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Journal articles on the topic 'Victorian parliament'
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1
Quinault, Roland. "Westminster and the Victorian Constitution." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 2 (December 1992): 79–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679100.
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The British constitution is unwritten, but not unbuilt. The character of Britain's government buildings reflects the nature of its political system. This is particularly true with respect to the Houses of Parliament. They were almost entirely rebuilt after a fire, in 1834, which seriously damaged the House of Commons and adjacent buildings. The new Houses of Parliament were the most magnificent and expensive public buildings erected in Queen Victoria's reign. Their architectural evolution has been meticulously chronicled by a former Honorary Secretary of the Royal Historical Society, Professor Michael Port. But constitutionalists and historians have shewn little or no interest in the political character of the Victorian Houses of Parliament. Walter Bagehot, in his famous study, The English Constitution, published in 1867, made no reference to the newly completed Houses of Parliament. Likewise most modern books on Victorian political and constitutional history make no mention of die rebuilding.
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Harris, Margaret. "VICTORIANS LIVE: AUSTRALIA'S VICTORIAN VESTIGES." Victorian Literature and Culture 34, no. 1 (March 2006): 342–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150306221193.
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ON 1 JANUARY 1901, at the beginning of a new century, the Commonwealth of Australia was proclaimed a political entity by the federation of six separate British colonies. Queen Victoria's formal assent to the necessary legislation of the Westminster Parliament was one of her last official acts; she died on 22 January. For all the tyranny of 20,000 kilometres distance, the impress of the monarch on her far-flung colony was evident. Two of the states of the Commonwealth, Victoria and Queensland, had been named for her. When the Port Phillip settlement separated from New South Wales in 1851, it became Victoria; in 1859, when the Moreton Bay settlement also hived off, its first governor announced “a fact which I know you will all hear with delight–Queensland, the name selected for this new Colony, was entirely the happy thought and inspiration of Her Majesty herself!” (Cilento and Lack 161)
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Marelja, Miran, and Valentino Kuzelj. "Evolucija fiskalnoga suvereniteta u Engleskoj." Zbornik Pravnog fakulteta Sveučilišta u Rijeci 41, no. 2 (2020): 509–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.30925/zpfsr.41.2.4.
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History of parliamentary development is narrowly tied to the development of fiscal prerogatives of the legislature. This is especially pronounced in the origins and development of the English Parliament. Moreover, we can ascertain that the fight of “medieval taxpayers”, i.e. those partaking in the distribution of power in medieval feudal structures, foreshadows the very foundation of the English Parliament and its precursors – the “assemblies of King’s servants”. In that sense, medieval England’s earliest constitutional documents espouse mechanisms limiting Crown’s autocracy. Later on, the invocation of Parliament’s fiscal prerogatives represented the most efficient form of subverting such absolutism, especially regarding the absolutist tendencies of the Stuarts. Upon establishment of Parliament’s supremacy over the Crown, the Victorian era was marked by the struggle between two houses of Parliament, culminating in early 20th century anent the issue of the Lords’ rejection of the budget bill. Parliament Act of 1911 marks the end of a centuries-long development of Parliament’s fiscal sovereignty, affirming the prerogatives of the House of Commons as the holders of democratic electoral legitimacy.
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O'Toole, Suzanne, and Patrick Keyzer. "Rudy Frugtniet v ASIC: Things to consider if Victoria introduces a spent convictions regime (with ‘A Message to You, Rudy’)." Alternative Law Journal 44, no. 4 (October 11, 2019): 260–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1037969x19877034.
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The Legal and Social Issues Committee of the Victorian parliament will soon publish a report on spent convictions and criminal record discrimination. Victoria is the only state in Australia that does not have a spent convictions scheme. The purpose of this article is to review the recent decision of the High Court in Frugtniet v ASIC, a decision about the federal spent convictions scheme, and outline the lessons that decision provides for Victoria and for the successful appellant in that case.
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Gilbert, Julia, and Jane Boag. "‘To die, to sleep’ – assisted dying legislation in Victoria: A case study." Nursing Ethics 26, no. 7-8 (November 19, 2018): 1976–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969733018806339.
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Background: Assisted dying remains an emotive topic globally with a number of countries initiating legislation to allow individuals access to assisted dying measures. Victoria will become the first Australian state in over 13 years to pass Assisted Dying Legislation, set to come into effect in 2019. Objectives: This article sought to evaluate the impact of Victorian Assisted Dying Legislation via narrative view and case study presentation. Research design: Narrative review and case study. Participants and research context: case study. Ethical considerations: This legislation will provide eligible Victorian residents with the option to request access to assisted dying measures as a viable alternative to a potentially painful, protracted death. Findings: This legislation, while conservative and inclusive of many safeguards at present, will form the basis for further discussion and debate on assisted dying across Australia in time to come. Discussion: The passing of this legislation by the Victorian parliament was prolonged, emotive and divided not only the parliament but Australian society. Conclusion: Many advocates for this legislation proclaimed it was well overdue and will finally meet the needs of contemporary society. Protagonists claim that medical treatment should not provide a means of ending life, despite palliative care reportedly often failing to relieve the pain and suffering of individuals living with a terminal illness.
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MEAGHER, DAN. "TAKING PARLIAMENTARY SOVEREIGNTY SERIOUSLY WITHIN A BILL OF RIGHTS FRAMEWORK." Deakin Law Review 10, no. 2 (July 1, 2005): 686. http://dx.doi.org/10.21153/dlr2005vol10no2art299.
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<div class="page" title="Page 1"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><span>[</span><span>The Victorian Government has made a commitment to consult with the community on how best to protect and promote human rights in Victoria. To this end, it has established a Human Rights Consultation Committee to undertake this consultation and to report on the desirability or otherwise of enacting a Bill of Rights. The government has, however, indicated its preference for a statutory Bill of Rights and one that preserves the 'sover- eignty of Parliament'. This article takes those two government preferences as its baseline and then explores what might follow if the preservation of parliamentary sovereignty is taken seriously within a Victorian rights framework.</span><span>] </span></p></div></div></div>
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Robbins, Bruce. "VICTORIAN COSMOPOLITANISM, INTERRUPTED." Victorian Literature and Culture 38, no. 2 (May 6, 2010): 421–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150310000094.
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Readers of Middlemarch (1871–1872) will remember the moment when Brooke's bid to win a seat in Parliament abruptly ends, in the middle of the Reform Bill campaign and in the middle of a speech. He tells the crowd how happy he is to be there. He tells the crowd he is a “close neighbor” of theirs. Then he says the following: “I've always gone a good deal into public questions – machinery, now, and machine-breaking – you're many of you concerned with machinery, and I've been going into that lately. It won't do, you know, breaking machines: everything must go on – trade, manufactures, commerce, interchange of staples – that kind of thing – since Adam Smith that must go on. We must look all over the globe: – ‘Observation with extensive view,’ must look everywhere, ‘from China to Peru,’ as somebody says – Johnson, I think, ‘The Rambler,’ you know. That's what I have done up to a certain point – not as far as Peru; but I've not always stayed at home – I saw it wouldn't do. I've been in the Levant, where some of your Middlemarch goods go – and then, again, in the Baltic. The Baltic, now.” (Eliot, Middlemarch 349; Book 5, ch. 51) It's when he passes from the Levant to the Baltic that Brooke is interrupted by a laugh-creating echo from the crowd, an echo which, “by the time it said, ‘The Baltic, now'” (350; Book 5, ch. 51), has become fatal.
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Rawling, Michael, and Eugene Schofield-Georgeson. "Industrial legislation in Australia in 2018." Journal of Industrial Relations 61, no. 3 (May 1, 2019): 402–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185619834058.
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It has been a quiet year like last year for the passing of federal industrial legislation (due to a number of factors, including the political turmoil of the federal coalition government and their lack of an overall labour law reform agenda). This article examines key federal industrial legislative developments including the Modern Slavery Act 2018 (Cth). The article identifies that the federal Act contains much weaker compliance measures than the counterpart New South Wales legislation also passed in 2018 – the Modern Slavery Act 2018 (NSW). Also, although the Coalition government has attempted to continue to prosecute its case for further union governance measures, this agenda has been less successful than in previous years, with key government Bills not yet passed by the Parliament. The stagnation in the federal Parliament continues to motivate certain State Parliaments to address worker exploitation, and the article goes on to examine key State industrial legislation passed in 2018 including the Victorian labour hire licensing statute. In light of the continuing dominant position of the federal Labor opposition in opinion polls and an impending federal election in 2019, the article concludes by briefly considering the federal Labor opposition's agenda for industrial legislation.
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Gagan, D. P., P. J. George, and E. H. Oksanen. "Ontario Members of Parliament: Determinants of Their Voting Behavior in Canada’s First Parliament, 1867–1872." Social Science History 9, no. 2 (1985): 185–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200020447.
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The historiographical hegemony of the “new” social history in recent years reflects, and undoubtedly has contributed to, the decline of scholarly interest in nineteenth-century Canadian political history. What we know now of federal and provincial parties, politics, politicians, electorates, political leadership, and parliamentary behaviour in Victorian Canada derives from the studies of a generation of scholars whose major contributions to the literature were made in the 1960s, the work of a handful of more recent commentators notwithstanding. But as Allan Bogue has observed in a study of the recent historiography of American political history, new sources, methodologies, and intellectual preoccupations have created new opportunities for the re-examination and re-interpretation of political history. He cites “middle-range” re-interpretations of local and regional political elites, based on pro-sopographical analyses, as a necessary first step toward more “behavioral” studies (Bogue, 1980: 243–245). Elsewhere, students of British political history have been much interested in the intersections of the “new” social history and political history, especially in the relationship between the structures and attitudes of local societies and the political characteristics and parliamentary behaviour of their elected representatives (Aydelotte, 1977; Moore, 1967; Clarke, 1971).
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McCoppin, Brigid, and Robyn Byrne. "Selecting Members of Victorian Community Health Boards." Australian Journal of Primary Health 4, no. 4 (1998): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/py98067.
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The Victorian State Government has changed the method of selection of community health centre board of management members from election by community members to government appointment. The Government argued in Parliament that this was to ensure more expert and accountable boards, while the Opposition regretted a loss of democratic election and community participation. A survey of board presidents shows that health centre selection panels accomplished their new task with dispatch and efficiency, in spite of Department of Human Services delays. Presidents consider their new boards on the whole an improvement, with added expertise though not necessarily improved accountability. Some concerns remain about a loss of local accountability and identification, and community health centres now face a government policy aimed at greater horizontal integration of the whole primary health care sector.
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Huat, Chua Beng. "Singapore in 2007: High Wage Ministers and the Management of Gays and Elderly." Asian Survey 48, no. 1 (January 2008): 55–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2008.48.1.55.
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In 2007, the People's Action Party government raised top officials' salaries, already among the highest in the world. Cultural liberalization has finally encouraged the gay community to invoke a seldom used parliamentary process to petition Parliament to repeal the Victorian law that criminalizes homosexuality. The government began to deal with some issues for an impending aging population.
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Baer, Hans A. "The Drive for Legitimation in Chinese Medicine and Acupuncture in Australia: Successes and Dilemmas." Complementary health practice review 12, no. 2 (April 2007): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1533210107302933.
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This article examines the drive for legitimation on the part of Chinese medicine and more specifically acupuncture in Australia. It examines the development of Chinese medicine in Australia, the road to statutory registration of Chinese medicine in Victoria, and the niche of Chinese medicine within the context of the Australian plural medical system. Despite the opposition of organized medicine, the Victorian Parliament passed the Chinese Medicine Registration Act in May 2000, making Victoria the only Australian political jurisdiction to formally regulate Chinese medicine practitioners and acupuncturists. The legal status of Chinese medicine and acupuncture outside of Victoria resembles that of naturopathy and other natural therapies, such as Western herbalism and homeopathy, none of which has achieved statutory registration in any Australian jurisdiction. Chinese medicine has a distinct identity within the context of the Australian plural medical system. Conversely, acupuncture, as one of the modalities of Chinese medicine—and in Western societies its principal modality—has been incorporated into various other heterodox medical subsystems, particularly chiropractic, osteopathy, and naturopathy, as well as conventional systems, such as biomedicine and physiotherapy.
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Baker, Jacob, and John E. Thornes. "Solar position within Monet's Houses of Parliament." Proceedings of the Royal Society A: Mathematical, Physical and Engineering Sciences 462, no. 2076 (August 8, 2006): 3775–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rspa.2006.1754.
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Paintings from Monet's Houses of Parliament London series have been analysed for the quantitative information they contain, by comparing the depicted position of the Sun with Solar geometry calculations. The positions of roofline features of the Houses of Parliament were measured to provide an internal scale for the determination of azimuthal and elevation angles of the Solar depictions. Despite some distortion of the painted motif, the internal scales were found to be approximately linear. The Solar positions were used to derive the dates and times of the depicted scenes. The results provide new information for assessing these paintings and are consistent with the known period Monet was in London, suggesting that they contain elements of accurate observation and may potentially be considered as a proxy indicator for the Victorian smogs and atmospheric states they depict. The four dates Monet reports observing the Sun over Parliament in 14 and 16 February and 9 and 24 March 1900, are all represented in the series. The analysis also enables Monet's vantage point from St Thomas' Hospital to be determined for the first time.
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Gillin, Edward J. "Mechanics and mathematicians: George Biddell Airy and the social tensions in constructing time at Parliament, 1845–1860." History of Science 58, no. 3 (October 21, 2019): 301–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0073275319879279.
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In mid-Victorian Britain, reconciling elite mathematical expertise with practical mechanical experience presented both engineering and social challenges. Nowhere was this more apparent than in the construction of the Westminster Clock at Britain’s Houses of Parliament. Realizing this scheme engendered the collaboration between Cambridge mathematicians George Biddell Airy and Edmund Beckett Denison, and the clockmaker Edward John Dent. Transforming theoretical mathematical drawings into physical apparatus challenged existing relations between conveyors of privileged scientific knowledge and those with practical experience of what was, and what was not, mechanically possible. My article demonstrates how, within this project, physical models and devices provided material solutions to ambiguities over authority and social disorder in Victorian Britain.
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Braggion, Fabio, and Lyndon Moore. "The Economic Benefits of Political Connections in Late Victorian Britain." Journal of Economic History 73, no. 1 (March 2013): 142–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050713000053.
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The late Victorian era was characterized by close links between politicians and firms in the United Kingdom, with up to half of all members of Parliament serving as company directors. We analyze 467 British companies over the period 1895 to 1904. An analysis of election results shows that the election of a new tech director is associated with a 2 percent to 2.5 percent increase in that firm's share price, whereas old tech firms were unaffected by the electoral fortunes of their directors. New technology firms with political directors were more likely to undertake seasoned issues of both equity and debt.
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O'Connor, Margaret M., Roger W. Hunt, Julian Gardner, Mary Draper, Ian Maddocks, Trish Malowney, and Brian K. Owler. "Documenting the process of developing the Victorian voluntary assisted dying legislation." Australian Health Review 42, no. 6 (2018): 621. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah18172.
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Many countries across the world have legislated for their constituents to have control over their death. Commonalities and differences can be found in the regulations surrounding the shape and practices of voluntary assisted dying (VAD) and euthanasia, including an individual’s eligibility and access, role of health professions and the reporting. In Australia there have been perennial debates across the country to attempt legislative change in assisting a terminally ill person to control the ending of their life. In 2017, Victoria became the first state to successfully legislate for VAD. In describing the Victorian process that led to the passage of legislation for VAD, this paper examines the social change process. The particular focus of the paper is on the vital role played by a multidisciplinary ministerial advisory panel to develop recommendations for the successful legislation, and is written from their perspective. What is known about the topic? VAD has not been legal in an Australian state until legislation passed in Victoria in 2017. What does this paper add? This paper describes how the legislation was developed, as well as the significant consultative and democratic processes required to get the bill to parliament. What are the implications for practitioners? In documenting this process, policy makers and others will have an understanding of the complexities in developing legislation. This information will be useful for other Australian jurisdictions considering similar legislative changes.
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Biel, Justin. "Maynooth, the ‘Godless colleges’ and liberal imperial thought in the 1840s." Irish Historical Studies 42, no. 161 (May 2018): 26–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2018.1.
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AbstractIn 1845, parliament passed an act establishing the three Queen’s Colleges in Ireland – Belfast, Galway and Cork – with the stipulation that ‘religious’ instruction in the colleges would have to be sponsored by voluntary organisations, not the state. Prior to 1845, parliament’s approach to providing spiritual guidance in state-run institutions had been one of ‘parallel patronage’, assuring that wherever there were individuals representing different denominational backgrounds, religious specialists from each denomination would be appointed to work in the institution. For example, the Prisons (Ireland) Act, 1826 required that Catholic, Presbyterian and Anglican chaplains serve their respective portions of the prison population in each gaol that housed any of their co-denominationalists. But in 1845, parliament took an ostensibly different tack, implying that denominations would have to sponsor their young men’s study of theology or any other ‘religious’ subject at university level. However, this article argues that the Irish colleges bill gained assent from the liberal wing of parliamentary opinion precisely because it seemed, to early Victorian liberals, to instantiate the logic of parallel patronage. Using Thomas Wyse, Charles Buller, and T. B. Macaulay as cases in point, this article reveals that the logic behind this vision of state ‘neutrality’ as simultaneous support for each denominational interest was steeped in a working knowledge of colonialism.
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John, Alistair, and Brent McDonald. "How elite sport helps to foster and maintain a neoliberal culture: The ‘branding’ of Melbourne, Australia." Urban Studies 57, no. 6 (April 2, 2019): 1184–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098019830853.
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This article explores the role that elite sport has played in the State Government of Victoria’s (Australia) neoliberal agenda of creating an environment conducive to commercial activity. Adopting an urban entrepreneurial approach of selling the ‘city’ as an attractive place for cross-border investment, the state government has strategically invested public funds into major sporting events in Melbourne. Four specific sporting events were examined: i) construction and redevelopments of ‘Melbourne Park’ to host the Australian Open Tennis Championships; ii) hosting the 2006 Commonwealth Games; iii) acquisition of the Australian Formula One Grand Prix and continued political, corporate and media support for the event; and iv) construction of an urban football stadium. Newspaper reports and parliament transcripts between 1984 and 2014 were collected to highlight issues of contest in the ‘sport city’ in conjunction with a thematic analysis of interviews with influential cultural producers of the ‘sport city’ – most notably state premiers, members of parliament, CEOs of public sports trusts and newspaper journalists. Findings illustrate that the Victorian state has successively re-regulated a neoliberal urban entrepreneurial strategy, often preventing dissident groups from resisting neoliberal activities, and that in Melbourne sport operates as ‘cultural glue’ to establish the logic of neoliberalism in an embodied sense.
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Conti, Gregory. "Democracy Confronts Diversity: Descriptive Representation in Victorian Britain." Political Theory 47, no. 2 (April 3, 2018): 230–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591718766479.
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Today political theorists and the public generally often associate descriptive representation with democracy. However, in Victorian Britain supporters of descriptive representation tended to be arrayed against democracy. The impression that democracy was incompatible with descriptive representation and a set of related values, primary among which was deliberation, formed one of the great obstacles which democratic theory faced in this period. These values belonged to a traditional theory of representation which held that Parliament ought to be a mirror of the nation in its diversity and which judged democracy, in contrast, to be an illiberal mode of regulating the franchise because it risked handing the representation wholly to one part or class within society. In response to this school of thought, democratic theory developed two conflicting responses: first, that democracy could accommodate social and ideological diversity; second, that democracy was irreconcilable with the goal of mirroring diversity, but that nevertheless democracy had to be preferred on grounds of fairness and non-arbitrariness.
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Stewart, Donald E. "Complaints Procedures against Health Services: Some Victorian Developments." Australian Medical Record Journal 22, no. 1 (March 1992): 10–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/183335839202200104.
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The all-party Social Development Committee of the Victorian Parliament reported in 1984 that the existing system of dealing with complaints and grievances about health services was totally inadequate and in need of urgent changes. The Committee recommended that a model complaints mechanism should be set up to provide a clear, coherent and consistent system for dealing with complaints about health services. The Government responded by setting up the Office of the Health Services Commissioner to assist consumers and providers to resolve complaints about health services and, through the monitoring of complaints and analysis of health system data, to recommend improvements in the quality of health service provision. Aside from redress of grievances, this response was motivated by a desire to improve management and accountability of health care services. The data generated by the improved complaints system became a performance measure against clear objectives set by all publicly-funded health care institutions. The data generated by consumer perceptions became a central element in the formulation of future health policies.
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Degerman, Dan. "‘Am I mad?’: the Windham case and Victorian resistance to psychiatry." History of Psychiatry 30, no. 4 (August 1, 2019): 457–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957154x19867059.
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This article revisits the notorious trial of William Windham, a wealthy young man accused of lunacy. The trial in 1861–2 saw the country’s foremost experts on psychological medicine very publicly debate the concepts, symptoms and diagnosis of insanity. I begin by surveying the trial and the testimonies of medical experts. Their disparate assessments of Windham evoked heated reactions in the press and Parliament; these reactions are the focus of the second section. I then proceed to examine criticism of psychiatry in the newspapers more generally in the 1860s, outlining the political resistance to psychiatry and the responses of some leading psychiatrists. In conclusion, I consider what this says about the politics of medicalization at the time.
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Oleksy, Victoria. "Conformity and resistance in the Victorian penal system: archaeological investigations at Parliament House, Edinburgh." Post-Medieval Archaeology 42, no. 2 (December 2008): 276–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/174581308x381010.
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Smith, Charles Saumarez. "THE INSTITUTIONALISATION OF ART IN EARLY VICTORIAN ENGLAND." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 20 (November 5, 2010): 113–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440110000071.
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ABSTRACTThis article explores the political and intellectual circumstances which led to the efflorescence of cultural institutions between the foundation of the National Gallery in 1824 and the National Portrait Gallery in 1856: the transformation of institutions of public culture from haphazard and rather amateurish institutions to ones which were well organised, with a strong sense of social mission, and professionally managed. This transformation was in part owing to a group of exceptionally talented individuals, including Charles Eastlake, Henry Cole and George Scharf, accepting appointment in institutions to foster the public understanding of art. But it was not simply a matter of individual agency, but also of coordinated action by parliament, led by a group of MPs, including the Philosophical Radicals. It was much influenced by the example of Germany, filtered through extensive translation of German art historical writings and visits by writers and politicians to Berlin and Munich. It was also closely related to the philosophy of the utilitarians, who had a strong belief in the political and social benefits of the study of art. Only the Royal Academy refused the embrace of state control.
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Lin, Vivian, and Debra Gillick. "Does workforce regulation have the intended effect? The case of Chinese medicine practitioner registration." Australian Health Review 35, no. 4 (2011): 455. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah10869.
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The Chinese Medicine Registration Act was passed through Victorian parliament in 2000, based on policy research that suggested the need for statutory registration as a means for protecting public health and safety. This paper reports on the implementation and the effect of this policy. By examining registration, complaints and prosecution data from the Chinese Medicine Registration Board as well as comparing the complaints data between 2003 and 2007 across all Victorian registration boards, this paper considers the extent to which the policy research and the policy intent were justified. Based on the experience of the Chinese Medicine Registration Board, the paper points to issues that should be further considered as Chinese medicine moves into the national registration scheme in July 2012. What is known about the topic? Australian Federal, State and Territory governments’ criteria for regulation of health professions are aimed at protecting public health and safety. As such, the extent to which the profession poses a risk to the public is a key consideration for statutory registration. Chinese medicine practitioners have been registered in Victoria since 2002 based on theoretical analysis of the Governments’ criteria, which suggested Chinese medicine to be more risky than some of the currently registered professions. What is not known, however, is whether the research undertaken before policy adoption was predictive of the outcomes following registration. What does this paper add? Reviewing the number and sources of complaints made to the Chinese Medicine Registration Board as well as registration and prosecution data, the paper demonstrates that the policy objective of protecting public health and safety was warranted, and that there is a need for similar policy beyond Victoria. Using complaints handled by boards as a proxy measure for risk, comparative analysis of data from Victorian health professions registration boards between 2003 and 2007 shows that Chinese medicine is a high risk profession. What are the implications for practitioners? With Chinese medicine practitioners coming under the national registration scheme in July 2012, some of the difficulties associated with federalism will be overcome. Other aspects of the Victorian experience will be useful in informing implementation and likely effect of the national scheme. However, the model for health professional regulation remains essentially reactive. Although the management of complaints is an essential aspect of protecting public health and safety, ongoing review of complaints data should point to more proactive efforts to prevent their occurrence.
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Warner, Kate, Julia Davis, Caroline Spiranovic, Helen Cockburn, and Arie Freiberg. "Why sentence? Comparing the views of jurors, judges and the legislature on the purposes of sentencing in Victoria, Australia." Criminology & Criminal Justice 19, no. 1 (November 10, 2017): 26–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748895817738557.
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In recent times, parliaments have introduced legislation directing judges to take defined purposes into account when sentencing. At the same time, judges and politicians also acknowledge that sentencing should vindicate the values of the community. This article compares the views on the purposes of sentencing of three major participants in the criminal justice system: legislators who pass sentencing statutes, judges who impose and justify sentences and jurors who represent the community. A total of 987 Australian jurors in the Victorian Jury Sentencing Study (2013–2015) were asked to sentence the offender in their trial and to choose the purpose that best justified the sentence. The judges’ sentencing remarks were coded and the results were compared with the jurors’ surveys. The research shows that, in this jurisdiction, the views of the judges, the jurors and the legislators are not always well aligned. Judges relied on general deterrence much more than jurors and jurors selected incapacitation as the primary purpose in only about a fifth of ‘serious offender’ cases where parliament has provided that community protection must be the principal purpose.
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Thorne, Robert. "The Victorian Palace of Science: Scientific Knowledge and the Building of the Houses of Parliament." International Journal for the History of Engineering & Technology 88, no. 2 (July 3, 2018): 241–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17581206.2019.1575087.
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Soccio, Anna Enrichetta. "Charles Dickens and the Rhetoric of Law in David Copperfield." Pólemos 13, no. 2 (September 25, 2019): 219–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pol-2019-0018.
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Abstract In the Victorian age, a period of rapid changes and social and cultural advancement, the preoccupation with modernizing the law system emerged as a concern for both law experts and ordinary people. However, it was the realist novel that drew particular attention to the inadequacy and inefficiency of a system that needed to be reformed. Charles Dickens was the Victorian novelist who, more than any of his fellow writers, never missed the opportunity to speak of law and justice, allowing his experience in the field to reveal the oddities and idiosyncrasies of the legal system. In David Copperfield, Dickens unmercifully criticizes laws and legal procedures but at the same time he proposes changes. In the middle of the century, the laws on marriage and divorce were frequently debated in the press and in Parliament. Dickens chooses his most autobiographical novel to give his own view on those matters as well as on the necessity to reform law courts at large.
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Schoenefeldt, Henrik. "The Temporary Houses of Parliament and David Boswell Reid’s Architecture of Experimentation." Architectural History 57 (2014): 175–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066622x00001416.
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what they may lose in dignity they will undoubtly [sic] gain in comfort and health.(The Champion, November 1836)The heating and ventilation of the two debating chambers in the British Houses of Parliament occupied the minds of various Select Committees and some of the country’s most renowned scientists and engineers during the nineteenth century. Indeed, since the seventeenth century the chambers had been major sites for technical experimentation in the field of ventilation, which, according to the Victorian physician Neil Arnott, reflected the technological and scientific advances made during this period. Nineteenth-century writers chronicled the design and testing of the numerous heating and ventilation systems that had been deployed. However, the strategies implemented during the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries were not entirely successful in generating a pleasant internal environment. The destruction of the ancient Palace of Westminster by fire on 16 October 1834 therefore provided an important opportunity to design completely new debating chambers from first principles.
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Crowe, Kate. "Secure Welfare Services: Risk, Security and Rights of Vulnerable Young People in Victoria, Australia." Youth Justice 16, no. 3 (July 31, 2016): 263–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1473225416639396.
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The Victorian Children Youth and Families Act 2005 authorises the detention of children aged 10–17 years in Secure Welfare Services (SWS) if there is a substantial and immediate risk of harm. Children are generally on protection orders and administratively detained by the Department of Human Services. In 2014, the Children, Youth and Families Amendment (Security Measures) Bill 2013 was passed uncontested in parliament. It codifies existing SWS practices including searches, seizure of property, use of force and seclusion. The Security Measures Bill and associated government discourse construct children as risk and security as a necessary precursor to meeting their welfare needs. These conceptualisations problematise the safeguarding of children’s rights.
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Sanders, Mike. "MANUFACTURING ACCIDENT: INDUSTRIALISM AND THE WORKER’S BODY IN EARLY VICTORIAN FICTION." Victorian Literature and Culture 28, no. 2 (September 2000): 313–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150300282041.
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I refer to the health of millions who spend their lives in manufactories. . . I ask if these millions enjoy that vigour of body which is ever a direct good, and without which all other advantages are comparatively worthless? (The Effects of Arts, Trades, and Professions, and of civic states and habits of living, on health andlongevity, C. Turner Thackrah) [Factory reformers] wrote in the newspapers, and circulated pamphlets - they petitioned Parliament - exhibited diseased and crippled objects in London - and made such an impression on the public mind, that their measures were carried in the House of Commons almost by acclamation, notwithstanding the testimony of facts of a directly contrary nature. (Exposition of the Factory Question)THIS ARTICLE SEEKS to explore the significance of the injured working-class body in debates about the nature and meaning of industrial capitalism in the first half of the nineteenth century.1 It will argue that a growing awareness that the comforts of middle-class existence depended on processes that maimed working-class lives was profoundly unsettling to the bourgeois conscience as it threatened one of its most important narratives of legitimation. Finally, it will trace the emergence of the “accident” (as both concept and fictional trope) as a response to and resolution of this ideological crisis.
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Singh, Aakash. "Habermas’ Wrapped Reichstag: Limits and Exclusions in the Discourse of Post-secularism." European Review 20, no. 1 (January 4, 2012): 131–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798711000366.
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Jürgen Habermas’ recent work attempts to find ‘inspiring energy’ in the religious traditions, but without disturbing the rationality and freedoms of enlightenment modernity. Rather, the secular would assimilate the religious like a blood infusion, becoming more vibrant and stronger, but not losing its hard-won advantage. For Habermas, the post-secular problem lies in how best to preserve the secular democratic institutions, and keep them from being ‘violated’ through religiously motivated politics. Habermas criticizes Nicholas Wolterstorff, who would allow the religious to overrun the political, potentially violating vulnerable democratic institutions such as the parliament. Habermas suggests use of an ‘institutional filter’ to protect parliament from violation. Throughout his post-secular writings, he persistently employs Victorian-like innuendo bestowing masculine ‘inspiring energy’, ‘vitality’, and danger onto religion, which runs the risk of ‘violating’ effeminate democratic institutions symbolized by the parliament; thus the prophylactic device, the ‘filter’, which protects her virtue. One is reminded of Christo's and Jeanne-Claude's ‘Wrapped Reichstag’: in contrast to the Bundestag of today, with its glass dome (representing transparency) open to the public, we find in Christo's and Jeanne-Claude's work an enclosed, protective environment, a filter or prophylactic. In this vein, this paper will attempt to tease out from the language, word-choice, metaphors, and discourse of Habermas’ (post)secular dialectics that the religious enters solely on terms set by the secular, and plurality solely on terms set by stability/security.
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Royle, Stephen A. "The Lisburn by-elections of 1863." Irish Historical Studies 25, no. 99 (May 1987): 277–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400026638.
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Nineteenth-century contested elections were by no means sedate affairs. Dickens’s ‘Eatanswill’, with its mob violence, voters being bribed, locked up, rendered insensible and thrown into canals, found echoes in real events. Bribery, violence, shouting, fighting and horse-play were ‘relatively minor’ features but certainly present in the election at Warwick in 1868 for example. The Victorian system introduced to Ireland could be an explosive mixture indeed. About a fifth of Dr Theodore Hoppen’s recent major work, Elections, politics and society in Ireland, 1832–1885, is devoted to violence including a section specifically on electoral violence. Corruption was also common, and petitions to parliament objecting to the conduct of individual elections and demanding a fresh ballot were not infrequent.
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BREMNER, G. ALEX. "NATION AND EMPIRE IN THE GOVERNMENT ARCHITECTURE OF MID-VICTORIAN LONDON: THE FOREIGN AND INDIA OFFICE RECONSIDERED." Historical Journal 48, no. 3 (September 2005): 703–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05004632.
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In 1856 the British government held an international competition for the design of public offices to be located near Whitehall and the houses of parliament. Comprising a Foreign Office and War Office, the project was radically altered in 1858 when the War Office component was abandoned and replaced with a new India Office. The controversy that surrounded this competition and its aftermath has attracted the attention of scholars for decades, not least for its importance to the history of Victorian architecture. The current study seeks a wider interpretation of this project by examining the way it became a conflict over ideas concerning British identity and nationhood. It is argued that, at a time when Britain had reached the relative height of its international power, these buildings were seen as a means of not only improving London's urban environment but also celebrating its unrivalled political and economic status. The India Office, often neglected by historians, was significant in this regard, symbolizing the reach and authority of the British empire. Here the Foreign and India Office are reconsidered for what they reveal about British national/imperial self-perception and its representation in architecture during the mid-Victorian period.
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Maylea, Christopher, and Christopher James Ryan. "Decision-making capacity and the Victorian Mental Health Tribunal." International Journal of Mental Health and Capacity Law 2017, no. 24 (March 13, 2018): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.19164/ijmhcl.v2017i24.685.
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<p>The United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) has led to a re-thinking of traditional mental health law around the world. Since Australia’s ratification of the CRPD, all but one of its eight jurisdictions have introduced reforms to mental health legislation. These are aimed, in part, towards compliance with the Conventions articles. This paper examines the meaning and operation of the reforms introduced in Australia’s second most populous state – Victoria.</p><p><br />We first describe the criteria for involuntary treatment set out in the new <em>Mental Health Act 2014</em> (Vic) (Austl.) (the Act). We then argue that when making an order for Involuntary Treatment, the Victorian Mental Health Tribunal (the Tribunal) is obliged to carefully consider a person’s decision-making capacity as part of ensuring that treatment is provided in the least restrictive way, and to only authorise the involuntary treatment over a person’s competent objection in very limited circumstances.</p><p><br />Having established the way in which the Act <em>should</em> operate, we then present two empirical studies which analyse the decisions of the Statements of Reasons of the Tribunal to gain some appreciation of how the Act is working. These indicate that seldom does the Tribunal consider the decision-making capacity of people brought before it, and that, even when this is considered, the relevant information is not being used protectively so as to uphold a right to competently refuse treatment. Instead, the Tribunal uses the presence or absence of decision-making capacity, insight or poor judgement, to determine if a person is mentally ill or if treatment is required to prevent serious harm. We conclude that the Tribunal’s practice is inconsistent with the principles of the Act and consequently the intention of Parliament.</p>
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Owen, James. "Exporting the Westminster model: MPs and Colonial Governance in the Victorian era." Britain and the World 7, no. 1 (March 2014): 28–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2014.0119.
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While the role of British colonial governors has been subject to recent extensive analysis, the collective phenomenon of Victorian Members of Parliament taking up gubernatorial office remains largely unaddressed. Between 1828 and 1868, 38 former MPs were appointed to colonial governorships. With metropolitan administrators, who believed in the superiority of British institutions, seeking to introduce greater colonial self-government from the 1830s onwards, the careers of these former MPs offer a direct and personal example of the challenges of exporting the Westminster style of politics to the British world. This article analyses the extent to which MPs, who became colonial governors, drew on their experiences of Westminster culture, particularly the art of negotiating the public and private spheres of political life, when attempting to introduce self-government to their respective colonies. Four MPs with varying political experience are considered: Charles Poulett Thomson, governor-general of Canada, 1839–41; Arthur Hamilton Gordon, lieutenant-governor of New Brunswick, 1861–66; Sir Charles Edward Grey, governor of Jamaica, 1847–53, and his successor, Sir Henry Barkly, 1853–56. The article argues that when these MPs enjoyed a measure of success in bargaining with a colonial assembly, it was because they were able to cultivate an effective public persona while exploiting, through private correspondence, their connections with former colleagues at Westminster.
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Gooday, Graeme. "Edward J. Gillin. The Victorian Palace of Science: Scientific Knowledge and the Building of the Houses of Parliament." American Historical Review 125, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 304–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz654.
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Kovalska, Maryna. "The Ideas of European Integration in the Journalistic Activities of W. T. Stead (Based upon His Work “The United States of Europe on the Eve of the Parliament of Peace”)." European Historical Studies, no. 15 (2020): 50–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.15.4.
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The article analyzes the ideas of European political integration as the famous British journalist William Thomas Stead stated in his work “The United States of Europe on the eve of the Parliament of Peace” (1899). It examines the so-called “international crusade of peace”, the leading provisions of the Euro-integration concept activities of W. T. Stead. The author emphasizes the progressiveness and originality of the journalist’s approaches, and emphasizes his innovative proposals and compares the positions of W. T. Stead with the standards of behavior of a Victorian man, examines his moral and ethical attitudes towards the war, the problems of the growth of arms of the European countries of the late 19th century, and the aggressive foreign policy. As W. T. Stead wrote in his “The United States of Europe on the eve of the Parliament of Peace”, the European integration means departure from militarism and coming to disarmament, that is the absence of armed conflicts at all. The pacifist, peaceful principles of W. T. Stead are emphasized against the background of the broader imperial policy of the late Victorian Britain, and the issues of journalist perceptions of militarism, imperialism, the problems of arms and international relations, and the foreign policy of his native country are highlighted. W. T. Stead’s high expectations about the eve of the next step in the progress of human society far away from the cruelties of war were emphasized. In the article was stated that W. T. Stead thought it would be better for an imperialist Britain to limit itself within the patriotic and reasonable political line at the same time. The issues of peace and war in Britain were shown, and the increased lethality of weapons and the anomalous chaos of warfare of the end of the 19th century. The author comes to a conclusion of the sincerity, objectivity, impartiality, progressiveness of the views of W. T. Stead, who considered the process of European integration as the one of the stages of building a better human society in the world.
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Milligan, Kathryn. "A Venetian mystery: two paintings by Walter Osborne in the Kildare Street and University Club, Dublin." Journal of the History of Collections 31, no. 2 (August 23, 2018): 373–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhc/fhy025.
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Abstract In 1916, Sir Robert Henry Woods (1865–1938), eminent surgeon and Unionist Member of Parliament, presented two large-scale paintings by Walter Osborne (1859–1903) to the University Club, Dublin, now known as the Kildare Street and University Club. Drawing on new research, this article seeks to counter the long-standing suspicions surrounding the attribution of these works to Osborne, and through hitherto unused contemporary materials, outline the circumstances of their creation, the larger group to which they once belonged, and the story they tell about an ambitious artist seeking to further his career in Victorian Dublin. Further to this, the case of Osborne’s Venetian paintings illuminates a previously unexplored area of collecting in nineteenth-century Dublin, demonstrating the networks that existed between the city’s artistic and professional élites.
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Smyth, Fiona. "The Victorian Palace of Science: Scientific Knowledge and the Building of the Houses of Parliament, by Edward J. Gillin." English Historical Review 135, no. 575 (August 2020): 1046–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceaa171.
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Cawood, Ian. "The Humours of Parliament: Harry Furniss’ View of Late Victorian Political Culture, ed. Gareth Cordery and Joseph S. Meisel." English Historical Review 131, no. 548 (February 2016): 227–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cev394.
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Wotherspoon, Garry. "A “Glimpse through an Interstice Caught”: Fictional Portrayals of Male Homosexual Life in Twentieth-Century Sydney." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 122, no. 1 (January 2007): 344–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2007.122.1.344.
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Sydney is probably best known nowadays for its annual gay and lesbian mardi gras parade, beamed worldwide to millions of TV and Internet viewers, marking it as one of the iconic gay cities of the contemporary world. And while Sydney also had a reputation from its earliest convict-colony days as a city with high levels of homosexual activity—one early chief justice damned it as a “Sodom” in the South Pacific (UK, Parliament, 18 Apr. 1837, 518; question 505)—only in the last two or three decades have Sydney's homosexual or gay subcultures openly flourished and, perhaps grudgingly, been accepted. Indeed, from its earliest days until some years after World War II, Australia was in the grip of Victorian moralistic attitudes, only finally broken by the countercultural revolution of the 1960s and the social movements from the 1970s.
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GRIFFIN, BEN. "CLASS, GENDER, AND LIBERALISM IN PARLIAMENT, 1868–1882: THE CASE OF THE MARRIED WOMEN'S PROPERTY ACTS." Historical Journal 46, no. 1 (March 2003): 59–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002844.
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The class and gender identities created by male politicians are vital to a proper understanding of how and why parliament increased women's legal rights in the nineteenth century. An examination of the parliamentary debates on the Married Women's Property Acts of 1870 and 1882 reveals that it is misleading to divide men into supporters and opponents of women's rights, because even some of those who supported the most radical reform did so in the belief that the gender hierarchy should be left intact. At the same time, politicians were reluctant to accept that their own homes should be affected by changes to women's rights, both because they feared that these changes would reduce their domestic authority and create discord in their homes, and because they did not think that the critique of male behaviour which justified the reforms should apply to them or their class. Their ability to confine both charges of abuse and the effects of the acts to the poor was essential to the successful passage of the Married Women's Property Acts. Rather than see this as the defeat of a liberal individualist vision, it was in fact the victory of an alternative strand of Victorian liberalism.
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Mason, Nicholas. "“THE SOVEREIGN PEOPLE ARE IN A BEASTLY STATE”: THE BEER ACT OF 1830 AND VICTORIAN DISCOURSE ON WORKING-CLASS DRUNKENNESS." Victorian Literature and Culture 29, no. 1 (March 2001): 109–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150301291074.
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ION JULY 23, 1830, Parliament passed “An Act to permit the general Sale of Beer and Cyder by Retail in England.” Commonly known as the Beer Act of 1830, this law called for a major overhaul of the way beer was taxed and distributed in England and Wales. In place of a sixteenth-century statute that had given local magistrates complete control over the licensing of brewers and publicans, the Beer Act stipulated that a new type of drinking establishment, the beer shop, or beer house, could now be opened by any rate-paying householder in England or Wales (Scotland and Ireland had their own drink laws). For the modest annual licensing fee of two guineas, rate-payers in England could now purchase a license to brew and vend from their own residence.1
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Wilde, Mark Laurence. "All the Queen's horses: statutory authority and HS2." Legal Studies 37, no. 4 (December 2017): 765–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lest.12173.
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This paper focuses on the potential impact of the statutory authority defence on HS2 once the line is put into operation. The defence was forged in the heat of the railway revolution. It protects operators from liability in nuisance in respect of certain harms resulting from exercising the statutory powers under which the scheme is authorised. However, the nineteenth century case-law established that the defence would only operate in respect of harms that are the inevitable consequence of using those powers. In common with its Victorian forebears, the HS2 project has been authorised by way of an Act of Parliament. Arguably, the HS2 Act is one of the longest, most detailed and highly scrutinised pieces of legislation in history. Nevertheless, it is argued that the scheme may cause uncompensated losses that are not inevitable. In this respect, common law actions may yet have an important role to play.
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Jackson, Alvin. "Irish unionism and the Russellite threat, 1894-1906." Irish Historical Studies 25, no. 100 (November 1987): 376–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400025062.
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Whether as a unionist, or as an independent, T W Russell was never taken lightly by the parliamentary representatives of late Victorian unionism: directly, and obliquely, his contribution to the evolution of their movement was immense. As a popular unionist missionary in Britain between the first two home-rule bills, and as a protégé of Joseph Chamberlain, Russell was a valuable medium of communication between the British and Irish unionist parties. Moreover, he was both a champion of unionist farmer demands and a loyalist member of parliament; so Russell also created a vital bond between Irish unionism and rural opinion. As a member of the parliamentary Ulster party, Russell worked unstintingly for its success, provoking flexibility among both the more obtuse landed elements in the commons and among radical farmers in the counties. Yet, when he left unionism, his influence (now indirect) remained. Confronted by the spectre of presbyterian farmer militancy led by Russell, Irish unionist members of parliament meekly tailored their public pledges; and when, between 1900 and 1902, his agitation peaked, these members went further, revising the structure of their party in order to deflate his criticism and restore old loyalties. As one of the most significant forces in moulding twentieth-century unionism from nineteenth-century toryism, Russell merits special attention: his relationship with the unionist leadership in the strategically crucial years between 1894 and 1906 is examined here at length.
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Claeys, Gregory. "Mazzini, Kossuth, and British Radicalism, 1848–1854." Journal of British Studies 28, no. 3 (January 1989): 225–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385936.
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The relative quiescence of British working-class radicalism during much of the two decades after 1848, so central to the foundations of mid-Victorian stability, has been the subject of many explanations. Though Chartism did not expire finally until the late 1850s, its mainstream strategy of constitutionalist organization, huge meetings, enormous parliamentary petitions, and the tacit threat of violent intimidation seemed exploded after the debacle of Kennington Common and the failed march on Parliament in April 1848. But other factors also contributed to undermine the zeal for reform. Alleviating the pressures of distress, emigration carried off many activists to America and elsewhere. Relative economic prosperity rendered the economic ends of reform less pressing, and proposals like the Chartist Land Plan less appealing. The popularity of various self-help doctrines, including consumer cooperation, also militated against collectivist political action. “Labour aristocrats” and trade union leaders, moreover, preferred local and sectional economic improvement to the risks and expense of political campaigning.Accounts of mid-Victorian political stability have had little to say, however, about the impact of European radicalism on the British working-class movement after 1848. That the failure of the continental revolutions brought thousands of refugees to Britain is well known. But although useful studies exist of the internationalist dimensions of Chartism prior to 1849—and of some of the refugee groups generally in this period—the effects of the exiled continental radicals on British working-class politics in the early 1850s have remained largely unconsidered.
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Clark, J. F. M. "John Lubbock, science, and the liberal intellectual." Notes and Records: the Royal Society Journal of the History of Science 68, no. 1 (December 11, 2013): 65–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2013.0068.
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John Lubbock's longest-standing scientific research interest was entomology. Some of his earliest systematic investigations of insect and marine life began under the tutelage of Darwin. Darwin shaped the trajectory of, and the programme for, Lubbock's natural history work. However, to understand John Lubbock's identity as a scientist, he must be located within the context of the Victorian ‘intellectual’. This paper traces Lubbock's entomological work from its early development under Darwin to his later work on insect sensory physiology and comparative psychology. Far from being the death of his scientific career, Lubbock's entry into Parliament marked the pinnacle of his career as a scientific intellectual. He built on his early work on invertebrate anatomy, physiology and taxonomy, and on his archaeological and anthropological research to expound his vision of mental evolution. His research on ‘savages’, on ants, bees and wasps, and on his dog, ‘Van’, permitted him to expatiate upon the psychic unity of all sentient beings, which, in turn, underpinned his overarching educational programme.
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Clark, Elaine. "Catholics and the Campaign for Women's Suffrage in England." Church History 73, no. 3 (September 2004): 635–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700098322.
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Narratives about women and religion in Victorian and Edwardian society seldom addressed the world of the Catholic laity, leaving the impression that Catholics were unimportant in English history. Pushed into anonymity, they were easily misunderstood because of their religious sensibilities and loyalty to a church governed not from London but Rome. This was a church long subject to various forms of disability in England and with a membership of roughly 5 percent of the population around 1900. By then, objections to the Catholic Church as a foreign institution had lessened, but critics still labeled Catholics “a people apart,” viewing them as too disinterested in their neighbors' welfare to play a vital part in public life. So commonplace was this particular point of view that it obscured Catholic participation in social causes such as the hard fought campaign for women's suffrage. As often as journalists, suffragists, and members of Parliament debated enfranchisement in the years before and after the First World War, very little is known today about the role Catholics played in the struggle for women's rights.
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Kollar, René. "A Question of Rescue Work or Abduction: Eliza McDermot, Legal Opinion, and Anti-Convent Prejudice in Victorian England." Recusant History 29, no. 2 (October 2008): 214–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200012036.
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At first glance, the actions of Fr. Charles Bowden, a member of the Brompton Oratory in London, toward a troubled, adolescent, Roman Catholic girl, Eliza (in some reports referred to as Ellen) McDermot, would appear as a praiseworthy and unselfish example of Christian charity. Fr. Bowden, a young cleric, acted on information he allegedly learned from Miss McDermot in the confessional and worked to save her from a possible life of ruin on the London streets. Fr. Bowden eventually urged the young sixteen year old pregnant girl to seek refuge at a local convent where she would have the opportunity to repent and reform her life. McDermot followed his advice, but this seemingly innocent plan to save her soul fanned the flames of hatred against Catholicism and sisterhoods. Without informing her family, Miss McDermot secretly took up residence in a convent, and she did not reveal the location to her mother. When her family complained about this so-called ‘abduction’, critics of Roman Catholicism, and sisterhoods in particular, took their campaign to the public and attacked the actions of Fr. Bowden in letters to the press, graphic pamphlets, and speeches in Parliament. The case of Eliza McDermot quickly emerged as another example which illustrated the evils of Catholic convents, but it failed to capture public attention. Several reasons help to explain the short-lived notoriety of this story, especially the failure to prove that Bowden had broken any English laws.
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Çi̇çek, Nazan. "“Bulgarian Horrors” Revisited: the Many-Layered Manifestations of the Orientalist Discourse in Victorian Political Construction of the External, Intimate and Internal Other." Belleten 81, no. 291 (August 1, 2017): 525–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2017.525.
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This study largely drawing upon the established conceptual framework of Orientalism in Saidian terms shall analyse the British perceptions and representations of the Bulgarian Crisis of 1876, a salient feature of the Eastern Question, as they appeared in British parliamentary debates. It will also make occasional yet instructive references to the coverage of the Crisis as well as the image of the Ottoman Empire and the Balkans which were organic parts of the Crisis, in some influential periodicals of the era such as the Times and the Contemporary Review in order to better contextualize the debates in the parliament. The main point this article shall make is that the Bulgarian Crisis worked as a catalyst in reinforcing the hegemony of the Orientalist discourse in the political construction of the Ottoman Empire as an absolute external Other in Britain at the time. It shall also delve into the construction of the Balkans as an "intimate other" whose Oriental and European features were alternately accentuated during the Crisis with a view to enlist the British public in either supporting or denouncing the Bulgarian uprising. All in all, it will suggest that the Orientalist rhetoric was embedded at the very core of the Victorian British elites' cognitive map, and was also unsparingly employed in negating the domestic political opponents swamping them with negative Orientalist stereotypes.