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1
Roberts, Elise M. Integrating and connecting environmental education and the progressive movement: A community-centered, grassroots approach. Bellingham, WA: Huxley College of the Environment, Western Washington University, 2006.
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2
I, Brown Stephen, Finn Mary E, and Brown Eileen T, eds. Readings from Progressive education: A movement and its professional journal. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1988.
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3
The Progressive Education Movement: Is It Still a Factor in Today's Schools? Rowman & Littlefield Education, 2006.
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4
The Progressive Education Movement: Is It Still a Factor in Today's Schools? Rowman & Littlefield Education, 2006.
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5
Write Dance: A Progressive Music and Movement Programme for the Development of Pre-Writing and Writing Skills in Children. Chapman Publishing, Paul, 2005.
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Oussoren, Ragnhild. Write Dance: A Progressive Music and Movement Programme for the Development of Pre-Writing and Writing Skills in Children. Chapman Publishing, Paul, 2001.
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7
Parker, Joanne, and Corinna Wagner, eds. The Oxford Handbook of Victorian Medievalism. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199669509.001.0001.
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Victorian medievalism physically transformed the streets of Britain. It lay at the root of new laws and social policies. It changed religious practices. It deeply coloured national identities. And it inspired art, literature, and music that remains influential to this day. Sometimes driven by nostalgia, but also often progressive and future-facing, this wide-reaching movement, which reached its peak during the reign of Queen Victoria, looked back to a range of different peoples and historical periods spanning a thousand years, in order to inspire and vindicate cultural, political and social change. Medievalism was pervasive in Victorian literature, with texts ranging from translated sagas to pseudo-medieval devotional verse, to triple-decker novels. It became a dominant architectural mode – transforming the English landscape, with 75% of new churches built on a ‘Gothic’ rather than a classical model, as well as museums, railway stations, town halls, and pumping stations. It was appealed to by both Whigs and Tories. But it also permeated domestic life – influencing the popularity of beards, the naming of children, and the design of homes and furniture. This landmark study is an attempt to draw together for the first time every major aspect of Victorian medievalism, and to examine the phenomenon from the perspective of the many disciplines to which it is relevant, including intellectual history, religious studies, social history, literary history, art history, and architecture. Bringing together the expertise of 39 experts from different subject areas, it reveals the pervasiveness and multi-faceted character of the movement in the nineteenth century, and explains its continuing legacy today.
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Snyder, Jean E. Hamilton Waters and the Struggle for Freedom and Education. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252039942.003.0001.
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This chapter examines what shaped Harry T. Burleigh and from what surroundings he came. The story of Harry T. Burleigh begins on March 5, 1832, in Somerset County, Maryland, when his grandfather, Hamilton Elzie Waters, arranged to purchase his freedom for fifty dollars and that of his mother, Elizabeth Lovey Waters, for five dollars, from slaveholder James Tilghman. In 1835 Hamilton Waters and his mother migrated from Maryland to Ithaca, New York. Later in 1838 the Waters family moved to Erie, Pennsylvania. The history of the educational opportunities available to African Americans in nineteenth-century Erie reflects the progressive nature of the abolitionist movement as well as its ironies. Harry's mother, Lovey Waters, instilled in her son the belief that no dream of achievement was unattainable. And through his early relationship with his grandfather, young Harry absorbed Hamilton Waters's belief in his entitlement to full citizenship as well as a knowledge of the distinctive cultural heritage through which those who were enslaved transcended the pain and the limitations of their captivity.
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Kemeny, P. C. The New England Watch and Ward Society. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190844394.001.0001.
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The New England Watch and Ward Society provides a new window into the history of the Protestant establishment’s prominent role in late nineteenth-century public life and its confrontation with modernity, commercial culture, and cultural pluralism in early twentieth-century America. Elite liberal Protestants, typically considered progressive, urbane, and tolerant, established the Watch and Ward Society in 1878 to suppress obscene literature, including Walt Whitman’s Leaves of Grass. These self-appointed custodians of Victorian culture enjoyed widespread support from many of New England’s most renowned ministers, distinguished college presidents, respected social reformers, and wealthy philanthropists. In the 1880s, the Watch and Ward Society expanded its efforts to regulate public morality by attacking gambling and prostitution. The society not only expressed late nineteenth-century Victorian American values about what constituted “good literature,” sexual morality, and public duty but also embodied Protestants’ efforts to promote these values in an increasing intellectually and culturally diverse society. By 1930, however, the Watch and Ward Society suffered a very public fall from grace. Following controversies over the suppression of H. L. Mencken’s American Mercury as well as popular novels, including Sinclair Lewis’s Elmer Gantry and D. H. Lawrence’s Lady Chatterley’s Lover, cultural modernists, civil libertarians, and publishers attacked the moral reform movement, ridiculing its leaders’ privileged backgrounds, social idealism, and religious commitments. Their critique reshaped the dynamics of Protestant moral reform activity as well as public discourse in subsequent decades. For more than a generation, however, the Watch and Ward Society expressed mainline Protestant attitudes toward literature, gambling, and sexuality.
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Ware, Susan. 3. The challenges of citizenship, 1848–1920. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780199328338.003.0004.
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‘The challenges of citizenship, 1848–1920’ outlines the pressing issues of American life from the Civil War through to World War I. The activism of women such as Ida Wells-Barnet describes the struggle for African Americans to find political and economic justice after emancipation. Jim Crow segregation and hardening racial attitudes made free life for African Americans very difficult. The Civil War also acted as an important spur to industrialization. Immigration and female wage labor was central to this surge. The growth of higher education was an important precondition for women's new public engagement. The final push for suffrage, which was part of the larger Progressive era reform movement, is also described.
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Mee, Sarah, and Zoe Clift. Hand Therapy. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/med/9780198757689.003.0002.
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Rehabilitation is a multidisciplinary, patient-centred, evidence-based process to promote healing, restore function, and promote independence. The physical and psychological and social consequences of the hand condition or injury have to be considered. Mobilization can be active or passive, supplemented by accessory movements and proprioceptive rehabilitation. Splinting may be static, serial static, static progressive, dynamic. Many materials are available. Oedema may be acute or chronic; it is treated with elevation, active movement, retrograde massage, compression, kinesiotaping, cold therapy, and contrast bathing. Scars may be mature or immature; keloid or hypertrophic. Management is generally empiric: massage, silicone, pressure therapy, steroid injections, and surgery all have roles. Hypersensitivity (allodynia, causalgia, dysaesthesia, hyperpathia, etc.) is treated with desensitization, graded textures, percussion, and mirror visual feedback. Stiffness is managed especially by prevention; movement, splinting, and surgery have a role. Pain is treated with medication, oedema control, acupuncture, TENS, education, psychological measures. Complex Regional Pain Syndrome has sensory, vasomotor, sudomotor, and trophic elements. Treatment includes medication, hand therapy, and occasionally surgery.
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Slominski, Kristy L. Teaching Moral Sex. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190842178.001.0001.
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Teaching Moral Sex is the first comprehensive study to focus on the role of religion in the history of public sex education in the United States. It examines religious contributions to national sex education organizations from the late nineteenth century to the early twenty-first century, highlighting issues of public health, public education, family, and the role of the state. It details how public sex education was created through the collaboration of religious sex educators—primarily liberal Protestants, along with some Catholics and Reform Jews—with “men of science,” namely, physicians, biology professors, and social scientists. Slominski argues that the work of early religious sex educators laid foundations for both sides of contemporary controversies regarding comprehensive sexuality education and abstinence-only education. In other words, instead of casting religion as merely an opponent of sex education, this research shows how deeply embedded religion has been in sex education history and how this legacy has shaped terms of current debates. By focusing on religion, this book introduces a new cast of characters into sex education history, including Quaker and Unitarian social purity reformers, the Young Men’s Christian Association, military chaplains, the Federal Council of Churches, and the National Council of Churches. These religious sex educators made sex education more acceptable to the public and created the groundwork for recent debates through their strategic combination of progressive and restrictive approaches to sexuality. Their contributions helped to spread sex education and influenced major shifts within the movement, including the mid-century embrace of family life education.
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Hardy, Jeffrey S. The Gulag After Stalin. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501702792.001.0001.
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This book reveals how the vast Soviet penal system was reimagined and reformed in the wake of Stalin's death. The text argues that penal reform in the 1950s was a serious endeavor intended to transform the Gulag into a humane institution that re-educated criminals into honest Soviet citizens. Under the leadership of Minister of Internal Affairs Nikolai Dudorov, a Khrushchev appointee, this drive to change the Gulag into a “progressive” system where criminals were reformed through a combination of education, vocational training, leniency, sport, labor, cultural programs, and self-governance was both sincere and at least partially effective. The new vision for the Gulag faced many obstacles. Re-education proved difficult to quantify, a serious liability in a statistics-obsessed state. The entrenched habits of Gulag officials and the prisoner-guard power dynamic mitigated the effect of the post-Stalin reforms. And the Soviet public never fully accepted the new policies of leniency and the humane treatment of criminals. In the late 1950s, they joined with a coalition of party officials, criminologists, procurators, newspaper reporters, and some penal administrators to rally around the slogan “The camp is not a resort” and succeeded in re-imposing harsher conditions for inmates. By the mid-1960s the Soviet Gulag had emerged as a hybrid system forged from the old Stalinist system, the vision promoted by Khrushchev and others in the mid-1950s, and the ensuing counter-reform movement. This new penal equilibrium largely persisted until the fall of the Soviet Union.
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Compton, John W. The End of Empathy. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190069186.001.0001.
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The End of Empathy develops a theoretical framework to explain both the rise of white Protestant social concern in the latter part of the nineteenth century and its sudden demise at the end of the twentieth. The theory proceeds from the premise that religious conviction by itself is rarely sufficient to motivate empathetic political behavior. When believers do act empathetically—for example, by championing reforms that transfer resources or political influence to less privileged groups within society—it is typically because strong religious institutions have compelled them to do so. For much of the twentieth century, the “mainline” Protestant denominations and ecumenical groups performed this role. At key historical junctures—the Progressive Era, the New Deal, the civil rights movement—the nation’s informal religious establishment used its authority to mobilize rank-and-file churchgoers on behalf of government programs that increased economic opportunity and promoted civic inclusion. When this establishment collapsed in the late 1960s—thanks to a confluence of trends in the labor market, higher education, and residential mobility—it produced a large population of white suburbanites who had little reason to seek out mainline Protestant churches or heed their advice on the burning social questions of the day. The churches that flourished in the new age of personal autonomy were those that preached against attempts by government to promote a more equitable distribution of wealth and political authority.
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Tarlau, Rebecca. Occupying Schools, Occupying Land. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190870324.001.0001.
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Contrary to the conventional belief that social movements cannot engage the state without becoming co-opted and demobilized, this study shows how movements can advance their struggles by strategically working with, in, through, and outside of state institutions. The success of Brazil’s Landless Workers Movement (MST) in occupying land, winning land rights, and developing alternative economic enterprises for over a million landless workers has made it an inspiration for progressive organizations globally. The MST’s educational initiatives, which are less well known but equally as important, teach students about participatory democracy, collective work, agroecological farming, and other practices that support its socialist vision. This study details how MST activists have pressured municipalities, states, and the federal government to implement their educational proposal in public schools and universities, affecting hundreds of thousands of students. Based on twenty months of ethnographic fieldwork, Occupying Schools, Occupying Land documents the potentials, constraints, failures, and contradictions of the MST’s educational struggle. A major lesson is that participating in the contentious co-governance of public education can help movements recruit new activists, diversify their membership, increase practical and technical knowledge, and garner political power. Activists are most effective when combining disruption, persuasion, negotiation, and co-governance into their tactical repertoires. Through expansive leadership development, the MST implemented its educational program in local schools, even under conservative governments. Such gains demonstrate the potential of schools as sites for activists to prefigure, enact, and develop the social and economic practices they hope to use in the future.
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Goldsmith, William W. Saving Our Cities. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501704314.001.0001.
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This book shows how cities can be places of opportunity rather than places with problems. With strongly revived cities and suburbs, working as places that serve all their residents, metropolitan areas will thrive, thus making the national economy more productive, the environment better protected, the citizenry better educated, and the society more reflective, sensitive, and humane. The book argues that America has been in the habit of abusing its cities and their poorest suburbs, which are always the first to be blamed for society's ills and the last to be helped. As federal and state budgets, regulations, and programs line up with the interests of giant corporations and privileged citizens, they impose austerity on cities, short-change public schools, make it hard to get nutritious food, and inflict the drug war on unlucky neighborhoods. Frustration with inequality is spreading. Parents and teachers call persistently for improvements in public schooling, and education experiments abound. Nutrition indicators have begun to improve, as rising health costs and epidemic obesity have led to widespread attention to food. The futility of the drug war and the high costs of unwarranted, unprecedented prison growth have become clear. The text documents a positive development: progressive politicians in many cities and some states are proposing far-reaching improvements, supported by advocacy groups that form powerful voting blocs, ensuring that Congress takes notice. When more cities forcefully demand enlightened federal and state action on these four interrelated problems—inequality, schools, food, and the drug war—positive movement will occur in traditional urban planning as well, so as to meet the needs of most residents for improved housing, better transportation, and enhanced public spaces.