Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Views on Cuban Missile Crisis'
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1
Guttieri, Karen Rochelle. "The American political discourse on the Cuban missile crisis." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/42067.
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This thesis examines and critiques the American political discourse on the
Cuban missile crisis of 1962. The event itself is past, yet words used to
describe and explain the missile crisis capture and give meaning to the
experience. The meaning of the crisis begins in a basic sense, then, with the
discourse. The increasing availability of material evidence has reinvigorated
the discourse on the missive crisis. Where relevant, recent evidence will be
employed to critique previous and recent interpretations of the this seminal
event.
Consensus and debate are both to be found in the discourse on the
Cuban crisis. First, there is a large body of shared understanding, or
conventional wisdom, on the crisis. Secondly, there is disagreement as to
the meaning of the crisis in recent manifestations of the discourse. The
essay will use a propaganda model lo examine the politically necessary
mythology embodied in the conventional wisdom. This thesis will use a
tendency analysis approach to organize the debate on the missile crisis,
along the lines of ideological schools of thought, and within the context of a
larger American nuclear debate. The propaganda and the tendency analyse
models complement the general approach of discourse. These models have
been developed specifically for the study of politics, yet the methodology of
each is statement analysis; as such these models are rooted in language,
ana so conform with the general discourse approach.
Security is the common referent of both the conventional wisdom and
the current debate. In particular, the President, as the custodian of nuclear
weapons, is the principle actor responsible for national security. The
powerful image of the President dominates the conventional wisdom, and retains significance in the contemporary ideological debate on the lessons of
the missile crisis.
The nuclear arsenal at the disposal of the President endows him with
great, but double-edged power. The paper concludes with some general
observations on the special significance of Presidential leadership as
represented in the discourse on the missile crisis, and as necessitated in
confronting crises in general. First, in crisis, there is little time for the
President to make difficult decisions. Secondly, there may be greater
devolution of authority to the military forces deployed to convey the
credibility of American deterrence. As such, the subordination of force to
policy must remain sound. The image of the President is, of necessity, an
image which combines prudence and strength. Manufactured images are
not enough however. Policy must be tested in terms of its alleged purpose.
Likewise, doctrine must be evaluated in terms the purpose of the policy it is
designed to support.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
2
Fetter, Randolph Robert. "The Kennedy Administration's handling of the Cuban Missile Crisis." Instructions for remote access. Click here to access this electronic resource. Access available to Kutztown University faculty, staff, and students only, 1987. http://www.kutztown.edu/library/services/remote_access.asp.
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Stark, Derek Anthony. "Deceptive intentions: Packaging the Cuban Missile Crisis for foreign and domestic consumption." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/27044.
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Derek Stark's thesis examines the diplomatic history behind the Cuban Missile Crisis. It focuses on how the crisis was packaged and delivered to its various constituents. The crisis was framed differently to the varying members of the administration of the governments involved, the allies of these nations, the members of the United Nations, and the populations of the countries through their media. Information pertaining to the crisis was being manipulated, not only through inaccurate testimonials that came from Washington after the fact, but during the crisis as well, as a conscious effort was being made to influence how the history would be interpreted. The thesis provides a clear-cut case of information-manipulation from the highest levels of the US government. Were President Kennedy's deceptions required to protect his own political position or were they needed for more valid reasons of international strategy? Stark's thesis includes the complex answer to this question.
4
Young, John M. "When the Russians blinked the U.S. maritime response to the Cuban Missile Crisis /." Washington, D.C. : History and Museums Division, Headquarters, U.S. Marine Corps, 1990. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/23093171.html.
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Charney, Sean S. "The Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962 a case study of the tailored use of instruments of national power /." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA490816.
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Beckner, Lauren Renee. "Decision Making During National Security Crisis: The Case of the JFK Administration." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/35130.
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Decision-making during crises is an important task that many elected officials face during their time in office. This thesis seeks to identify principles that make up a sound policy decision-making process and may lead to more positive outcomes. The analysis here is a comparative case study of three national security crises that faced the John F. Kennedy administration: the Bay of Pigs, the Cuban Missile Crisis, and the Vietnam conflict. Each case is examined for the presence of indicators of groupthink. I hypothesize that the relative absence of groupthink is related to a positive outcome. That hypothesis is examined by reviewing each case; the cases that contained higher levels of the indicators of groupthink tended to have a poorer quality process than those with less evidence of groupthink.Master of Arts
7
Ismajlov, Rufat. "First day of the Cuban Missile Crisis: Airstrike, Invasion or Blockade? : Analysis of the Inter- and Intragroup conflicts inpolitical decision making outcome by U.S. government with regard to the situation in Cuba, during October the 16th 1962, within Bureaucratic Politics Approach." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-5309.
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The Cuban Missile Crisis has been considered by political scientists and historians as one of the most critical point in U.S. – Soviet relations during the Cold War and probably the only case of the possibility of the nuclear exchange was on highest level. The Cuban Missile Crisis was considered to be a part of continued political game of the ideological struggle between the leaders of United States and Soviet Union. However, the fact of the existence of Soviet nuclear missiles in Cuba created situation for U.S. government to decide what course of actions should be taken and not escalate a further confrontation, which could lead to a mutual nuclear exchange. The suggestions to such course of actions were coming from different members of the Executive Committee of the National Council or EXCOMM, which did make impact on U.S. president’s decision making in relation to Soviet installation of nuclear missiles in Cuba in October 1962. The focus of this study relied on outcome of the decisions taken on secret meetings within the Executive Committee of the National Security Council or EXCOMM (included U.S. president as member of this committee) during the Cuban Missile Crisis in October 1962. The results of this study show if inter – and intragroup conflicts within EXCOOM made such impact on decision making outcome.
8
Jacobs, Matt D. "The unforeseen consequences of informal empire the United States, Latin America, and Fidel Castro, 1945-1961 /." View electronic thesis (PDF), 2009. http://dl.uncw.edu/etd/2009-1/jacobsm/mattjacobs.pdf.
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Filip, David. "Atomová zbraň jako nástroj míru." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-124639.
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Regarding the existence of nuclear weapons, which were never used all over atomic bombings of Nagasaki and Hiroshima as a tool of war against civilian or military targets during the Cold War, I try to give an explanation of "armed peace". I consider the question of why the two superpowers (the USA and the USSR) didn't start a "hot war" that would have been more likely nuclear. As an example of the most critical event will serve me Cuban Missile Crisis, with which can be the description of it understood in broader context. The paper points to the interrelations of opposing ideologies that related to atomic weapons have often drawn the same conclusions. I examine the military-strategic value of the atomic bombs which have shaped international relations troughtout the second half of the twentieth century. Besides the military aspects I also mention economic interpretation of the nuclear arms race and economic potential of the USSR and the USA. Why have in the first instance occured one-sided and than gradually overall disarment, reducing the number of nuclear warheads? I try to documented the explanation out of historical events also by using teoretical models.
10
Rossodivito, Anthony M. "The Struggle Against Bandits: The Cuban Revolution and Responses to CIA-Sponsored Counter-Revolutionary Activity, 1959-1963." UNF Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/508.
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Following the 1959 victory of the Cuban revolution, the United States government along with the CIA and their Cuban émigré allies immediately undertook a campaign of subversion and terrorism against the Cuban revolution. From 1959 until 1963 a clandestine war was waged between supporters of the revolution and the counter-revolutionary organizations backed by Washington. This project is a new synthesis of this little-known story. It is an attempt to shed light on a little known aspect of the conflict between the United States government and the Cuban revolution by bringing together never-before seen primary sources, and utilizing the two distinct and separate historiographies from the U.S. and Cuba, concerning the clandestine struggle. This is the story of Cuba’s resistance to intervention, the organization of the counter- revolution, and finally how the constant defeat of CIA plots by the Cubans forced changes in U.S. strategy concerning intervention in Cuba and in other parts of the developing world that would have far-reaching and long-last effects.
11
Domingos, Charles Sidarta Machado. "Questão de Cuba : a política externa independente e a crise dos mísseis." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/107267.
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Com a Revolução Cubana a Guerra Fria se torna mais presente no continente americano. O governo dos Estados Unidos da América começa a desenvolver ações para combater o governo revolucionário que assume o poder naquele país. Essas ações são baseadas no emprego da força militar e em soluções diplomáticas. Nesse mesmo período, João Goulart se torna presidente do Brasil. Ele continua a Política Externa Independente do governo Jânio Quadros. E o governo brasileiro acaba se envolvendo na questão de Cuba. Esta tese procura investigar a participação do governo de João Goulart na Crise dos Mísseis (1962) e compreender o que esse episódio representa para a Política Externa Independente. Nossos objetivos são demonstrar como o Brasil percebe a evolução da questão de Cuba; perceber como o país se posicionou na Organização dos Estados Americanos (OEA) e quais foram as repercussões decorrentes; procurar entender qual a razão do envio do general Albino Silva à Cuba; compreender a posição brasileira na Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) através do projeto de desnuclearização da América Latina; verificar como a sociedade brasileira se manifestou a respeito desse episódio; e, por fim, analisar se a Crise dos Mísseis modifica as relações entre os governos de Goulart e Kennedy.With the Cuban Revolution to Cold War becomes more present in the Americas. The government of the United States of America begins to develop actions to combat the revolutionary government that assumes power in that country. These actions are based on the use of military force and diplomatic solutions. In the same period, becomes president of Brazil João Goulart. He continues the Política Externa Independente of Quadros government. And the brazilian government gets involved in the issue of Cuba. This thesis investigates the involvement of the government of João Goulart in Missile Crisis (1962) and understand what this episode is for the Política Externa Independente. Our objectives are to demonstrate how Brazil sees the evolution of the issue of Cuba; see how the country stood at the Organization of American States (OAS) and what were this repercussions; seek to understand the reason of sending general Albino Silva the Cuba; understand the brazilian position at the United Nations (UN) through the project of denuclearization of Latin America; check how brazilian society manifested related to this episode; finally, analyze the Missile Crisis produced some effect in relations between the governments of Goulart and John Kennedy; analyze if the Missile Crisis modifies the relations between the government of Goulart and Kennedy.
12
Mindich, Jeffrey H., and 閔傑輝. "The Cuban Missile Crisis Revisited: Brinkmanship and Integrative Negotiation." Thesis, 2008. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/32797596079686725374.
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碩士國立臺灣大學
國際企業管理組
96
On October 16, 1962 U.S. President John Kennedy was informed by U.S intelligence that the Soviet Union had placed offensive missiles on the island of Cuba. Kennedy called together a team of top officials, known as the Executive Committee, or ExComm, to consult on how to deal with what later came to be known as the Cuban Missile crisis. The ExComm contemplated a response with options that ranged from passive acceptance of the Soviet missile placement, to an all out invasion of Cuba, and some options in between. The crisis ended with a compromise between the nuclear-armed superpowers arrived at through negotiation whereby Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev agreed to dismantle and remove the missiles on Cuba, while Kennedy made a pledge of non-invasion against Cuba and a private promise to take nuclear Jupiter Missiles out of Turkey. Brinkmanship and integrative negotiation both played important roles in the resolution of the Cuban missile crisis. However, due to the dangers of uncontrolled escalation from brinkmanship, it was a complex process of integrative negotiation that ended the crisis and allowed both sides to benefit, and was not a Soviet capitulation as has often been portrayed. This thesis hopes to make a unique contribution to scholarship in this field by a thorough analysis of the integration of the various approaches to decision-making in the Cuban missile crisis, including game theory, decision analysis and negotiation analysis.
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Mindich, Jeffrey H. "The Cuban Missile Crisis Revisited: Brinkmanship and Integrative Negotiation." 2008. http://www.cetd.com.tw/ec/thesisdetail.aspx?etdun=U0001-3107200818195400.
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Erb, Lisa Anne. "The Cuban Missile Crisis : was Kennedy's way the best way? /." 1989. http://digitalcommons.butler.edu/ugtheses/20/.
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DAIGLE, HAU CARALEE RAE. ""A Challenge and A Danger:" Canada and the Cuban Missile Crisis." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/6931.
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President John F. Kennedy’s announcement, on Monday 22 October 1962, that there were offensive missiles on the island of Cuba began the public phase of what would be remembered as the Cuban missile crisis. This Cold War crisis had ramifications in many other countries than just the Soviet Union and the United States. Due to the danger involved in this nuclear confrontation, the entire globe was threatened. If either side lost control of negotiations, an atomic war could have broken out which would have decimated the planet. As the direct northern neighbors of the United States and partners in continental defence, Canadians experienced and understood the Cuban missile crisis in the context of larger issues.
In many ways, Canadian and American reactions to the crisis were similar. Many citizens stocked up their pantries, read the newspapers, protested, or worried that the politicians would make a mistake and set off a war. However, this dissertation argues that English Canadians experienced the crisis on another level as well. In public debate and print sources, many debated what the crisis meant for Canadian-Cuban relations, Canadian-American relations and Canada’s place in the world. Examining these print and archival sources, this dissertation analyzes the contour of public debate during the crisis, uniting that debate with the actions of politicians. Prime Minister John G. Diefenbaker hesitated for two days before making a statement which fully committed Canada to a position which supported the American quarantine of Cuba, and shortly after the crisis, was defeated at the polls. This dissertation argues that understanding the Canadian reaction to and experience of the Cuban missile crisis necessitates an understanding of how different Canadians talked about and understood the actions of their leaders. The shifting terrain of memory also serves to demonstrate the manner in which this history is told and remembered in Canada. This dissertation, therefore, examines the intersections between this Cold War confrontation and Canadian identity in the postwar period.Thesis (Ph.D, History) -- Queen's University, 2011-12-23 09:01:36.5
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Stanley, Laura. "Mates and missiles: the Menzies Government and the Cuban Missile Crisis." Thesis, 2010. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/30231/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the Menzies Government's response to the Cuban Missile Crisis of
October 1962. This is the first historical investigation of the Crisis in the context of
Australian-American relations. Its primary objective, therefore, is to fill a historiographical
gap in Australia's Cold War history.
17
Thompson, Laura. "The Australian Government, the US alliance, and the Cuban Missile Crisis: A history and policy analysis." Thesis, 2017. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/35980/.
Full textAbstract:
In October 1962, the world was brought to the brink of nuclear catastrophe. The Cuban
Missile Crisis marked the closest the United States (US) and the Soviet Union came to
military conflict that might have led to nuclear annihilation during the Cold War. This
thesis investigates the Australian Government’s policy response to the crisis. In doing
so, it makes an original contribution to Australian Cold War history and to the extensive
literature on the crisis.
The Australian Government’s policy response to the crisis is examined in the context of
the Australia-US alliance. A diplomatic history, this thesis relies heavily on declassified
government records from Australian and American archives. Additionally, oral history
interview transcripts, audio-visual materials, Hansard, newspapers, and private
collections, were consulted in order to reconstruct comprehensively Australia’s policy
on this matter and the factors that shaped it.
This thesis examines: Australia’s awareness of the Cuban situation; the Menzies
Government’s policy on the crisis, specifically, factors it considered—and did not
consider—in formulating its policy; and the Government’s immediate implementation
of that policy, including the reactions of some sections of the Australian community to
that policy. It demonstrates that despite limited advance notice and awareness of the
Cuban situation, the Government swiftly declared support for the US in the crisis,
specifically, its resolution to be presented to the United Nations Security Council. It reveals that certain politicians, diplomats, and public servants were concerned about:
Australia’s obligations under the Australia New Zealand United States Security Treaty;
the legality of the US response; the precedent set by the quarantine; the implications of
US policy on the crisis regarding Australian nuclear ambitions; Australia maintaining its
trade relationship with Cuba; and the repercussions the crisis could have on collective
defence arrangements, which Australia relied on for its security. Despite these concerns
and challenges, the Government considered the successful management of the US
alliance paramount in formulating and implementing its policy on the crisis.
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Deinema, Michaël, and Loet Leydesdorff. "The Two Faces of American Power: Military and Political Communication during the Cuban Missile Crisis, Kybernetes 35 (3/4) (2006) 547-566." 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/105078.
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Kybernetes 35 (3/4) (2006) 547-566Purpose: The mismatches between political discourse and military momentum in the American handling of the Cuban missile crisis are explained by using the model of the potential autopoiesis of subsystems. Under wartime conditions, the codes of political and military communications can increasingly be differentiated. Design/methodology/approach: The model of a further differentiation between political and military power is developed on the basis of a detailed description of the Cuban missile crisis. We introduce the concept of a “semi-dormant autopoiesis” for the difference in the dynamics between peacetime and wartime conditions. Findings: Several dangerous incidents during the crisis can be explained by a sociocybernetic model focusing on communication and control, but not by using an organization-theoretical approach. The further differentiation of the military as a subsystem became possible in the course of the twentieth century because of ongoing learning processes about previous wars. Practical implications: Politicians should not underestimate autonomous military processes or the significance of standing orders. In order to continually produce communications within the military, communication partners are needed that stand outside of the hierarchy, and this role can be fulfilled by an enemy. A reflexively imagined enemy can thus reinforce the autopoiesis of the military subsystem. Originality/value: The paper shows that civilian control over military affairs has become structurally problematic and offers a sociocybernetic explanation of the missile crisis. The potential alternation in the dynamics under peacetime and wartime.
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Beranová, Monika. ""Special Relationship" v době vlády Harolda Macmillana (1957-1963)." Master's thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-267767.
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This thesis analyzes key moments from the tenures of Harold Macmillan as British Prime Minister and John Fitzgerald Kennedy as President of the United States. The United Kingdom and the United States had a Special Relationship between them, which was based upon their close political cooperation. Macmillan and Kennedy deepend this relation by their personal friendship, which played a major role in the course of finding solutions to the conflicts they had to face in the context of the Cold War, when there was a real possibility of nuclear annihilation. The analysis shows that the Special Relationship in the years 1957-1963 went through several dynamic developments, however it never lost its unique status. Despite initial distrust between the two countries immediately following the Suez Crisis, both politicians always managed to find a compromise solution. Thanks to their friendship and deep personal respect, they managed to always unite, even during times of gravest peril. A typical example of the personal relationship is the Cuban Missile Crisis, when Kennedy kept in touch via telephone with Macmillan and often asked him for advice. By virtue of this contact, Macmillan became one of the President's principal advisors in the course of the crisis. The Special Relationship between the two countries did...
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Douglas, Robert. "Being successfully nasty: the United States, Cuba and state-sponsored terrorism, 1959-1976." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/1058.
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Despite being the global leader in the “war on terror,” the United States has been accused of sponsoring terrorism against Cuba. The following study assesses these charges. After establishing a definition of terrorism, it examines U.S.-Cuban relations from 1808 to 1958, arguing that the United States has historically employed violence in its efforts to control Cuba. U.S. leaders maintained this approach even after the Cuban Revolution: months after Fidel Castro’s guerrilla army took power, Washington began organizing Cuban exiles to carry out terrorist attacks against the island, and continued to support and tolerate such activities until the 1970s, culminating in what was the hemisphere’s most lethal act of airline terrorism before 9/11. Since then, the United States has maintained contact with well-known anti-Castro terrorists, in many cases employing and harbouring them, despite its claims to be fighting an international campaign against terrorism.
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Fiala, Jaroslav. "Zahraniční politika Spojených států amerických vůči Kubě v letech 1958 - 1965." Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-352230.
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The thesis deals with the U.S. foreign policy towards Cuba in the years 1958-1965. It analyses sources of U.S.-Cuban hostility at the beginning of the Fidel Castro era. It shows, how the U.S. foreign policy and the beginning of Cold war contributed to polarization as well as radicalization of politics in Cuba. Thus, it analyses the change of a local conflict into the "international civil war". The aim of the thesis is to argue that Cuba influenced the global balance of power between the Soviet Union and the United States at the beginning of 1960's. The introductory chapters summarize the causes of the Cuban Revolution, the U.S. policy toward friendly dictators, mainly toward Fulgencio Batista in Cuba. Next part deals with the guerilla warfare against Batista and the extent of U.S. influence on this insurrection. The thesis uses a multi-archival research of the U.S. as well as Czech and British sources. The comparison of sources shows the extent of independent Cuban actions and helps to comprehend the logic of the Eastern-European foreign policy. The thesis further analyses the U.S. reaction on Cuban Revolution as well as causes and consequences of the Cuban Missile crisis. Moreover, it deals with the possibilities of improvement in the U.S.-Cuban relations. Last but not least it also analyses the...