stigma on Ethnic Malays, as well as the impact of stereotypes. This research is a qualitative descriptive study, using data collection techniques with non participation observation and interviews, the researchers not directly involved with community activities but only observe and conduct a question and answer. Based on the research method is the verdict that stereotype Malay lazy aimed at the Malay community in the Village Nenassiam is the result of past experiences of ethnic groups that serve as self image to the Malays that gives effect to the work ethic masyarakatanya, where it has become the benchmark for welfare is considered to have a relaxed work ethic and want delish without life planning ahead so that the results obtained are also modest. The views of the public like two sides of a coin, on one hand the people refused regarded as Malays lazy but the other communities is also confirmed that the Malays are lazy, while the impact of stereotypes Malay lazy affects three things: social relations, ethnic conflicts, identity ethnicity.

Over-commercialism and the threats posed by uncontrolled development have slowly been eroding the cultural heritage stock, especially in the case of the traditional settlements. This paper reveals the community perceptions and feedbacks on the incentives given in safeguarding the uniqueness of a Malay heritage village known as Kampung Morten in Melaka. This study set out to determine the overarching question, which was, whether the incentive programmes formulated for the community have been found to be suitable to the aspirations and ‘real’ needs of the local communities. Mixed method approaches were used in this study which included document reviews, observations, structured interviews and a questionnaire survey; and involved the residents living in the village. This study evaluates the findings concerning the present policy framework, for understanding and managing the cultural heritage incentives programme in safeguarding the heritage village to establish a sustainable community. This paper has been able to reveal several issues on the conservation incentives policy, most notably of which is the incompatibility of the local communities’ needs with the programme outcomes.

This study examines the ethnobotany of traditional spices in the Village of Empoto, Sanggau District, West Borneo. The research was conducted by interviewing, observing and making herbarium specimens. This study aims to record the plants spesies used as traditional spices, and explore the patterns utilization of plants as traditional spices by the pople in the village of Empoto, Sanggau District, West Kalimantan. As many as 59 plants species from 27 families are traditionaly used by the communities in Empoto village as traditional spices. The most widely used of plant family is Zingiberaceae (8 species). The highest utilization of plants as spices are derived from Dayak tribe, followed by Malay tribe and simultaneous utilization of this both tribe, (100%, 28% and 28% respeetively). The pattern of utilization of spices used by the poeple in Empoto Village, Sanggau District,West Kalimantan is grouped into 7 patterns, namely spices as spices, flavour enhancers, aromatics, preservatives, naturalizers, softeners and coloring.Keywords : Empoto Village, Ethnobotany, Traditional Spices

Wonosari Village, Wonosari District, is located in Gunung Kawi, Malang Regency, which has an area of 4500 ha, with a population of 700,000. It is part of the Malang Regency with a distance of ± 30 km from Malang City. the purpose of this community service is to provide knowledge, understanding, skills and assistance on the management of village pilot tourism management so as to improve the performance of managers which will have an impact on the utilization of local potential related to local tourism management, improve welfare, the community's economy and the performance of partner village governments in activities This community service is religious Gunung Kawi in Kebobang Village, Wonosari District, Malang Regency.

Abstract. Susandarini R, Khasanah U, Rosalia N. 2021. Ethnobotanical study of plants used as food and for maternal health care by the Malays communities in Kampar Kiri Hulu, Riau, Indonesia. Biodiversitas 22: 3111-3120. Studies to reveal the diversity of food plants on communities living in remote areas with limited access to the market are important as an effort in documenting the traditional knowledge. The same applies to the diversity of medicinal plants used in maternal health care for communities that have limited access to public health facilities. The documentation of ethnobotanical knowledge is not only for the purpose of developing the potential of these plants, but also could have an impact on their conservation in nature. This study aims to document the traditional knowledge on the diversity of food plants and medicinal plants used in maternal health care by Malays tribes living within the Bukit Rimbang Bukit Baling Wildlife Reserve, Kampar Kiri Hulu Subdistrict, Kampar District, Riau Province, Indonesia. The research was conducted in three villages by collecting data through interviews and followed by fieldwork to collect plant specimens for identification. Data on food plant diversity data were obtained from 20 informants, while data on the diversity and use of medicinal plants for maternal health care were obtained from 73 informants. The results showed that there were 76 species of food plants from 35 families. These food plants were used as secondary food ingredients, vegetables, fruit and spices with most of these plants were obtained from the yard of the house. Plants used for maternal health care identified from this study were 34 species from 26 families. These plants were used for various purposes during pregnancy, child delivery, postpartum recovery, and infant health care. The diversity of food plants and medicinal plants for maternal health care documented in this study showed the valuable role of plant resources in supporting daily needs and health care of the communities living in the fringe of forest area.

In the midst of the swift flow of transnational Islamic movements in spreading the ideas and ideologies of puritanism to all levels of Indonesian society that not only to the urban community but also has penetrated into the corners of the village at least it has led to resistance from the Muslim community of Indonesia, especially the Muslim community strongly upholding traditional values ​​in their religious systems. Such resistance is seen in some cases that occur on the island of Bangka which is related to the culture of maulidan, grave, tahlilan, and the reading of talqin which has become a tradition of Muslim communities of Bangka island. However, responding and responding to this, Kampung teachers using and promoting the method of education and teaching 'pengajian kampung' at least enough to stem the flow of movement of ideology of puritanism that began to penetrate into the island community of Bangka. So then the existence of Islamic cultural that characteristic of Malay can still be maintained.

Abstract The Malay Indigenous Community, Sanggau Regency, West Kalimantan Province, is one of the Islamic communities which in the settlement of legal relations relating to the property of a person who dies with family members who are left behind or have not died, still use customary law. There are several types of inheritance applied to the Malay community of Sanggau Regency, namely assets that are inherited from generation to generation both from the father and mother, assets obtained by husband and wife during their marriage, both produced jointly and by one party, and assets acquired by the husband and wife during their marriage. brought by husband and wife before marriage. This study aims to determine the distribution of inheritance according to Islamic Law and Malay Customs with a case study in Sungai Muntik Village, Kapuas District, Sanggau Regency, West Kalimantan Province. This type of research is normative legal research using normative case studies in the form of products of legal behavior. Data collection techniques were carried out through observation, interviews and documentation with predetermined informants, with data analysis techniques through data collection, data reduction, and drawing conclusions. The results of the research in the field show that the implementation of inheritance used is inheritance that is not based on fara'id science or Islamic law, the inheritance law that people use is based on customs or habits that occur in the community, because the majority of the Muntik River community are residents who still hold strong customary law or applicable custom. Keywords: malay custom; inheritance; islamic law Abstrak Masyarakat Adat Melayu Kabupaten Sanggau Provinsi Kalimantan Barat, merupakan salah satu dari masyarakat Islam yang dalam penyelesaian hubungan hukum yang berkaitan dengan harta seseorang yang meninggal dunia dengan anggota keluarga yang ditinggalkan maupun belum meninggal dunia, masih menggunakan hukum adat. Ada beberapa jenis harta warisan yang diterapkan pada masyarakat Melayu Kabupaten Sanggau yaitu harta yang diwariskan dari generasi kegenerasi baik dari pihak ayah maupun ibu, harta yang diperoleh oleh suami dan istri selama dalam perkawinannya baik yang dihasilkan secara bersama maupun oleh salah satu pihak, dan harta yang dibawa oleh suami dan istri sebelum berumah tangga. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui pembagian harta warisan menurut Hukum Islam dan Adat Melayu dengan studi kasus pada Desa Sungai Muntik Kecamatan Kapuas Kabupaten Sanggau Provinsi Kalimantan Barat. Jenis penelitian ini adalah penelitian hukum normatif menggunakan studi kasus normatif berupa produk perilaku hukum. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan melalui observasi, wawancara dan dokumentasi dengan para informan yang telah ditentukan, dengan teknik analisis data melalui pengumpulan data, reduksi data, dan penarikan kesimpulan. Hasil penelitian di lapangan menunjukan bahwa pelaksanaan kewarisan yang digunakan adalah kewarisan yang tidak berdasarkan ilmu fara’id atau Hukum Islam, hukum waris yang masyarakat gunakan adalah berdasarkan adat atau kebiasaan yang terjadi di masyarakat tersebut, karena mayoritas masyarakat Sungai Muntik adalah penduduk yang masih memegang kental hukum adat atau kebiasaan yang berlaku. Kata kunci: adat melayu; harta warisan; hukum islam

Collectives bring people and their concerns together. In the twenty-first century, this assembly happens across different material and virtual spaces that, together, establish connective layers of society. A kind of politics has emerged that seeks new forms of communication and expression and proposes new modes of (co)existence. Riots in the suburbs of metropolitan areas, the repair of a public village centre, railway workers’ strikes, green activists’ protests, songs in support of tsunami victims… These are some examples of collective actions that unite people and places. But very often these kinds of events and social practices take place and fade away too quickly without visible traces of becoming collectives. This article focuses on the contingent spaces that enable collective action and provide possibilities for “peripheral” concerns and communities to become public. The concept of “diasporas” is widened to permit discussion of how emerging (international) communities make their voices heard through political events. Some theoretical concepts will be illustrated, using two examples of collective action on 1 May 2009 that demonstrate different initiatives concerning the global (economic) crisis. Assembling Collectives and Affective Events Building a house/centre and singing for something: these are examples of practices that bring people and their ideals together in a collective action or event. This article discusses the different communities that evolve within spaces that enable collective action. These communities are formed not only on the basis of nationality, occupation, or race; elements of (temporal) membership are created out of a wide spectrum of affiliations and a sense of solidarity. Hinchliffe (13) argues that collective action can be seen as a collection of affects that link together disparate places and times, and thus the collective is a matter of considerable political interest. The emergent spaces of collective action publicise particular concerns that may connect already existing but (spatially) dispersed communities and diasporas. However, there is a need to discuss the affects, places, and temporalities that make the assemblage of new collectivities possible. The political potential of collective spaces needs careful elaboration in order that such initiatives may continue to grow without extending the influence of existing (capitalist) powers. Various communities connected “glocally” (locally and globally) can call new publics into existence, posing questions to politics which are not yet “of politics” (Thrift 3). Thus collective action can invent new connecting concerns and practices that catalyse (political) change in society. To understand the complex spatiality of collective action and community formations, it is crucial to look at processes of “affect”. Affects occur in society as “in-becoming” atmospheres and “imitation-suggestions” (Brennan 1-10) that stimulate concerns and motivate practices. The “imitation” can also be an invention that creatively binds existing know-how and experiences into a local-social context. Thinking about affects within the spaces of collective action provides a challenge to rethink what is referred to simply as the “social”. Massumi (228) argues that such affects are virtual expressions of the actually existing things that embody them; however, affects such as emotions and feelings are also autonomous to the degree that they exceed the particular body within which they are presently confined. The emerging bodies, or spaces, of collective action thus carry the potential to transform coexistence across both intellectual and physical boundaries, and communication technology has been instrumental in linking the affective spaces of collective action across both time and space. According to Thrift, the collision of different space-times very often provokes a “stutter” in social relations: the jolt which arises from new encounters, new connections, new ways of proceeding. But how can these turbulent spheres and trajectories of collective action be described and discussed? Here the mechanisms of “events” themselves need to be addressed. The “event” represents, abstractly, a spatio-temporal locus where different concerns and practices are encountered and negotiated. “Event” refers to an incoming, or emerging, object (agent) triggering, through various affective responses, new ideas and initiatives (Clark 33). In addition to revolutions or tsunamis, there are also smaller-scale events that change how people live and come together. In this sense, events can be understood to combine individual and social “bodies” within collective action and imaginations. As Appadurai has argued, the imagination is central to all forms of agency, is itself a social practice, and is the key component of our new global order (Appadurai 29-30). Flusty (7) argues that the production of the global is as present in our day-to-day thoughts and actions as it is in the mass movement of capital, information, and populations which means that there should be the potential to include more people in the democratic process (Whatmore). This process can be seen to be a defining characteristic of the term cosmopolitics which Thrift describes as: “one of the best hopes for changing our engagement with the political by simply acknowledging that there is more there” (Thrift 189). For many, these hopes are based on a new kind of telematic connectedness, in which tele- and digital communications represent the beginning of a global networked consciousness based on the continuous exchange of ideas, both cognitive and affective. Examples of Events and Collectives Taking Place on 1 May 2009 The first day in May is traditionally dedicated to working people, and there are many public gatherings to express solidarity with workers and left-wing (“red”) policy. Issues concerning work and various productions are complex, and recently the global economic crisis exposed some weaknesses in neoliberal capitalism. Different participatory/collective actions and spaces are formed to make some common concerns public at the same time in various locations. The two following examples are part of wider “ideoscapes” (official state ideologies and counter-ideologies) (see Appadurai) in action that help to illustrate both the workings of twenty-first century global capitalism and the translocal character of the public concern. EuroMayDay One alternative form of collective action is EuroMayDay, which has taken place on May 1 every year since 2001 in several cities across (mainly Western) Europe. For example, in 2006 a total of about 300,000 young demonstrators took part in EuroMayDay parades in 20 EU cities (Wikipedia). The purpose of this political action is “to fight against the widespread precarisation of youth and the discrimination of migrants in Europe and beyond: no borders, no workfare, no precarity!” (EuroMayDay). This manifesto indicates that the aim of the collective action is to direct public attention to the insecure conditions of immigrants and young people across Europe. These groups may be seen to constitute a kind of European “diasporic collective” in which the whole of Europe is figured as a “problem area” in which unemployment, displacement, and (possibly) destitution threaten millions of lives. In this emerging “glocality”, there is a common, and urgent, need to overcome the boundaries of exclusion. Here, the proposed collective body (EuroMayDay) is described as a process for action, thus inviting translocal public participation. The body has active nodes in (Western) Europe (Bremen, Dortmund, Geneva, Hamburg, Hanau, Lisbon, Lausanne, Malaga, Milan, Palermo, Tübingen, Zürich) and beyond (Tokyo, Toronto, Tsukuba). The collective process marks these cities on the map through a webpage offering contacts with each of the “nodes” in the network. On 1 May 2009, May Day events, or parades, took place in all the cities listed above. The “nodes” of the EuroMayDay process prepared posters and activities following some common lines, although collective action had to be performed locally in every city. By way of example, let’s look at how this collective action realised its potential in Berlin, Germany. The posters (EuroMayDay Berlin, "Call") articulate the oppressive and competitive power of capitalism which affects everyone, everyday, like a machine: it constitutes “the permanent crisis”. One’s actual or potential unemployment and/or immigrant status may cause insecurity about the future. There is also a focus on liminal or transitional time, and a call for a new collectivity to overcome oppressive forces from above that protect the interests of the State and the banks. EuroMayDay thus calls for the weaving together of different forms of resistance against a deeply embedded capitalist system and the bringing together of common concerns for the attention of the general public through the May Day parade. Another poster (EuroMayDay Berlin, "May"), depicting the May Day parade, centres around the word “KRISE?” (“crisis”). The poster ends with an optimistic call to action, expressing a desire to free capitalism from institutional oppression and recreate it in a more humanistic way. Together, these two posters represent fragments of the “ideoscope” informing the wider, collective process. In Berlin in 2009, thousands of people (mostly young) participated in the May Day parade (which started from the public square Bebelplatz), backed by a musical soundtrack (see Rudi). Some people also had posters in their hands, displaying slogans like: “For Human Rights”; “Class Struggle”; “Social Change Not Climate Change”; and “Make Capitalism a Thing of the Past”. Simultaneously, dozens of other similar parades were taking place across the cities of Europe, all bearing “accelerated affective hope” (Rosa) for political change and demanding justice in society. Unfortunately, the May Day parade in Berlin took a violent turn at night, when some demonstrators attacked police and set cars on fire. There were also clashes during demonstrations in Hamburg (Kirschbaum). The media blamed the clashes also on the economic recession and recently dashed hopes for change. The Berlin May Day parade event was covered on the EuroMayDay webpage and on television news. This collective action connected many people; some participated in the parade, and many more saw the clashes and burning cars on their screens. The destructive and critical force of the collective action brought attention to some of the problems associated with youth employment and immigration though, sadly, without offering any concrete proposals for a solution to the problem. The emotional character of the street marches, and later the street fighting, were arguably an important aspect of the collective action inasmuch as they demonstrated the potential for citizens to unite, translocally, around affective as well as material grief (a process that has been given dramatic expression in more recent times with events in Egypt, Libya, and Syria). Further, although the recent May Day events have achieved very little in terms of material results, the network remains active, and further initiatives are likely in the future. “Let’s Do It! My Estonia” On 1 May 2009, about 11,000 people participated in a public “thought-bee” in Estonia (located in north-eastern Europe in the region of the Baltic Sea) and (through the Estonian diaspora) abroad. The “thought-bee” can be understood as a civil society initiative designed to bring people together for discussion and problem-solving with regards to everyday social issues. The concept of the “bee” combines work with pleasure. The bee tradition was practised in old Estonian farming communities, when families in adjacent villages helped one another. Bees were often organised for autumn harvesting, and the intense, communal work was celebrated by offering participants food and drink. Similarly, during the Soviet era, on certain Saturdays there were organised days (obligatory) for collective working (e.g. to reconstruct sites or to pick up litter). Now the “bee” concept has become associated with brainstorming in small groups across the country as well as abroad. The number of participants in the May 1st thought-bee was relatively large, given that Estonia’s total population is only 1.4 million. The funding of the initiative combined public and private sources, e.g. Estonian Civil Society Foundation, the European Commission, and some companies. The information sheet, presented to participants of the May 1st thought-bee, explains the event’s purpose in this way: The main purpose of today’s thought-bee is to initiate as many actions as possible that can change life in Estonia for the better. My Estonia, our more enjoyable and more efficient society, will appear through smaller and bigger thoughts. In the thought-bee we think how to make life better for our own home-place... Let’s think together and do it! (Teeme Ära, "Teeme", translated from Estonian) The civil society event grew out of a collective action on 3 May 2008 to pick up and dispose of litter throughout Estonia. The thought-bee initiative was coordinated by volunteers. The emotional appeal to participate in the thought-bee event on May 1st was presented and circulated in newspapers, radio, television, Internet portals, and e-mails. Famous people called on residents to take part in the public discussion events. Some examples of arguments for the collective activity included the economic crisis, the need for new jobs, self-responsibility, environmental pressures, and the general need to learn and find communal solutions. The thought-bee initiative took place simultaneously in about 500 “thought-halls” all over Estonia and abroad. Small groups of people registered, chose main discussion topics (with many suggestions from organisers of the bee) and made their groups visible as nodes on the “initiative” webpage. Other people had the opportunity of reading several proposals from the various thought-halls and of joining as members of the public brainstorming event on 1 May. The virtual and living map of the halls presented them as (green) nodes with location, topics, members, and discussion leaders. Various sites such as schools, clubs, cultural centres, municipality buildings, and theatres became part of the multiple and synchronous “space-times” within the half-day thought-bee event. Participants in the thought-bee were asked to bring their own food to share and, in some municipalities, open concerts were held to celebrate the day. These practices indicate some continuity with the national tradition of bees, where work has always been combined with pleasure. Most “thought-halls” were located in towns and smaller local centres as well as on several Estonian islands. Moreover, these thought-halls provided for both as face-to-face and online encounters. Further, one English-speaking discussion group was organised in Tallinn so that non-Estonian speakers could also participate. However, the involvement of Russian-speaking people in the initiative remained rather limited. It is important to note that these embodied spaces of participation were also to be found outside of Estonia—in Brussels, Amsterdam, Toronto, Oslo, Stockholm, Helsinki, Copenhagen, Prague, Baltimore, New York, and San Diego—and, in this way, the Estonian diaspora was also given the opportunity to become involved in the collective action. Following the theories of Thrift and Clark cited at the beginning of this article, it is interesting to see an event in which simultaneously connected places, embodying multiple voices, becomes part of the communal present with a shared vision of the future. The conclusions of each thought-hall discussion group were recorded on video shortly after the event. These videos were made available on the “Let’s Do It! My Estonia” webpage. The most frequently addressed topics of the thought-bee (in order of importance) were: community activities and collaboration; entrepreneurship and new jobs; education, values; free time and sport; regional development; rural life; and the environment and nature conservation (PRAXIS). The participants of the collective action were aware of the importance of local as well as national initiatives as a catalyst for change. The initiative “Let’s Do It! My Estonia” continued after the events of May Day 2009; people discussed issues and suggested proposals through the “initiative” webpage and supported the continuation of the collective action (Teeme Ära, "Description"). Environmental concerns (e.g. planting trees, reducing noise, and packaging waste) appear as important elements in these imaginings along with associated other practices for the improvement of daily life. It is important to understand the thought-bee event as a part of an emerging collective action that started with a simple litter clean-up and grew, through various other successful local community initiatives, into shared visions for a better future predicated upon the principles of glocality and coexistence. The example indicates that (international) NGOs can apply, and also invent, radical information politics to change the terms of debate in a national context by providing a voice for groups and issues that would otherwise remain unheard and unseen (see also Atkinson and Scurrah 236-44). Conclusions The collective actions discussed above have created new publics and contingent spaces to bring additional questions and concerns into politics. In both cases, the potential of “the event” (as theorised in the introduction of this article) came to the foreground, creating an additional international layer of temporal connectivity between many existing social groups such as unemployed young people or members of a village union. These events were both an “outcome” of, and an attempt to change, the involuntary exclusion of certain “peripheral” groups within the melting pot that the European Union has become. As such, they may be thought of as extending the concept of “diasporas” to include emerging platforms of collective action that aim to make problematic issues visible and multiple voices heard across the wider public. This, in turn, illustrates the need to rethink diasporas in the context of the intensive de-territorialisation of human concerns, “space-times and movement-trajectories yet to (be)come” (Braziel and Mannur 18). Both the examples of collective action discussed here campaigned for “changing the world” through a one-day event and may thus be understood in terms of Rosa’s theory of “social acceleration” (Rosa). This theory shows how both to the “contraction of the present” and the general instability of contemporary life have given rise to a newly affective desire to improve life through an expression of the collective will. Such a tendency can clearly take on far more radical forms as has been recently demonstrated by the mass protests and revolts against autocratic ruling powers in Egypt, Libya, and Syria. In this article, however, cosmopolitics is better understood in terms of the particular skills (most evident in the Estonian case) and affective spheres that mobilised in suggestions to bring about local action and global change. Together, these examples of collective action are part of a wider “ideoscape” (Appadurai) trying to reduce the power of capitalism and of the state by encouraging alternative forms of collective action that are not bound up solely with earning money or serving the state as a “salient” citizen. However, it could be argued that “EuroMayDay” is ultimately a reactionary movement used to highlight the oppressive aspects of capitalism without offering clear alternatives. By contrast, “Let’s Do It! My Estonia” has facilitated interactive public discussion and the practice of local skills that have the power to improve everyday life and the environment in a material and quantifiable way. Such changes in collective action also illustrate the speed and “imitative capacity stimulating expressive interactions” that now characterise everyday life (Thrift). Crucially, both these collective events were achieved through rapid advances in communication technologies in recent times; this technology made it possible to spread know-how as well as feelings of solidarity and social contact across the world. Further research on these fascinating developments in g/local politics is clearly urgently needed to help us better understand the changes in collective action currently taking place. Acknowledgements This research was supported by Estonian Science Foundation grant SF0130008s07 and by the European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (Center of Excellence CECT). References Appadurai, Arjun. “Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural Economy.” Theorizing Diaspora: A Reader. Ed. Jana Evans Braziel and Anita Mannur. Oxford: Blackwell, 2003. 25-48. Atkinson, Jeffrey, and Martin Scurrah. Globalizing Social Justice: The Role of Non-Governmental Organizations in Bringing about Social Change. New York: Palgrave Macmillian, 2009. Braziel, Jana Evans, and Anita Mannur. “Nation, Migration, Globalisation: Points of Contention in Diaspora Studies.” Theorizing Diaspora: A Reader. Eds. Jana Evans Braziel and Anita Mannur. Oxford: Blackwell, 2003. 1-18. Brennan, Teresa. The Transmission of Affect. London: Continuum, 2004. Clark, Nigel. “The Play of the World.” Using Social Theory: Thinking Through Research. Eds. Michael Pryke, Gillian Rose, and Sarah Whatmore. London: Sage, 2003. 28-46. EuroMayDay. “What Is EuroMayDay?” 23 May 2009. ‹http://www.euromayday.org/about.php›. EuroMayDay Berlin. “Call of May Parade.” 3 Aug. 2009. ‹http://maydayberlin.blogsport.de/aufruf/text-only/›. EuroMayDay Berlin. “May Parade Poster.” 3 Aug. 2009. ‹http://maydayberlin.blogsport.de/propaganda/›. Flusty, Steven. De-Coca-Colonization. Making the Globe from the Inside Out. New York: Routledge, 2004. Hinchliffe, Steve. Geographies of Nature: Societies, Environments, Ecologies. London: Sage, 2007. Kirschbaum, Erik. “Police Hurt in May Day Clashes in Germany.” Reuters, 3 Aug. 2009. ‹http://www.reuters.com/article/idUSTRE5401UI20090501›. Massumi, Brian. “The Autonomy of Affect.” Deleuze: A Critical Reader. Ed. Paul Patton. Oxford: Blackwell, 1997. 217-39. PRAXIS. “Minu Eesti mõttetalgute ideede tähtsamad analüüsitulemused” (Main analysing results about ideas of My Estonia thought-bee). 26 Oct. 2009. ‹http://www.minueesti.ee/index.php?leht=6&mID=949›. Rosa, Hartmut. “Social Acceleration: Ethical and Political Consequences of a Desynchronised High-Speed Society.” Constellations 10 (2003): 1-33. Rudi 5858. “Mayday-Parade-Demo in Berlin 2009.” 3 Aug. 2009. ‹http://wn.com/Rudi5858›. Teeme Ära. “Teeme Ära! Minu Eesti” (Let’s Do It! My Estonia). Day Program of 1 May 2009. Printed information sheet, 2009. Teeme Ära. “Description of Preparation and Content of Thought-bee.” 20 Apr. 2009. ‹http://www.minueesti.ee/?leht=321›. Thrift, Nigel. Non-Representational Theory: Space, Politics and Affect. London: Routledge, 2008. Whatmore, Sarah. “Generating Materials.” Using Social Theory: Thinking Through Research. Eds. Michael Pryke, Gillian Rose and Sarah Whatmore. London: Sage, 2003. 89-104. Wikipedia. “EuroMayDay.” 23 May 2009. ‹http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/EuroMayDay›.