Journal articles on the topic 'Video remote interpreting'

Abstract Interpreters face distinct challenges when deployed remotely via video link, due to their virtual presence but physical absence in the conversation. Depending on the interpreting service, interpreters can also be exposed to greater spontaneity and hence increased pressure if video-mediated interpreting is offered as an instant service. The examples discussed in this paper draw on an interpreting studies-based analysis of the Austrian pilot project “Video-mediated interpreting in healthcare.” In this study data were generated by means of an observational protocol, five recordings of authentic video-mediated interpreted communicative events, five retrospective interviews with the interpreters from the recorded video-mediated interpreted communicative events, and eight expert interviews with all interpreters from the pilot project. The scope of this article is to present some of the main findings and draw attention to a crucial strategy used in remote interpreting, namely a reliance on relevant sensory awareness.

Abstract The motivation for the project was the necessity of finding solutions to situations characterized by difficulty in communication, such as trading between different countries, immigrants unable to speak the language, or between hearing and deaf people who use sign language. These and other cases can be solved thanks to interpreting services. Yet because of educational commitments of professionals, organizational time, budget, and locations, it is not always possible to avail of an on-site interpreter. In this context, technology offers a solution through remote interpretation. The present draws inspiration from the research project “VEASYT Live! for conference: linguistic and technological solutions for the supply of video remote interpreting services in conference settings”. The work was financed by the European Social Fund and took place between 2016 and 2017 in the Linguistic and Cultural Compared Studies Department of Ca’ Foscari University of Venice in partnership with VEASYT srl, a company that developed a video remote interpreting (VRI) service in both vocal languages and Italian Sign Language. The aim of the research is to develop VRI for conference situations such as seminars, conferences and academic lectures.

Remote interpreting, particularly telephone interpreting, was implemented in Spain less than 20 years ago and, since then, it has become increasingly common. Its use has even increased during the last months, due to COVID-19 circumstances and the subsequent growth of telecommuting. This paper aims at mapping remote interpreting services in Spain. With that purpose, structured qualitative interviews were conducted with representatives of the six main Spanish companies offering these services. The results show a diffusion of telephone interpreting across the country and an incipient presence of video-link interpreting. Nevertheless, more attention to quality performance and working conditions should be paid. Keywords: Telephone interpreting, Video-link interpreting, Mapping, Qualitative interviews, Spain

Abstract The increasing use of videoconferencing technology in legal proceedings has led to different configurations of video-mediated interpreting (VMI). Few studies have explored interpreter perceptions of VMI, each focusing on one country, configuration (e.g., interpreter-assisted video links between courts and remote participants) and setting (e.g., immigration). The present study is the first that draws on multiple data sets, countries, settings and configurations to investigate interpreter perceptions of VMI. It compares perceptions in England with other countries, covering common configurations (e.g., court-prison video links, links to remote interpreters) and settings (e.g., police, court, immigration), and considers the sociopolitical context in which VMI has emerged. The aim is to gain systematic insights into factors shaping the interpreters’ perceptions as a step toward improving VMI.

Abstract The attitudes of interpreters providing video remote conference interpreting during the 2014 FIFA World Cup™ was analyzed using a mixed-methods approach. Quantitative and qualitative data pertaining to six deductive categories (general and specific attitudes towards remote interpreting, attitudes towards the work environment and the workspace, psychological and physiological wellbeing) were collected. Online questionnaires were completed both before and after the event and structured interviews were conducted on site during the event. Triangulation of results corroborates the technical feasibility of video remote interpreting, whilst highlighting aspects with a high potential to shape interpreters’ attitudes towards it. The quality of the technical team on site along with the availability of visual input in the entire conference room (including all speakers taking the floor) is key to offsetting the feeling of alienation or lack of immersion experienced by interpreters working with this technical setup. Suggestions for the improvement of key parameters are provided.

This paper discusses the Chinese–Russian interpreters’ views on the adoption of distance interpreting (DI) technology in the local Russian context. From the intergovernmental to the people-topeople level, the Sino-Russian relationship has been developing as a strategic partnership. Due to travel restrictions and other pandemic containment measures, the demand for virtual communication technology and remote interpreting has been on the rise, which highlighted a variety of implications for the interpreting profession. We present the results of a series of interviews with Chinese–Russian interpreters from Moscow and Chelyabinsk, Russia (n=6), accompanied by a small-scale online survey (n=26). The exploratory study focuses on the interpreters’ experience with technology, and on their perception of DI in general and video remote interpreting in particular. The results suggest that the common DI scenarios in the local Chinese– Russian interpreting market (Chelyabinsk region) include video-mediated and over-the-phone consecutive interpreting in business and education settings. The study also reveals an overall positive attitude to the DI technology among the surveyed interpreters, despite such reported challenges as psychological discomfort, connection problems and technical difficulties on the clients’ part, which often lead to new responsibilities of an interpreter.

Video-mediated interpreting is a relatively new object of research, which requires integration of theoretical and methodological frameworks of translation studies, communication theory, media theory, and cognitive science. This paper examines the way an interpreter adapts to a hybrid environment, which merges communication in physical and virtual spaces. We describe the case of dialogue interpreting during the commissioning of equipment supervised by an instructor via video link. The study is based on transcripts as well as the interpreter’s retrospective commentary. The interpreter’s decision-making is examined through the lens of metacognition theory and monitoring processes. Among the key factors determining the complexity of this job, are the nature of dialogue interpreting in an industrial shop floor, and the limitations of video communication via a smartphone. In addition to the relaying and coordinating functions common to dialogue interpreting, in a hybrid ecology interpreter also monitors the status of the communication device. This kind of media-multitasking may result in additional cognitive monitoring, potentially leading to reduced attention span and affecting the interpreting quality. Additionally, the interpreter actively contextualizes the physical scenario for the remote participant, which leads to over-elaboration, excessive repetition, and addition of non-renditions. While many turn-taking devices are not available in video-mediated communication, the interpreter resorts to verbal turn-taking patterns and ultimately takes control of communication. In а hybrid environment, the logic of transition from a problematic situation to its solution becomes more unpredictable. The fragmented nature of interaction challenges the identification of relevant meanings and the process of probabilistic prediction.

AbstractJudges perform an important role on behalf of society, as impartial decision-makers, interpreting and applying the law, presiding over courtrooms and ensuring a fair trial. The image of the judge – how they are viewed culturally – reinforces their role, emphasising their authority and neutrality, thus supporting the legitimacy of the court as an institution. Increasingly, judges use video conferencing where either they, or other participants, are located away from the courtroom. Reporting on a three-year empirical study, this paper argues that the introduction of video-conferencing technologies in court has had a profound impact on the production, management and consumption of judicial images, with implications for the role of the judge. Video links challenge cultural assumptions about how the role of the judge is performed and what the image of the judge should be. We argue that greater congruence needs to be achieved over video links between that image and the role of the judge.

Abstract We present here an ethnographic study of asylum court interpreting with remote participants and video links. First, we describe the multimodal resources interpreters have at their disposal to manage turn-taking and begin interpreting while an asylum seeker’s answer to a question has not come yet to a recognizable completion point. We distinguish between ‘implicit’ configurations, in which a collaborative turn transition is apparently achieved through reorientations of body and gaze, the use of discourse markers, or other conversational strategies, like overlaps and cases where a turn transition is achieved through the use of ‘explicit’ resources such as instructions to stop and requests to give brief answers. We show that the collaborative production of such long answers is affected by the remote placement of the interpreter, and that recurrent trouble in the management of turn transitions between the asylum seeker and the interpreter during extended narratives may be detrimental to the asylum seeker’s case.

Abstract: Thanks to the availability of appropriate technical solutions as well as growing experience with remote interpreting in various countries, video interpreting has made its way into community interpreting, predominantly in the healthcare sector. It is thought to combine advantages of face-to-face interpreting (e.g. visibility, eye contact, non-verbal communication, visual information and certain trust-building features) with advantages of distance interpreting (e.g. saving travel time and expenses) in facilitating correct diagnosis and obtaining informed consent, compliance, treatment success and patient safety. This article describes a video-interpreting initiative undertaken in the German-speaking DACH area (Germany, Austria, German-speaking part of Switzerland) following the 2015 refugee crisis. It highlights the training measures introduced to address the needs of patients speaking languages for which interpreters are not usually available in Germany and Austria, and the subsequent expansion of the initiative into Switzerland. It also reports on the views of the course participants on the basis of a questionnaire survey conducted after training.Resumen: La interpretación a distancia por videoconferencia se ha abierto camino en la interpretación comunitaria, predominantemente en el ámbito sanitario, gracias a la disponibilidad de soluciones técnicas apropiadas así como a la creciente experiencia en la interpretación a distancia en diferentes países. La idea es combinar las ventajas de la interpretación en persona (por ejemplo, la perceptibilidad, el contacto visual, la comunicación no verbal, la información visual y aspectos de creación de confianza) con las ventajas de la interpretación a distancia (como, por ejemplo, el ahorro de costos y gastos de trayectos) y, de esta manera, facilitar un diagnóstico correcto y obtener el consentimiento informado, la conformidad, los tratamientos exitosos y la seguridad del paciente. El presente artículo describe las propuestas llevadas a cabo para la interpretación por videoconferencia en los países de habla alemana (Alemania, Austria y la parte germanohablante de Suiza) a raíz de la crisis de refugiados. Se pone especial énfasis en las actividades de formación introducidas con el fin de satisfacer las necesidades de los pacientes que hablan lenguas para cuya interpretación no suele haber intérpretes en Alemania y Austria, así como su introducción subsiguiente en Suiza. Además, se presenta la opinión de los participantes de los cursos en base a una encuesta llevada a cabo después de las actividades de formación.

Baited remote underwater videos (BRUV) are popular marine monitoring techniques used for the assessment of motile fauna. Currently, most published studies evaluating BRUV methods stem from environments in the Southern Hemisphere. This has led to stricter and more defined guidelines for the use of these techniques in these areas in comparison to the North Atlantic, where little or no specific guidance exists. This study explores metadata taken from BRUV deployments collected around the UK to understand the influence of methodological and environmental factors on the information gathered during BRUV deployments including species richness, relative abundance and faunal composition. In total, 39 BRUV surveys accumulating in 457 BRUV deployments across South/South-West England and Wales were used in this analysis. This study identified 88 different taxa from 43 families across the 457 deployments. Whilst taxonomic groups such as Labridae, Gadidae and Gobiidae were represented by a high number of species, species diversity for the Clupeidae, Scombridae, Sparidae, Gasterosteidae and Rajidae groups were low and many families were absent altogether. Bait type was consistently identified as one of the most influential factors over species richness, relative abundance and faunal assemblage composition. Image quality and deployment duration were also identified as significant influential factors over relative abundance. As expected, habitat observed was identified as an influential factor over faunal assemblage composition in addition to its significant interaction with image quality, time of deployment, bait type and tide type (spring/neap). Our findings suggest that methodological and environmental factors should be taken into account when designing and implementing monitoring surveys using BRUV techniques. Standardising factors where possible remains key. Fluctuations and variations in data may be attributed to methodological inconsistencies and/or environment factors as well as over time and therefore must be considered when interpreting the data.

Deaf people who use American Sign Language (ASL) are more likely to use the emergency department (ED) than their hearing English-speaking counterparts and are also at higher risk of receiving inaccessible communication. The purpose of this study is to explore the ED communication experience of Deaf patients. A descriptive qualitative study was performed by interviewing 11 Deaf people who had used the ED in the past 2 years. Applying a descriptive thematic analysis, we developed five themes: (1) requesting communication access can be stressful, frustrating, and time-consuming; (2) perspectives and experiences with Video Remote Interpreting (VRI); (3) expectations, benefits, and drawbacks of using on-site ASL interpreters; (4) written and oral communication provides insufficient information to Deaf patients; and (5) ED staff and providers lack cultural sensitivity and awareness towards Deaf patients. Findings are discussed with respect to medical and interpreting ethics to improve ED communication for Deaf patients.

The objective of this paper is to analyze, design, implement and evaluate a teaching strategy for improving specific content in remote English teaching. To do this, an approaching analysis of an eight-students A2 level group dealing with pronunciation problems was carried out. After that, an interview for collecting data about the most concurrent pronunciation problems appeared in the course. Valuable information was displayed to analyze the most common problems for pronunciation in A2 students. After interpreting the results, the pronunciation of regular verbs in the past tense was the most difficult problem for them. A specific strategy to cover students’ needs was designed. Since remote teaching conveys the use of technology and flipped learning is an option for the equipment available, the implementation of a video flipped learning task was designed. With the use of technology (authoring tools and mobile Apps), flipped learning, programmed instructional design students showed improvement in the pronunciation of regular verbs in the past tense. Finally, it is concluded that this innovative strategy can effectively be reproduced for developing some other learning content in remote teaching.

SummaryProfessional interpretation and translation are key issues in the improvement of public health and patient safety in an area of increased migration and multicultural healthcare system needs. Patient safety requires clear and reliable communication to avoid errors in diagnosis, treatment, and neglect of informed consent. Due to the range of languages to be covered, telephone and video interpretation (VI) can be expected to face up to the demands for trained interpreters available on short notice and in more remote healthcare sites.In a pilot project, we implemented a new up to date model video interpretation unit and used a mixed methods approach integrating quantitative and qualitative data in assessing barriers encountered prior to the use of the pilot system and satisfaction with the use of video interpretation in a number of clinical settings, including inpatient and outpatient units, in Austria. Of all respondents (n = 144) 71% reported frequently encountering language barriers, only 37% reported the use of professional interpreters, 81% reported using siblings, parents or other non-professional interpreters, while a considerable percentage (66%) reported using gestures or drawings to communicate, resulting in very low overall satisfaction rate (only 12%) with the prior situation.In the qualitative study the users observed rapid availability, data protection compliance, ability to see the interpreter despite physical distance, absence of potential external influence resulting from personal relationships, user-friendly nature of the technique, legal certainty, absence of the requirement for personal presence, and cost savings as key benefits in the use of the new technology. Of the users of the system 88% (n = 58) rated it as very good (72%) or good (16%).

The determination of snow-grain characteristics (such as type or size) is crucial for validating snow models and interpreting remote-sensing data. Until now, the size and type of snow grains have been estimated in the field. Nowadays, the transport of a snow sample in iso-octane allows laboratory analyses. The objective analysis of snow-grain digital images has been developed at the Centre d'Études de la Neige since the mid 1980s. The images are taken in a cold room and stored on a video disk. The calculation of the relevant parameters for snow characterization has been developed. Recently, the hardware- and software-systems have been upgraded, allowing quicker and easier analyses. Finally, a procedure designed to determine snow types from image analysis has been developed and calibrated using 65 snow samples. For that purpose, independent experts have determined the snow type (as defined by the International Classification) of each sample. The procedure has been verified using an independent set of snow images. This semi-automated determination gives 97% correct results on granular-snow types. However, it is not reliable for precipitation particles.

The determination of snow-grain characteristics (such as type or size) is crucial for validating snow models and interpreting remote-sensing data. Until now, the size and type of snow grains have been estimated in the field. Nowadays, the transport of a snow sample in iso-octane allows laboratory analyses. The objective analysis of snow-grain digital images has been developed at the Centre d'Études de la Neige since the mid 1980s. The images are taken in a cold room and stored on a video disk. The calculation of the relevant parameters for snow characterization has been developed. Recently, the hardware- and software-systems have been upgraded, allowing quicker and easier analyses. Finally, a procedure designed to determine snow types from image analysis has been developed and calibrated using 65 snow samples. For that purpose, independent experts have determined the snow type (as defined by the International Classification) of each sample. The procedure has been verified using an independent set of snow images. This semi-automated determination gives 97% correct results on granular-snow types. However, it is not reliable for precipitation particles.

Abstract Background Preclinical medical student learning in the microbiology laboratory traditionally focuses on enhancing understanding of microbiology but less on understanding clinical workflow. During a novel course that revisited foundational sciences during clerkships, we designed a virtual microbiology laboratory session to enhance understanding and familiarity with clinical workflow on testing of patient samples. Methods The virtual microbiology laboratory sessions were conducted twice in 2018, each including 80 third-year medical students. Clinical cases were used to build upon foundational knowledge. We live-streamed video and audio content from the clinical microbiology laboratory to a remote classroom via the Zoom videoconferencing platform. We conducted the session as a tour and lively interview with microbiology staff who explained the processing as well as diagnostic testing Methods. Students were able to ask questions. To evaluate the sessions we (1) distributed a quantitative survey using a 5-point Likert scale (5 = strongly agree) and (2) conducted focus groups with learners. Qualitative data were analyzed using open and axial coding. Results In a questionnaire administered to 160 students, 74% of respondents agreed that the technical aspects and faculty in the session provided the feeling on a “hands-on” tour. Of the respondents, 58% reported that they would be more likely to contact the microbiology laboratory team for help in ordering or interpreting various laboratory tests. In focus groups, learner reflections reinforced the ability of this format to ensure standardization with each student getting to clearly see the demonstration and hear instructor perspectives. Students also appreciated the linear approach of following a specimen from arrival to the laboratory, a better understanding of the laboratory staff and their roles in performing and interpreting laboratory tests. The live feed could be enhanced further by better audio and video synchronization and by reducing ambient noise. Conclusion Videoconferencing with the clinical microbiology laboratory can be used to effectively teach microbiology and infectious diseases content to advanced medical students. Whether this exposure to the microbiology laboratory can enhance patient care outcomes requires further study. Disclosures All authors: No reported disclosures.

This third installment of the Digital Data Acquisition Technology Focus will focus on computer vision (CV) for improved data acquisition. CV is defined as a field of study that seeks to develop techniques to help computers “see” and understand the content of digital images such as photographs and videos. The field of computer vision has seen significant growth in recent years because of the convergence of multiple events, such as advancements in machine-learning technology (e.g., deep learning), an exponential increase in availability of visual data from mobile phones and platforms such as YouTube, and the growth of new use cases such as autonomous driving. As such, it is no wonder that CV is also having a major effect on the oil and gas industry, reflected in the number of papers this year on this subject alone. The oil and gas industry is awash with image and video data such as core images, seismic profiles, maps, video feeds for monitoring remote operations, and, these days, even drone images. The traditional approach to interpreting and acting on this data has been highly manual, which can be extremely time-consuming and prone to bias and error. CV technology intends to automate these processes and significantly improve the turnaround time from data to decisions. The papers chosen this year include application of CV for reservoir characterization, such as source-rock reconstruction, facies identification, and seismic data enhancement; and safety applications such as rig-state identification and automated corrosion mapping. Given the versatility of CV technology, its application across the oil and gas industry clearly will continue to grow. Recommended additional reading at OnePetro: www.onepetro.org. SPE 204216 - Deep-Learning-Based Vuggy Facies Identification From Borehole Images by Jiajun Jiang, Baylor University, et al. SPE 202710 - Machine-Learning-Based Seismic Data Enhancement Toward Overcoming Geophysical Limitations by Shotaro Nakayama, INPEX, et al. SPE 205347 - Machine-Learning-Assisted Segmentation of Focused Ion Beam Scanning Electron Microscopy Images With Artifacts for Improved Void-Space Characterization of Tight Reservoir Rocks by Andrey Kazak, Skolkovo Institute of Science and Technology, et al.

It is not always feasible or practical to be present at a location of interest. Telepresence makes such possible. This paper presents the design and implementation of a telepresence system in which a mobile manipulator robot is utilized to explore a museum at a remote site, sending live video and audio on demand to a user at the local site. The user's sense of presence is also enhanced through the capability to manipulate objects remotely via the robot's gripper. The display system is a slightly modified, off-the-shelf mediascope, a television display system that can be worn like a pair of glasses. The head movements of the user are monitored using color tracking, and the displayed images are updated according to the motions of the head. This is achieved by interpreting the human head movements and transforming them into control signals for appropriate movements of the robot and its mounted color camera. Novel features of the presented system include utilization of human implicit commands, availability and cost-effectiveness of the system, feeling of presence, and intelligence fusion of the human user (where to go and what to do) with the robot's intelligence (local obstacle avoidance and navigation). The multimedia interface and control of the system are described in detail. Additionally, a number of research issues that require further investigation in order to realize attainable, high fidelity telepresence systems are discussed in this paper.

Background. Contemporary audio art in search of new sound design, as well as the artists working in the field of music show business, in an attempt to draw attention to the already well-known musical works, often turn to the forms of “remake” or “remix”. However, there are certain disagreements in the understanding of these terms by artists, vocalists, producers and professional sound engineer team. Therefore, it becomes relevant to clarify the concepts of “remake” and “remix” and designate the key differences between these musical phenomena. The article contains reasoned, from the point of view of art criticism, positions concerning the misunderstanding of the terms “remake” and “remix”, which are wide used in the circles of the media industry. The objective of the article is to explore the key differences between the principles of processing borrowed musical material, such as “remix” and “remake” in contemporary popular music, in particular, in recording studios. Research methodology. In the course of the study two concepts – «remake» and «remix» – were under consideration and comparison, on practical examples of some works of famous pop vocalists from Ukraine and abroad. So, the research methodology includes the methods of analysis for consideration of the examples from the Ukrainian, Russian and world show business and the existing definitions of the concepts “remake” and “remix”; as well as comparison, checking, coordination of the latter; formalization and generalization of data in getting the results of our study. The modern strategies of the «remake» invariance development in the work of musicians are taken in account; also, the latest trends in the creation of versions of «remix» by world class artists and performers of contemporary Ukrainian pop music are reflected. The results of the study. The research results reveal the significance of terminology pair «remix» and «remake» in the activities of the pop singer. It found that the differences of two similar in importance terms not all artists in the music industry understand. The article analyzes the main scientific works of specialists in the audiovisual and musical arts, in philosophical and sociological areas, which addressed this issue in the structure of music, such as the studies by V. Tormakhova, V. Otkydach, V. Myslavskyi, I. Tarasova, Yu. Koliadych, L. Zdorovenko and several others, and on this basis the essence of the concepts “remake” and “remix” reveals. The phenomenon of the “remake” is described in detail in the dictionary of V. Mislavsky [5], where the author separately outlined the concept of “remake” not only in musical art, but also in the film industry and the structure of video games. The researcher I. Tarasovа also notes the term “remake” in connection with the problem of protection of intellectual property and the certification of the copyright of the performer and the composer who made the original version of the work [13]. At the same time, the term “remix” in musical science has not yet found a precise definition. In contemporary youth pop culture, the principle of variation of someone else’s musical material called “remix” is associated with club dance music, the principle of “remake” – with the interpretation of “another’s” music work by other artist-singers. “Remake” is a new version or interpretation of a previously published work [5: 31]. Also close to the concept of “remake” the term “cover version” is, which is now even more often uses in the field of modern pop music. This is a repetition of the storyline laid down by the author or performer of the original version, however, in his own interpretation of another artist, while the texture and structure of the work are preserving. A. M. Tormakhova deciphered the term “remake” as a wide spectrum of changes in the musical material associated with the repetition of plot themes and techniques [14: 8]. In a general sense, “a wide spectrum of changes” is not only the technical and emotional interpretation of the work, including the changes made by the performer in style, tempo, rhythm, tessitura, but also it is an aspect of composing activity. For a composer this is an expression of creative thinking, the embodiment of his own vision in the ways of arrangement of material. For a sound director and a sound engineer, a “remix” means the working with computer programs, saturating music with sound effects; for a producer and media corporations it is a business. “Remake” is a rather controversial phenomenon in the music world. On the one hand, it is training for beginners in the field of art; on the other hand, the use of someone else’s musical material in the work can neighbor on plagiarism and provoke the occurrence of certain conflict situations between artists. From the point of view of show business, “remake” is only a method for remind of a piece to the public for the purpose of its commercial use, no matter who the song performed. Basically, an agreement concludes between the artists on the transfer or contiguity of copyright and the right to perform the work for profit. For example, the song “Diva” by F. Kirkorov is a “remake” of the work borrowed from another performer, the winner of the Eurovision Song Contest 1998 – Dana International [17; 20], which is reflected in the relevant agreement on the commercial use of musical material. Remix as a music product is created using computer equipment or the Live Looping music platform due to the processing of the original by introducing various sound effects into the initial track. Interest in this principle of material processing arose in the 80s of the XXth century, when dance, club and DJ music entered into mass use [18]. As a remix, one can considers a single piece of music taken as the main component, which is complemented in sequence by the components of the DJ profile. It can be various samples, the changing of the speed of sounding, the tonality of the work, the “mutation” of the soloist’s voice, the saturation of the voice with effects to achieve a uniform musical ensemble. To the development of such a phenomenon as a “remix” the commercial activities of entertainment facilities (clubs, concert venues, etc.) contributes. The remix principle is connected with the renewal of the musical “hit”, whose popularity gradually decreased, and the rotation during the broadcast of the work did not gain a certain number of listeners. Conclusions. The musical art of the 21st century is full of new experimental and creative phenomena. The process of birth of modified forms of pop works deserves constant attention not only from the representatives of the industry of show business and audiovisual products, but also from scientists-musicologists. Such popular musical phenomena as “remix” and “remake” have a number of differences. So, a “remix” is a technical form of interpreting a piece of music with the help of computer processing of both instrumental parts and voices; it associated with the introduction of new, often very heterogeneous, elements, with tempo changes. A musical product created according to this principle is intended for listeners of “club music” and is not related to the studio work of the performer. The main feature of the “remake”is the presence of studio work of the sound engineer, composer and vocalist; this work is aimed at modernizing the character of the song, which differs from the original version. The texture of the original composition, in the base, should be preserved, but it can be saturated with new sound elements, the vocal line and harmony can be partially changed according to interpreter’s own scheme. The introduction of the scientific definitions of these terms into a common base of musical concepts and the further in-depth study of all theoretical and practical components behind them will contribute to the correct orientation in terminology among the scientific workers of the artistic sphere and actorsvocalists.

Abstract Remote interpreting has traditionally been the less preferred option when compared to face-to-face interpreting. But the recent pandemic has shifted the landscape, making remote interpreting the default in many, if not most, settings. Improved videoconferencing technologies have facilitated this transition. The main question is whether remote interpreting has any impact on interpreter performance, including interpreting accuracy. This article presents the results of an experimental study that compared the performance of 103 qualified interpreters in three language combinations (English + Arabic, Mandarin and Spanish) in three conditions (face-to-face vs video remote vs audio remote interpreting) in the context of simulated police interviews. The interpreters’ preferences and perceptions were elicited and analysed, and their performance assessed by independent trained raters using detailed marking criteria. The results showed no significant differences between face-to-face and video interpreting, but significant decrements in audio remote interpreting performance. More than one-third of the interpreters perceived remote interpreting as being more difficult due to technological challenges. No differences emerged between the language groups on any measure.

Abstract Many health and social care services are implementing video remote interpreting (VRI) to deal with supply shortages and high costs of language interpreting for linguistically diverse clients. This qualitative study examines stakeholders’ perspectives on using VRI for home-based cognitive assessments, which are routinely performed with older people during aged care assessments in Australia. We conducted 25 semi-structured interviews with clients, assessors and interpreters in Melbourne and a regional Victorian city. We found that across stakeholder groups participants usually regard VRI as an acceptable alternative to face-to-face interpreting when the latter is not possible. Freelance interpreters said VRI saved on travel time and expenditure and afforded them financial and practical benefits that enabled them to better meet the high demand for their work. However, stakeholders also pointed to the limitations of VRI, including technical challenges, sound and video quality, and difficulties with positioning equipment optimally during interviews. The assessors and interpreters agreed that VRI was inappropriate when clients are known to be cognitively impaired, and that face-to-face interpreting is necessary to support these clients and ensure assessment accuracy. We suggest that plans by health or social care services to replace face-to-face interpreting with VRI should be balanced against the needs of clients and any impacts on professional practice.

Remote interpreting via video-link is increasingly being employed in investigative interviews chiefly due to its apparent increased accessibility and efficiency. However, risks of miscommunication have been shown to be magnified in remote interpreting and empirical research specifically on video-link remote interpreting is in its infancy which greatly limits the evidence base available to inform and direct evidence-based policy and best practice, particularly in the identification of the optimal mode(s) of interpreting to be used, namely consecutive and simultaneous. Consecutive interpreting refers to a process in which the interpreter transfers short segments of speech from one language into the other as each person speaks in managed turn-taking, while simultaneous interpreting refers to the transfer of natural speech from one language into another in a concurrent manner without the need for speakers to segment their speech. This study provides novel empirical evidence by using eye tracking to compare the overt visual attention of interpreters working in a remote setting in which an English-speaking Interviewer interacts with a non-English-speaking Suspect in person, for whom interpretation is provided via video-link in real time. Using a within-subject design, we analyze eye-movement data from 28 professionally accredited interpreters who interpreted via video-link an investigative interview in which consecutive and simultaneous interpreting modes were counterbalanced. Taking interpreting performance into account, our results showed that, the consecutive mode yielded significantly less gaze time and therefore significantly less on-screen overt visual attention due to off-screen notetaking, an essential component of the consecutive interpreting mode. Relative to gaze time, the consecutive mode also resulted in significantly more and longer fixations and shifts of attention. Participants also allocated significantly more overt visual attention to the Interviewer than the Suspect, particularly in the consecutive mode. Furthermore, we found informative significant correlations between eye tracking measures and interpreting performance: accuracy, verbal rapport, and management. Finally, we found no significant differences between the three language pairs tested. We conclude with a discussion of limitations and the contributions of the study and an outline for future work on this topic of growing importance.

In court interpreting, what it is said and how it is said are equally important in face-to-face settings. However, little is known about the views on the content and the form of the interpreted utterances in remote settings. Drawing on questionnaires collected from Australian professional court interpreters, this study investigated the perceptions, views, and professional decisions related to the reproduction of speech style and other linguistic features in remote interpreting. Mode of interpreting and condition of video and audio-only interpreting were compared. The NVivo software was used to analyze qualitative data collected from questionnaires. The findings revealed that speech style and discourse markers have implications for the accuracy of court interpreting in remote circumstances. Most of the respondents held favourable views on rendering stylistic features while interpreting remotely.

With the disruptions caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, in the United States, social, educational, and health services, in addition to legal proceedings and conferences, became accessible primarily through various remote technologies. Language access was almost exclusively provided through remote telecommunication platforms, audio and/or video. Many of these platforms were not optimized nor designed for interpreting support. Service providers, interpreters, and their Limited English Proficient (LEP) clients, were faced with increased communication and logistical challenges and had to get creative in their endeavors in order to ensure minimal disruption and continuity of care and service provision. This study explores remote interpreting in pediatric therapy settings. More specifically, it examines both the benefits and the challenges of remote interpreting in speech, physical, and occupational therapy settings. It considers how different remote communication platforms may impact role boundaries and turn-taking from both the provider’s and the interpreter’s perspective.

The evolution of communication technologies such as video conferencing and remote meeting has created ample opportunities for distance communication in real time and has led to alternative ways for delivering interpreting services. Videoconference interpreting, either spoken-language or sign-language interpreting, is best described as a ‘multimodal’ way to deliver interpreting remotely which has been used for simultaneous, consecutive and dialogue interpreting. This paper focuses on the technical issues of integrating multimodal information of videoconference into interpreting and multimodal human interaction in videoconference interpreting. A prototype computer-aided videoconference interpreting system, CACIS, is introduced as well. Keywords: Videoconference interpreting (VCI), multimodal human interaction, meeting content analysis, computer-aided interpreting

Abstract Background Communication between people who are deaf and sign and people who use a spoken language is possible by means of an interpreter. Interpreting in real time can be performed at a distance, which differs from interpreting face-to-face. Due to COVID-19, interpretation at a distance has increased. Objective The objective of this study was to map the existing literature to identify key characteristics by addressing the following question: What is known about interpreted mediated interactions between people using a signed respective spoken language across distances in real time? Design Eight online databases, complemented by a search in one nonindexed journal of relevance to the review, were used to identify original studies published in 2010–2020, and 17 publications met the inclusion criteria. Charting of the data revealed insight from 17 original studies that were extracted, summarized, and reported. Results Four key characteristics were identified: (1) advantages and challenges in remote interpreting; (2) the need for training in remote interpreting and video relay service (VRS); (3) regulations and organizational structures of VRS; and (4) the interpreter as an active party in VRS. Conclusion Remote interpreting has several challenges but also advantages. Knowledge of these kinds of interactions is limited, and further research must be initiated and realized, not least due to technological developments and the increased number of interpreting events.

Abstract Background Global migration trends have led to a more diverse population in health care services everywhere, which in turn has set off a paradigm shift away from medical paternalism toward more patient autonomy. Consequently, physicians need to provide a more precise patient-centred healthcare. Professional interpreting appears to play a crucial part in tackling the challenges of language barriers adequately. The aim of this study was to conduct process evaluation through the implementing of video remote interpreting (VR) and telephone remote interpreting (TR) within primary care facilities in the northern German metropolis of Hamburg. Methods We conducted a three-armed exploratory pilot trial, which compared VR to TR and to a control group (CG) in different primary care settings. We assessed feasibility of implementation, as well as the acceptance of interpreting tools among their users. In addition, we compared the quality of communication as perceived by patients and physicians, as well as the enabling of patient-centred medicine over all three study groups using quantitative questionnaires. Results 13 practices (7 GPs, 3 Gynaecologists, 3 Paediatricians) took part in this trial. 183 interpreting calls were documented, 178 physicians as well as 127 patients answered their respective questionnaires. The implementation of the VR- und TR-tools went smoothly and they were broadly accepted by their users. However, the tools were used significantly less often than we had anticipated. With regards to quantitative questionnaires, VR scored significantly better than the control group in terms of the perceived quality of communication by both, patients and physicians and enabled of patient-centred medicine. Conclusion Our main findings were the discrepancy between the assumed high demand of professional interpreting solutions on the one hand and the low willingness of practices to participate on the other. The rather low utilisation rates were also noteworthy. This discrepancy indicates a lack of awareness concerning the adverse effects of using informal or no interpreter in medical settings, which needs to be rectified. Due to the small sample size, all statistical results must be viewed with caution. However, our results show that remote interpreting represents a promising approach to tackling language barriers in primary care settings.

Introduction To reduce COVID-19 exposure risk, virtual visits became widely adopted as a common form of healthcare delivery for the general population. It is unknown how this affected the deaf population, a sociolinguistic minority group that continues to face communication and healthcare barriers. The survey's objective was to describe the deaf participants’ experiences with telehealth visits. Methods A 28-item online survey, available in American Sign Language and English, was developed and disseminated between November 2020 and January 2021. Ninety-nine deaf participants responded. Descriptive statistics were performed to assess the participant's virtual health care use, experiences, and communication approaches. Results Seventy-five percent of respondents used telehealth at least once in the past 12 months (n = 74; age = 37.6 ± 14.5 years). Of those who used telehealth, nearly two-thirds experienced communication challenges (65.3%; n = 49). Half of the participants reported having to connect via a video relay service that employs interpreters who maintain general certification instead of a remote interpreter with specialized health care interpreting certifications for video visits with their health care providers (n = 37) and a third of participants reported needing to use their residual hearing to communicate with their providers (n = 25). Conclusion Standard protocols for health care systems and providers are needed to minimize the burden of access on deaf patients and ensure virtual visits are equitable. It is recommended these visits be offered on Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act-compliant platforms and include multi-way video to allow for the inclusion of remote medical interpreters and/or real-time captionists to ensure effective communication between the provider and the deaf patient occurs.

The pandemic Covid-19 outbreak caused reading literacy to get less attention than the normal school condition in SMA Negeri 2 Semarang. Therefore, there should be ways to run remote reading literacy strategies. This study aimed to investigate students' perception toward a remote reading literacy strategy, particularly the reading texts, learning process, advantages and disadvantages of the remote reading literacy strategy. The population of this study was 36 students of the 12th graders in SMA Negeri 2 Semarang. The study design was qualitative descriptive. The data was collected through questionnaires and interview. Then, the data was analyzed using interpretive descriptive analysis. The specific target to be achieved in this study is that by knowing the students' perception of remote reading literacy, the result may be used to reference the English teachers to have the reading literacy in English lesson. The study results were the students' perception that they needed to read an average of five times before reading aloud the texts with the tangible pronunciation and comprehend the meaning of the new vocabularies. Moreover, they informed that the learning process was unique, promoted autonomous learning. However, the video compressing and the internet connection were challenging for the students.

When deaf people work in professional environments and participate in public events, we are often accompanied by sign language interpreters. This usually means wonderfully enhanced access – we can learn, participate and network in ways which are difficult if not impossible on our own. But while we often try to insist that our interpreters are ‘invisible’, that we are the ones learning, engaging in dialogue and consuming services, we are regularly bemused by the public fascination and focus on our interpreters – sometimes at the expense of their attention to us. When interpreters are in our midst, it seems it is not always clear whose interests they are representing. After years of experience and observation, certain attitudes and responses no longer surprise us. We become familiar with the strange behaviour of hearing people. After an interpreter has worked at a public event, perhaps standing on a stage and interpreting a presentation or performance, there is bound to be a wild-eyed member of the public rushing up to say, “That was fantastic!” Or if they are particularly suggestive, they might gush, “That was beautiful!”. How would they know if it was good interpreting, we wonder. And why don’t they come up to us and say, “Your interpreter looks good, where did you find him/her?” Other people ask the interpreter questions about themselves and their use of sign language – “How long did it take you to learn that?”, “I’ve always wanted to learn sign language, where can I find a class?” Experienced interpreters joke wryly about carrying a tape or printout of answers to these predictable questions. But the most predictable thing of all is that people will ask the interpreter, not us. But of course most people aren’t comfortable talking to deaf people, at least when they first encounter them. We perceive that the interpreter is used as a kind of shield by some people, as a way of keeping the unfamiliar and possibly confronting reality of deafness at arm’s length. Indeed we often do the same thing ourselves, keeping tiresome hearing people at bay by making conversation with our interpreter. The interpreter represents facility not only with two languages, but also with two cultures. In a situation of potential cultural conflict, we each displace our awkwardness and discomfort with the other onto the interpreter. As a repository of bilingual and bicultural knowledge, they will simultaneously understand us and render us less strange to the other. Another dimension of people’s fascination with interpreters is that they can potentially represent us in new ways, or know things about us that they’re not telling. Just as we are fascinated by a photograph of ourselves that shows how we appear to others, we are drawn to the idea that what we have said may be presented to others in a different form, that we might appear or sound different from the way we projected ourselves. And conversely, we are aware of the interpreter’s power to misrepresent, edit or obfuscate, even though we know they are ethically bound not to do so. For some people these possibilities are intriguing, for others they arouse unease or suspicion. Indeed, for some people, interpreters appear as custodians of obscure and mysterious knowledge, with the potential—almost never realised but alarming nonetheless—to use or withhold this knowledge in unpredictable ways. Interpreters are, for the most part, highly trained professionals working with a Code of Ethics which requires them to ‘render faithfully’ a message from one language to another. There is an academic discipline, Interpreting and Translation Studies, with an extensive literature about their practice and the social contexts of their work. Interpreters work in all kinds of situations, from boardrooms to doctors’ offices, from international conferences to workplace staff meetings. The common denominator to almost all of these settings is people’s misconceptions about their role and skills. Where do these misconceptions spring from? I suspect that representations of interpreting in our popular culture help to feed some of the confusion. It seems that the world is most interested in interpreters when they are working in fraught situations, confronting ethical dilemmas, and especially when they are breaking the rules. This seems to apply to interpreters in any language, not only sign language interpreters. Many of us remember the news story in 2005 about the Ukrainian sign language interpreter, Natalia Dmytruk. A TV news interpreter in Ukrainian Sign Language, she broke with protocol and informed viewers that the election results were fraudulent. It grabbed international headlines and Dmytruk became a hero, with her “courageous action” winning awards and earning her speaking engagements around the world. It was hard not to join in the acclaim, but it was also hard to reconcile this with the way we expect interpreters to behave and to be perceived by the public. One of Nicole Kidman’s films a few years ago was “The Interpreter”, about a woman working for the United Nations as an interpreter in an obscure African language. She inadvertently eavesdrops on a plot to assassinate an African leader, feels obliged to reveal this, and immediately becomes an object of intense interest for rival politicians and minders. This film highlighted the way interpreters can be perceived as repositories of great and often mysterious knowledge, and objects of ambivalence because they have choices about what to do with that knowledge. What happens when their ethical obligations conflict with international security and diplomatic relations? And how is this different from interpreters who face ethical dilemmas every day, but whose situations don’t threaten to start World War III or warrant the attentions of Sean Penn – are their ethical dilemmas any less important and perplexing? John Le Carré, the wonderful novelist who specialises in stories of spying and intrigue, used a similar dilemma in his 2006 novel The Mission Song, about an interpreter of mixed Irish/Congolese descent, Bruno Salvador (known as Salvo). Salvo is brought in to interpret some delicate political negotiations between warring clans from his own country, and international agents who have an interest in the country. Before long, he is caught between his professional obligations and his own loyalties, and becomes entangled in a dangerous web of intrigue and corruption. Le Carré, the master of the spy genre, presents the interpreter as a “double-agent” by default. At the beginning of the meeting, one of the negotiators summons Salvo to the top of the table and demands of him, “So which are you, my boy? Are you one of us or one of them?” He replies, “Mwangaza, I am one of both of you!” But as modern interpreters might agree, it isn’t always so easy to resolve divided loyalties or to stay impartial. As Salvo remarks elsewhere, “top interpreters must always be prepared to act as diplomats when called upon.” While working on a recent research project with a colleague (who is also, coincidentally, an interpreter) we were intrigued by the tale of a 17th-century Native American man known as Squanto, who served as an interpreter between the first English settlers in New England – the Pilgrims – and the Native Americans of the area. Squanto’s story is fascinating not only as an example of how interpreters have been present throughout history, but also because he took advantage of his access to both groups in order to seek political power for himself and his relatives. The only person who was able to expose his machinations was, of course, another interpreter. But Squanto had developed such close relationships with the Pilgrims that the English Governor could not bear to hand him over to be punished even when confronted with evidence of his duplicity. And when Squanto was dying (probably poisoned by his fellow tribesmen), he asked the Governor to “pray … that he might go to the Englishmen’s God in Heaven.” The story is an intriguing historical example of an interpreter exploiting his access to two languages, and it also illustrates the bi-cultural affiliations and even the co-dependency that can arise from the interpreting relationship. Squanto has remained well-known for hundreds of years. Had he operated just as a disinterested translator, without his extra-curricular activities, his story would probably not have endured as long as it has. These are just a few examples of the fascination and ambivalence with which popular culture can view interpreters. But in each case, what brings the interpreter into the foreground is that they are confronting the possibilities of crossing the line of confidentiality, though it is rarely given that name in these stories. And – in all of these examples – they do cross it. The conflicted, flawed interpreter is becoming a handy plot device… just as the isolated, silent deaf person has been for centuries. Where are the news stories, movies, novels and historical sagas about the interpreters who do their job with care and attention, who work to make their ethical obligations clear and manageable, who successfully stay in the background and let their clients emerge as agents? There aren’t any of course, because people like that don’t make good copy or memorable fictional characters. And because these thousands of professional interpreters don’t get celebrated in popular culture, the average person doesn’t know how they work, and they still need to keep explaining their role to people. Sometimes we speculate about futuristic interpreters. It’s already possible to have a ‘remote’ interpreter working via video-conference. This can result in strangely stilted interactions, since we don’t have that live human buffer in the room to deflect – or absorb – deaf and hearing people’s uncertainty with each other. Will holograms or avatars be part of the interpreting scene in the future, as some have suggested? I hope not – the complex interplay of uneasiness, curiosity and communication in live interpreting experiences is just too interesting. Note An earlier version of this article was published as "Interpreters Behaving Badly" in Across the Board, the magazine of ASLIA (Vic.). Used with permission of the editor. References Australian Sign Language Interpreters Association. "Code of Ethics and Guidelines for Professional Conduct. 2007. 3 May 2010 < http://aslia.com.au/images/stories/ASLIA_Documents/ASLIA_Code_of_Ethics.pdf >. The Interpreter. Motion picture. Prod. G.M. Brown, A. Minghella, and S. Pollack. Dir. S. Pollack. Universal Pictures, 2005. Le Carré, J. The Mission Song. London: Hodder & Stoughton, 2006. Napier, J., R. McKee, and D. Goswell. Sign Language Interpreting: Theory and Practice in Australia and New Zealand. 2nd ed. Sydney: Federation Press, 2010. Philbrick, N. Mayflower: A Voyage to War. London: HarperPress, 2006. Washington Post. “As Ukraine Watched the Party Line, She Took the Truth into Her Hands.” 29 Apr. 2005. 25 Nov. 2008 < http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/04/28/AR2005042801696.html >.

Abstract The Covid-19 pandemic served as the impetus to implement activities designed to engage students in the remote instructional environment while simultaneously developing scientific literacy skills. In a high enrollment general education animal science course, numerous activities were designed to improve scientific literacy. These included specifically developed videos covering strategies for reading published science literature, the utilization of topically relevant scientific articles that captured student interest, and engaging students in a citizen science exercise on whether dogs align themselves to the Earth's magnetic field during excretion behavior. Employing pre- and post-self-perception surveys coupled with tasking students to apply their scientific literacy skills in an assessment scenario demonstrated that students' self-perception of their scientific literacy improved 30% (P &lt; 0.05) with approximately 80% of students accurately applying their literacy skills. The citizen science study on excretory behavior was modeled on previously published findings thereby providing an opportunity to validate the published work which had indicated that dogs align their bodies in a North–South axis during excretion. The present study did not demonstrate preferential alignment to any geomagnetic orientation which emphasized to the students the need for scientific replication. Inclusion of simple activities that were relevant to students' daily lives, and providing interpretive context for those activities, resulted in improved self-perceived scientific literacy.

Concussion is a frequent injury in many sports and is also common in para athletes. However, there is a paucity of concussion research related to para sport, and prior International Concussion in Sport (CIS) consensus papers have not substantively addressed this population. To remedy this and to improve concussion care provided to para athletes, the concussion in para sport (CIPS) multidisciplinary expert group was created. This group analysed and discussed in-depth para athlete-specific issues within the established key clinical domains of the current (2017) consensus statement on CIS. Due to the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, the group held all meetings by video conferencing. The existing Sport Concussion Assessment Tool 5 (SCAT5) for the immediate on-field and office-based off-field assessment of concussion was evaluated as part of this process, to identify any para athlete-specific concerns. Regular preparticipation and periodic health examinations are essential to determine a baseline reference point for concussion symptoms but pose additional challenges for the interpreting clinician. Further considerations for concussion management for the para athlete are required within the remove, rest, reconsider and refer consensus statement framework. Considering return to sport (RTS), the 2017 CIS consensus statement has limitations when considering the RTS of the para athlete. Case-by-case decision making related to RTS following concussion is imperative for para athletes. Additional challenges exist for the evaluation and management of concussion in para athletes. There is a need for greater understanding of existing knowledge gaps and attitudes towards concussion among athlete medical staff, coaches and para athletes. Future research should investigate the use and performance of common assessment tools in the para athlete population to better guide their clinical application and inform potential modifications. Concussion prevention strategies and sport-specific rule changes, such as in Para Alpine Skiing and Cerebral Palsy Football, also should be carefully considered to reduce the occurrence of concussion in para athletes.

The return of Jesus Christ, the end of the world, war, devastating earthquakes, invading space ships, asteroid strikes, the Y2K bug, what do they all have in common? Little if anything really, except that they have all been associated with the coming of the year 2000. To many in Australia the year 2000 may well be an end, if not the End. To some of those, however, it may also be the beginning of something else most significant. That expectation will now be examined. You will have a conducted tour through war and peace, demonic activity, and aeroplanes crashing and people flying. The subject is how a significant number of Australian Christians understand the end of the world ("The End Times"), most particularly the return of Jesus Christ. Those who hold this view we will call "EndTimers". That Jesus Christ will return has been the expectation of the church from its conception. The day of Pentecost is usually regarded as the birthday of the church, and a few days before that Jesus ascended into heaven and the astonished disciples who witnessed it were told by two angels that Jesus would return (Acts 1:9-11). An expectation of the literal return of Jesus Christ has been with the church ever since. It being commonly featured in its creeds both ancient and modern. However, some individual Christians do not hold to a literal, physical return, though they would be in the minority. But amongst those who do expect a literal return, there has not always been agreement about its nature. EndTimers are one group among many, but scattered throughout the Protestant churches. They predict that Jesus Christ will return very soon, indeed, he will return in "this generation". This phrase and many of the ideas commonly associated with it are to be found in the Gospel of Matthew chapter 24. In this chapter Jesus predicts some cataclysmic events, and towards the end of his address, in verse 34, says that they will happen in "this generation". The most natural understanding of this phrase in context is that those events would happen in the life time of his hearers. Indeed, events very much like those described by Jesus did happen in the Fall of Jerusalem about forty years later. Such are the similarities between the two, many Christians with a more liberal view of the Bible see Christ's words as a later construct of the church placed on his lips, and thus as prophecy after the event. For reasons that are more complex than logical EndTimers regard the phrase "this generation" as referring to the generation beginning at the founding of the modern state of Israel in 1948. From that, the events predicted by Jesus are regarded not specifically about a fall of Jerusalem, but about his return and the end of the world. Therefore those who hold this view believe that the End Times will begin within a generation of 1948. If these EndTimers, then, believe that Jesus Christ will return within a generation of 1948, the first question one has to ask is, "How long is a generation?" In the 1960s and 1970s, even into the 1980s, the common answer to that was "Forty years!". Consequently, a glut of books and videos appeared predicting that the End would begin in the 1980s, and they included such titles as: Will Christ Return by 1988: 101 Reasons Why; 88 Reasons Why Christ Will Return in 1988; and Decade of the 80's: A World in Spasm. But the most prominent and influential of them was Hal Lindsey's Late Great Planet Earth, published in 1970. That book is said to be the third largest selling Christian book of all time, with over 20 million copies in print (weep your heart out Bryce Courtney). Most books of this type have been published in America, but were frequently available in Australia. Though this system of belief seems to have had its origins in nineteenth century Britain, American fundamentalists have been its main advocates and developers. As so often happens with American ideas and practices, many Australians have enthusiastically adopted it. In Australia one of the leading teachers in the EndTimers' camp is Brisbane's Ray Yerbury, though New Zealander Barry Smith through lecture tours and books has probably had more influence here. The books of Hal Lindsey, Ray Yerbury, Barry Smith and a few other sources will now be used to detail the beliefs of these Australian EndTimers. Lindsey is included because though he is American, Late Great Planet Earth has been a major, perhaps the major, factor in many Australian Christians adopting these beliefs. The starting point must be the establishment of the modern state of Israel in 1948. To EndTimers this is fulfilment of biblical prophecy. Lindsey says that the "paramount prophetic sign" concerning the return of Jesus Christ is that "Israel had to be a nation again in the land of its forefathers". As has already been noted, within this scheme the return of Christ must happen within a generation of that occurrence. Lindsey writing in 1970 was bold enough to say a generation was "something like forty years" (Late, 43, 54), and is said to believe that Christ will definitely return before the year 2000. Yerbury, writing twenty years later, had to have other options, and he stated that a generation could be either 40, 70-80, 100 or 120 years (Vital, 11). Now 1988 is well in the past, many EndTimers seem to expect Christ's return in or around the year 2000. However, this belief is not usually held with great dogmatism or precision. Indeed, End Times expectations in Australia have been quieter in 1999 than many would have expected. There has been little banner-waving or overt demonstration. In addition the sale of books about the End Times through Australian Christian bookshops has also been slower this year than expected. EndTimers commonly believe that further "signs" of Jesus Christ's return include widespread wars, earthquakes and famines. This is based on a particular understanding of Matthew chapter 24. In addition, a decline in Christian moral values (2 Timothy 3:1-4) and a worldwide control of the money markets (Revelation 13:11-18) are also seen as signs that Christ's return is not far away. To what level wars, earthquakes and famines have to rise or moral values decline before they can be considered authentic signs is not usually discussed, but is clearly a difficulty. Another "sign" of the approaching End is the emergence of a demonic political leader, the Antichrist, also known as "the Beast" (Revelation 13:1-18). With the time scale involved it is necessary to believe that this man, and it always seems to be a man, is alive today, so Antichrist candidates have included the present Pope, the President of a rapidly emerging United States of Europe, Bill Gates, and Prince Charles. Australian leaders do not seem to be considered sufficiently important or frightening to feature as Anichrist candidates. The Bible gives the identification of this "Beast": the number 666. Barry Smith, with neat numerics (a = 6, b = 12, etc.), favoured Henry Kissinger for this role, his surname totalling 666 on Smith's method. Yerbury, with characteristic caution, says that we cannot know his identity at this stage. Another figure that must appear is the Antichrist's henchman, "the False Prophet", a religious leader (Smith, Warning, 22-56; Second Warning, 57-66; better, 170-173; Yerbury, Ultimate, 99-112; Vital, 53-4). Central to EndTimers' beliefs is the Great Tribulation, a time of terrible war and suffering. The duration of this cataclysm is variously described as being seven years (Lindsey, Late, 42, 137-8; Yerbury, Vital, 42-4) or three and a half years (Smith, Warning, 102-112). Where does the return of Jesus Christ fit into this? Commonly EndTimers believe that he will return twice, the first time will be immediately prior to the Great Tribulation, the second time will be seven years later. This first return is for a particular purpose: to remove all the "true" Christians from Earth and take them to heaven, in what is usually known as "the Rapture". This is sometimes referred to as "His coming for the saints". On this occasion he does not actually visit Earth; he only appears above it, and "the saints" will literally rise up to meet him in the sky (Matthew 24:37-41; 1 Thessalonians 4:13-18). But for those remaining on Earth this will all be hidden, that is they will know that their Christian friends and neighbours have disappeared, but will have no idea where they have gone or what has happened (Lindsey, Late, 135-142; Smith, Warning, 150-157; Yerbury, Ultimate, 119-122; Vital, 33-6). This belief conjures up some extraordinary expectations. A Christian doctor operating on a patient will be whisked away, mid operation. Car drivers will disappear, causing their vehicles to crash. Airline pilots will suddenly vanish with terrible consequences. Indeed, it is rumoured that some American airlines do not allow Christians to be both pilot and co-pilot of the one aircraft. Christians must be teamed with non-Christians, in case the Christian is suddenly "raptured". Though this specific belief may not have as much significance in Australia as it does in America, there is no doubt that it is still held tenaciously by its Australian advocates. After the Great Tribulation Jesus Christ will return once more, this time actually to Earth. This return is sometimes referred to as Christ's coming "with the saints", for he will bring back the previously taken Christians with him. This will be followed by the fearsome battle of Armageddon, which Christ will win. He will then establish his reign over the whole world, ruling from Jerusalem, in peace, with equity. This reign will last for 1000 years, the millennium of chapter 20 of the book of Revelation. It is normal for EndTimers to perceive this as literally 1000 years, whereas many other Christians, often with very different understandings of End Times events, would see it as symbolic for a long period (Lindsey, Late, 169-178; Smith, Warning, 158-160; Yerbury, Ultimate, 137-149; Vital, 78-101). Following the Millennium there will be a Satan-led rebellion, but this will be short lived, possibly once more of a seven year duration (Lindsey, 178; Yerbury, Vital, 105-7). God, however, will then triumph over Satan, and wrap up the events of this world and this age, judge its inhabitants, and create a new Heaven and a new Earth, upon which the saved will live with Christ forever (Lindsey, 178; Yerbury, Ultimate, 150-154; Vital, 108-117). Who in Australia holds the views outlined above? They are held by most Australian Christian fundamentalists and some Christian evangelicals. Who are these fundamentalists and evangelicals and what else do they believe? Both groups hold to the core traditional Protestant beliefs (the deity of Jesus Christ, the Trinity, etc), and are to be found in most, if not all, Protestant denominations in Australia, from the Anglican Church to the more recently formed charismatic churches. Fundamentalists and evangelicals are not always clearly distinguishable from each other, for there is much overlapping in beliefs between them. But there are, however, some basic differences between the two. Fundamentalists have a very strong emphasis on a literal interpretation of the Bible, frequently interpreting in an unnatural way, often taking metaphors, symbols, and other figures literally. They are also frequently anti-intellectual. Evangelicals, on the other hand, would take a more rational approach to the Bible, giving due regard to the form of the specific writing, and are usually prepared to engage in intellectual debate. Both groups believe that Jesus Christ will literally return, though there is disagreement about the details between and within the two groups. How many evangelical and fundamentalist Christians are there in Australia? A survey published in 1994 was conducted amongst the attenders of numerous Protestant congregations, and discovered that 48% of those people believed that "the Bible is the Word of God which needs to be read in the context of the times". These, most of them at any rate, would be what have here been termed "evangelicals". Another 21% believed that "the Bible is the Word of God, to be taken literally word for word", and thus would be "fundamentalists" (Kaldor, 45-7). If the survey was anything like accurate, approaching 70% of those attending Australian Protestant churches are either evangelicals or fundamentalists. As it would also seem that there are over 1 million attenders at Protestant churches in Australia (Kaldor, 344), it is probable that there are more than seven hundred thousand evangelical and fundamentalist Christians in Australia. The specific beliefs outlined in this article are widespread amongst fundamentalist Christians, but also seem to be held by some evangelicals. These Christians can be found in probably all Protestant denominations, though are much more common in charismatic and Baptist churches than in, say, Anglican and Uniting churches. These beliefs are also found in some of the sects outside the mainstream Christian church. The number of EndTimers in Australia is almost certainly well in excess of one hundred thousand, and may be above two hundred thousand. How do these beliefs manifest themselves in current Australian life? First, one would expect EndTimers to be less concerned about certain issues of social concern than other Christians, and this often seems to be the case. For example, one does not often find them championing the protection of the environment. If Christ's Kingdom on Earth is not many years away, then why worry about such things now? They can be attended to when Christ returns. The important issue is to prepare people for that return. Another manifestation is the setting of dates for that return, which is probably more common than many realise. Those writers consulted for this study do not predict exact dates for these events. They rely on the more elastic concept of the "this generation" idea. But other people do predict precise dates and times. It is not uncommon to hear individuals, and it is usually individuals rather than movements, predicting that Christ will return on this date or another. They each have their own schemes of interpreting the numerics of such biblical books as Daniel and Revelation. One of the most famous of these predictions was in 1992 when posters began appearing in various Australian towns declaring: THE FINAL WARNING OF GOD JESUS is COMING IN 1am 29th OCT 1992 IN THE AIR (It's the Rapture) Remember the days of Noah and Lot Reject the 666 of computer bar code Repent your sins to God Ready the 7 years Great Tribulation This particular prediction originated in a movement in Korea, and, indeed, its leader in Australia was a Korean on temporary residence here. Several of the teachings discussed in this article are indicated in the poster, with the addition of a very precise prediction of Jesus Christ's return. When the day approached, the leader of the Australian wing of the movement was interviewed in newspapers and on TV, and he politely but boldly confirmed his conviction to the Australian public. The Current Affair interview with him the day after the prediction was proved false was especially touching. He apologised with great sincerity to those he had misled, and soon after returned to his homeland. Ironically, the organisation of which this man was part seems to have left open the possibility of future predictions. It is one of the astonishing facts of this type of endeavour throughout history, that those who predict the end of the world are not discouraged by failure. They just try again. Why? The answers may vary, but central is a strong belief in the certainty of biblical prophecy and the confidence that some have that they know best how to interpret it. It would seem that it would take more than failure to dent that confidence. References Kaldor, Peter (ed.) Winds of Change: The Experience of Church in a Changing Australia. Sydney: Anzea, 1994. Lindsey, Hal. The Late Great Planet Earth. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1970. Smith, Barry R. "... better than Nostradamus." Marlborough: Smith Family, 1996. ---. Second Warning. New Zealand: Smith Family, 1985. ---. Warning. New Zealand: Smith Family, 1980. Yerbury, Ray W. The Ultimate Event. Brisbane: Cross, 1988. ---. Vital Signs of Christ's Coming. Brisbane: Cross, 1990. Citation reference for this article MLA style: David Bennett. "That Year 2000: The End or a Beginning?." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2.8 (1999). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9912/end.php>. Chicago style: David Bennett, "That Year 2000: The End or a Beginning?," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2, no. 8 (1999), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9912/end.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: David Bennett. (1999) That year 2000: the end or a beginning?. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2(8). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9912/end.php> ([your date of access]).

Introduction Scholars, journalists, conspiracists, and public-facing groups have employed a variety of analogies to discuss the role that misleading content (conspiracy theory, disinformation, malinformation, and misinformation), plays in our everyday lives. Terms like the “disinformation war” (Hwang) or the “Infodemic” (United Nations) attempt to summarise the issues of misleading content to aide public understanding. This project studies the effectiveness of these analogies in conveying the movement of online conspiracy theory in social media networks by simulating them in a game. Building from growing comparisons likening conspiracy theories to game systems (Berkowitz; Kaminska), we used game design as a research tool to test these analogies against theory. This article focusses on the design process, rather than implementation, to explore where the analogies succeed and fail in replication. Background and Literature Review Conspiracy Theories and Games Online conspiracy theories reside in the milieu of misinformation (unintentionally incorrect), disinformation (intentionally incorrect), and malinformation (intentionally harmful) (Wardle and Derakhshan 45). They are puzzled together through the vast amount of information available online (Hannah 1) creating a “hunt” for truth (Berkowitz) that refracts information through deeply personal narratives that create paradoxical interpretations (Hochschild xi). Modern social media networks offer curated but fragmented content distribution where information discovery involves content finding users through biased sources (Toff and Nielsen 639). This puzzling together of theories gives conspiracy theorists agency in ‘finding the story’, giving them agency in a process with underlining goals (Kaminska). A contemporary example is QAnon, where the narrative of a “secret global cabal”, large-scale pedophile rings, and overstepping government power is pieced together through Q-drops or cryptic clues that users decipher (Bloom and Moskalenko 5). This puzzle paints a seemingly hidden reality for players to uncover (Berkowitz) and offers gripping engagement which connects “disparate data” into a visualised conspiracy (Hannah 3). Despite their harmful impacts, conspiracy theories are playful (Sobo). They can be likened to playful acts of make-belief (Sobo), reality-adjacent narratives that create puzzles for exploration (Berkowitz), and community building through playful discovery (Bloom and Moskalenko 169). Not only do conspiracies “game the algorithm” to promote content, but they put players into in a self-made digital puzzle (Bloom and Moskalenko 17, 18). This array of human and nonhuman actors allows for truth-spinning that can push people towards conspiracy through social bonds (Moskalenko). Mainstream media and academic institutions are seen as biased and flawed information sources, prompting these users to “do their own research” within these spaces (Ballantyne and Dunning). However, users are in fragmented worldviews, not binaries of right and wrong, which leaves journalism and fact-checkers in a digital world that requires complex intervention (De Maeyer 22). Analogies Analogies are one method of intervention. They offer explanation for the impact conspiracy has had on society, such as the polarisation of families (Andrews). Both conspiracists and public-facing groups have commonly used an analogy of war. The recent pandemic has also introduced analogies of virality (Hwang; Tardáguila et al.). A war analogy places truth on a battleground against lies and fiction. “Doing your own research” is a combat maneuver for conspiracy proliferation through community engagement (Ballantyne and Dunning). Similarly, those fighting digital conspiracies have embraced the analogy to explain the challenges and repercussions of content. War suggests hardened battlelines, the need for public mobilisation, and a victory where truth prevails, or defeat where fallacy reigns (Shackelford). Comparatively, a viral analogy, or “Infodemic” (United Nations), suggests misleading content as moving through a network like an infectious system; spreading through paths of least resistance or effective contamination (Scales et al. 678; Graham et al. 22). Battlelines are replaced with paths or invasion, where the goal is to infect the system or construct a rapid response vaccine that can stymie the ever-growing disease (Tardáguila et al.). In both cases, victorious battles or curative vaccinations frame conspiracy and disinformation as temporary problems. The idea of the rise and falls of a conspiracy’s prominence as link to current events emulates Byung-Chung Han’s notion of the digital swarm, or fragmented communities that coalesce, bubble up into volatile noise, and then dissipate without addressing the “dominant power relations” (Han 12). For Han, swarms arise in digital networks with intensive support before disappearing, holding an influential but ephemeral life. Recently, scholarship has applied a media ecology lens to recognise the interconnection of actors that contribute to these swarms. The digital-as-ecosystem approach suggests a network that needs to be actively managed (Milner and Phillips 8). Tangherlini et al.’s work on conspiracy pipelines highlights the various actors that move information through them to make the digital ecosystem healthy or unhealthy (Tangherlini et al.). Seeing the Internet, and the movement of information on it, as an ecology posits a consideration of processes that are visible (i.e., conspiracy theorists) and invisible (i.e., algorithms etc.) and is inclusive of human and non-human actors (Milner and Phillips). With these analogies as frames, we answer Sobo’s call for a playful lens towards conspiracy alongside De Maeyer’s request for serious interventions by using serious play. If we can recognise both conspiracy and its formation as game-like and understand these analogies as explanatory narratives, we can use simulation game design to ask: how are these systems of conspiracy propagation being framed? What gaps in understanding arise when we frame conspiracy theory through the analogies used to describe it? Method Research-Creation and Simulation Gaming Our use of game design methods reframed analogies through “gaming literacy”, which considers the knowledge put into design and positions the game as a set of practices relating to the everyday (Zimmerman 24). This process requires constant reflection. In both the play of the game and the construction of its parts we employed Khaled’s critical design framework (10-11). From March to December 2021 we kept reflective logs, notes from bi-weekly team meetings, playtest observations, and archives of our visual design to consistently review and reassess our progression. We asked how the visuals, mechanics, and narratives point to the affordances and drawbacks of these analogies. Visual and Mechanical Design Before designing the details of the analogies, we had to visualise their environment – networked social media. We took inspiration from existing visual representations of the Internet and social media under the hypothesis that employing a familiar conceptual model could improve the intelligibility of the game (figs. 1 and 2). In usability design, this is referred to as "Jakob's law" (Nielsen), in which, by following familiar patterns, the user can focus better on content, or in our case, play. Fig. 1: “My Twitter Social Ego Networks” by David Sousa-Rodrigues. A visual representation of Sousa-Rodrigues’s social media network. <https://www.flickr.com/photos/11452351@N00/2048034334>. We focussed on the networked publics (Itō) that coalesce around information and content disclosure. We prioritised data practices that influence community construction through content (Bloom and Moskalenko 57), and the larger conspiracy pipelines of fragmented data (Tangherlini et al. 30). Fig. 2: "The Internet Map" by Ruslan Enikeev. A visual, 2D, interactive representation of the Internet. <http://internet-map.net/>. Our query focusses on how play reciprocated, or failed to reciprocate, these analogies. Sharp et al.’s suggestion that obvious and simple models are intuitively understood allowed us to employ simplification in design in the hopes of parsing down complex social media systems. Fig. 3 highlights this initial attempt where social media platforms became “networks” that formed proximity to specific groups or “nodes”. Fig. 3: Early version of the game board, with a representation of nodes and networks as simplified visualisations for social networks. This simplification process guided the scaling of design as we tried to make the seemingly boundless online networks accessible. Colourful tokens represented users, placed on the nodes (fig. 4). Tokens represented portions of the user base, allowing players to see the proliferation of conspiracy through the network. Unfortunately, this simplification ignores the individual acts of users and their ability to bypass these pipelines as well as the discovery-driven collegiality within these communities (Bloom and Moskalenko 57). To help offset this, we designed an overarching scenario and included “flavour text” on cards (fig. 5) which offered narrative vignettes that grounded player actions in dynamic story. Fig. 4: The first version for the printed playtest for the board, with the representation of “networks” formed by a clustering of "nodes". The movement of conspiracy was indicated by colour-coded tokens. Fig. 5: Playing cards. They reference a particular action which typically adds or removes token. They also reference a theory and offer text to narrativise the action. Design demonstrates that information transmission is not entirely static. In the most recent version (fig. 6), this meant having the connections between nodes become subverted through player actions. Game mechanics, such as playing cards (fig. 5), make these pipelines interactive and visible by allowing players to place and move content throughout the space in response to each other’s actions. Fig. 6: The most updated version of the board, now named "Lizards and Lies". Red regions are initial starting points for conspiracy to enter mainstream social media (purple). Design adaptations focussed on making conspiracy theory dynamic. Player choice (i.e. where to add conspiracy) had to consider a continuously changing board created by other actors to reflect the adaptive nature of conspiracy theories. In this way, analogies came alive or died through the actions of players within a visually responsive system. This meant that each game had different swarms of conspiracy, where player decisions “wrote” a narrative through play. By selecting how and where conspiracy might be placed or removed, players created a narrative distinct to their game. For example, a conspiracy theorist player (one playable character) might explain their placing of conspiracy theory within the Chrpr/Twitter network as a community response to fact-checking (second playable character) in the neighbouring Shreddit/Reddit community. Results War Analogy Initial design took inspiration from wargaming to consider battlelines, various combatants, and a simulated conflict. Two player characters were made. Conspiracy theorists were posited against fact-checkers, where nodes and networks functioned as battlelines of intervention. The war narrative was immediately challenged by the end-state. Either conspiracy overtook networks or the fact checkers completely stymied conspiracy’s ability to exist. Both end-states seemed wrong for players. Battle consistently felt futile as conspiracists could always add more content, and fact-checkers could always remove something. Simply put, war fell flat. While the game could depict communities and spaces of combat, it struggled to represent how fragmented conspiracy theories are. In play, conspiracy theory became stagnant, the flow of information felt compelled, and the actors entered uneven dynamics. Utopia was never achieved, and war always raged on. Even when players did overtake a network, the victory condition (needing to control the most networks) made this task, which would normally be compelling, feel lacklustre. To address this, we made changes. We altered the win condition to offer points at the end of each turn depending on what the player did (i.e., spreading conspiracy into networks). We expanded the number of networks and connections between them (fig. 3 and fig. 6) to include more fluid and fragmented pipelines of conspiracy dissemination. We included round-end events which shifted the state of the game based on other actors, and we pushed players to focus on their own actions more than those of the others on the board. These changes naturally shifted the battleground from hardened battle lines to a fragmented amorphous spread of disinformation; it moved war to virality. Viral Analogy As we transitioned towards the viral, we prioritised the reflexive, ephemeral movements of conspiracy proliferating through networks. We focussed less on adding and removing content and shifted to the movement of actors through the space. Some communities became more susceptible to conspiracy content, fact-checkers relied on flagging systems, and conspiracy theories followed a natural, but unexpected pipeline of content dissemination. These changes allowed players to feel like individual actors with specific goals rather than competing forces. Fact-checkers relied on mitigation and response while conspiracists evaluated the susceptibility of specific communities to conspiracy content. This change illuminated a core issue with fact-checking; it is entirely responsive, endless, and too slow to stop content from having an impact. While conspiracists could play one card to add content, fact-checkers had to flag content, move their token, and use a player card to eliminate content – all of which exacerbated this issue. In this manner, the viral approach rearticulated how systems themselves afford the spread of conspiracy, where truly effective means to stop the spread relied on additional system actors, such as training algorithms to help remove and flag content. While a more effective simulation, the viral analogy struggled in its presentation of conspiracy theory within social media. Play had a tipping point, where given enough resources, those stopping the spread of conspiracy could “vaccinate” it and clean the board. To alter this, our design began to consider actions and reactions, creating a push and pull of play focussed on balancing or offsetting the system. This transition naturally made us consider a media ecology analogy. Media Ecology Replacing utopic end-states with a need to maintain network health reframed the nature of engagement within this simulation. An ecological model recognises that harmful content will exist in a system and aims not at elimination, but at maintaining a sustainable balance. It is responsive. It considers the various human and non-human actors at play and focusses on varied actor goals. As our game shifted to an ecological model, homogenous actors of conspiracists or fact-checkers were expanded. We transitioned a two-player game into a four-player variant, testing options like literacy educators, content recommending algorithms, and ‘edgelords'. Rather than defeating or saving social media, play becomes focussed on actors in the system. Play and design demonstrated how actions would shape play decisions. Characters were seen as network actors rather than enemies, changing interaction. Those spreading conspiracy began to focus less on “viral paths”, or lines of battle, and instead on where or how they could impact system health. In some cases, conspiracists would build one network of support, in others they created pockets around the board from which they could run campaigns. Those stopping the spread came to see their job as management. Rather than try and eliminate all conspiracy, they determined which sites to engage with, what content held the greatest threat, and which tools would be most effective. Media ecology play focussed less on outsmarting opponents and instead on managing an actor’s, and other players’, goals within an evolving system. Challenging Swarms and a Turn to Digital Ecology Using games to evaluate analogies illuminates clear gaps in their use, and the value of a media ecology lens. A key issue across the two main analogies (war and virality) was a utopic endstate. The idea that conspiracy can be beaten back, or vaccinated, fails to consider the endless amount of conspiracy possible to be made, or the impossibility of vaccinating the entire system. As our transitionary design process shows, the notion of winners and losers misplaces the intent of various actors groups where conspiracy is better framed as community-building rather than “controlling” a space (Bloom and Moskalenko 57). In design, while Han’s notion of the swarm was helpful, it struggled to play out in our simulations because fragments of conspiracy always remained on the board. This lingering content suggests that fact-checking does not actually remove ideological support. Swarms could quickly regrow around lingering support presenting them not as ephemeral as Han argued. As design transitioned towards ecology, these “fragments” were seen as part of a system of actors. Gameplay shows a deep interplay between the removal of content and its spread, arguing that removing conspiracy is a band-aid solution to a larger problem. Our own simplification of analogy into a game is not without limitations. Importantly, the impact of user specific acts for interpreting a movement (Toff and Nielsen 640), and the underlying set of networks that create “dark platforms” (Zeng and Schäfer 122) were lost in the game’s translation. Despite this, our work provides directions for scholarship and those engaging with the public on these issues to consider. Reframing our lens to understand online conspiracy as an aspect of digital ecological health, asks us to move away from utopic solutions and instead focus on distinct actors as they relate to the larger system. Conclusion Employing serious play as a lens to our framing of digital conspiracy, this project emphasises a turn towards media ecology models. 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