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1
Williams, Paul D. "How Did They Do It? Explaining Queensland Labor's Second Electoral Hegemony." Queensland Review 18, no. 2 (2011): 112–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/qr.18.2.112.
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Australia's entrenched liberal democratic traditions of a free media, fair and frequent elections and robust public debate might encourage outside observers to assume Australia is subject to frequent changes in government. The reality is very different: Australian politics have instead been ‘largely unchanged’ since the beginning of our bipolar party system in 1910 (Aitkin 1977, p. 1), with Australians re-electing incumbents on numerous occasions for decades on end. The obvious federal example is the 23-year dominance of the Liberal-Country Party Coalition, first elected in 1949 and re-endorsed at the following eight House of Representatives elections. Even more protracted electoral hegemonies have been found at state level, including Labor's control of Tasmania (1934–82, except for 1969–72) and New South Wales (1941–65), and the Liberals' hold on Victoria (1952–82) and South Australia (1938–65, most unusually under one Premier, Thomas Playford). It is therefore not a question of whether parties can enjoy excessively long hegemonies in Australia; it is instead one of how they achieve it.
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Seklivanova, Irina. "Mexican Revolution 1910-1917 and British interests." Latin-american Historical Almanac 31, no. 1 (August 26, 2021): 7–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-31-1-7-32.
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Mexico experienced relative political stability during the period of President Porfirio Diaz. This process was accompanied by accelerated capitalist development with dependence on foreign capital and the preservation of precapitalist features. The President of the country Diaz created favorable conditions for the penetration of foreign capital into the country's economy. Great Britain has shown an interest in establishing strong economic relations with the Mexican state, seeking to consolidate its economic dominance in the Latin American market. With the backing of the Diaz government in Mexico, major British entrepreneurs such as Whitman Pearson received favorable conditions to grow their businesses. At the same time, the country experienced a serious confrontation between Britain and the United States of America for influence on the Mexican economy and politics. The focus of the article is on the relationship between Great Britain and Mexico during the revolution of 1910-1917. The study reveals the position of London in relation to the Mexican governments replacing each other during the revolutionary events, headed by General Victoriano Huerta and the leader of the constitutionalists Venustiano Carranza.
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Muir, Carlyn, Ian R. Johnston, and Eric Howard. "Evolution of a holistic systems approach to planning and managing road safety: the Victorian case study, 1970–2015." Injury Prevention 24, Suppl 1 (February 16, 2018): i19—i24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/injuryprev-2017-042358.
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BackgroundThe Victorian Safe System approach to road safety slowly evolved from a combination of the Swedish Vision Zero philosophy and the Sustainable Safety model developed by the Dutch. The Safe System approach reframes the way in which road safety is viewed and managed.MethodsThis paper presents a case study of the institutional change required to underpin the transformation to a holistic approach to planning and managing road safety in Victoria, Australia.ResultsThe adoption and implementation of a Safe System approach require strong institutional leadership and close cooperation among all the key agencies involved, and Victoria was fortunate in that it had a long history of strong interagency mechanisms in place. However, the challenges in the implementation of the Safe System strategy in Victoria are generally neither technical nor scientific; they are predominantly social and political. While many governments purport to develop strategies based on Safe System thinking, on-the-ground action still very much depends on what politicians perceive to be publicly acceptable, and Victoria is no exception.ConclusionsThis is a case study of the complexity of institutional change and is presented in the hope that the lessons may prove useful for others seeking to adopt more holistic planning and management of road safety. There is still much work to be done in Victoria, but the institutional cultural shift has taken root. Ongoing efforts must be continued to achieve alert and compliant road users; however, major underpinning benefits will be achieved through focusing on road network safety improvements (achieving forgiving infrastructure, such as wire rope barriers) in conjunction with reviews of posted speed limits (to be set in response to the level of protection offered by the road infrastructure) and by the progressive introduction into the fleet of modern vehicle safety features.
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McBride, Tony, and Alana Hulme. "Continuing Uncertainties for Victorian Municipal Public Health Plans." Australian Journal of Primary Health 6, no. 2 (2000): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/py00014.
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This paper discusses the current state of play in Victorian municipal public health planning and practice. It questions whether a legislative vehicle is still appropriate to realise local government's potential to affect its populations' health. The paper draws on four recent studies focused on the metropolitan experience. The impact of the radical local government restructuring in the mid-1990s and Compulsory Competitive Tendering were evident in the overlapping findings. These included: increased legitimacy for planning; an ambivalent policy environment; inconsistent support within councils; a paradox about external collaboration; limited community participation; and confusion about models for municipal health planning. However, there was a complex tapestry of positive and negative stories, perspectives, capacities and public health practices, reflecting the sectors' inherent geographical and political diversity. The continuing constraints on effective practice suggest that a reliance on State government legislation as the driving force for councils' approach to public health might no longer be the most productive approach. Public health advocates within and across councils need to help councils develop their own local rationales for action. To support this, the State government should act to create a more supportive and consistent policy environment.
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Fensham, Peter J. "Developments & Challenges in Australian Environmental Education." Australian Journal of Environmental Education 6 (1990): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0814062600001993.
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This year of 1990 is an appropriate time to review the place of environmental education in the Australian school curriculum. After a period in the mid 1980s when environmental issues and political attention to the environment were on the back burner in comparison with economic issues, the environment is again a top international political priority. With Green victories in a number of European elections, even the hitherto unmindful Thatcher government in Britain is claiming an environmental concern and announcing several conservation measures, albeit with rather distant targets compared with a number of their prospective partners in Europe.The Hawke government in its third term sensed a growing environmental disenchantment among its supporters, and appointed one of its heavy-weights to the Environment portfolio. This move, and the strong action he took over several sensitive issues, were enough to keep the Green preferences in line and ensure in 1990 a fourth, unprecedented Labor term of office.The first Australian government involving official Green support appeared in Tasmania and in most of the other states the governments have upgraded Conservation and the Environment among their ministries.Most Australians, according to a poll conducted late in May (The Age, 15 June, 1990), feel that the threat to the environment is real, and that its protection should be put ahead of economic growth. Such strong public support for the environment would have been unthinkable a decade ago, even though the evidence for much of the now widely recognised damage to the Australian and global environment was available.
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Helf, Gavin, and Jeffrey W. Hahn. "Old Dogs and New Tricks: Party Elites in the Russian Regional Elections of 1990." Slavic Review 51, no. 3 (1992): 511–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500058.
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Much of the analysis of the results of republican and local elections held in the USSR in 1989-1990 understandably focused on the dramatic victories of candidates and groups committed to a radical reform of the old system. Anti-communist majorities were elected to the parliaments of several republics. The city governments of Moscow, Leningrad and Sverdlovsk fell under the control of activists associated with the self-styled “democratic bloc” and, in summer 1990, Boris Yeltsin was elected to chair the RSFSR Supreme Soviet. Conversely, local party officials suffered embarrassing defeats in the face of competition from popular fronts united under the banner of Democratic Russia. That the Party itself was in disarray over how to respond to these challenges was reflected in the open split between rival platforms at the 28th party Congress in July 1990. Taken together, these events could easily convey the impression that old party elites “lost” the local elections of 1990 and that they lost because they failed to adapt to the new rules of democratic politics.
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Farrell, Maureen. "Health care leadership in an age of change." Australian Health Review 26, no. 1 (2003): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah030153.
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This study examined the leadership practices of a sample of network and hospital administrators in metropolitan Victoria, Australia. It was undertaken in the mid-1990s when the State Liberal-National (Coalition) Government in Victoria established Melbourne's metropolitan health care networks. I argue that leadership,and the process of leading, contributes significantly to the success of the hospital in a time of turmoil and change.The sample was taken from the seven health care networks and consisted of 15 network and hospital administrators. Bolman and Deal's frames of leadership - structural, human resource, political and symbolic - were used as a framework to categorize the leadership practices of the administrators. The findings suggest a preference for the structural frame - an anticipated result, since the hospital environment is more conducive to a style of leadership that emphasizes rationality and objectivity. The human resource frame was the second preferred frame,followed by the political and symbolic. These findings suggest that network and hospital administrators focus more on intellectual than spiritual development, and perhaps this tendency needs to be addressed when educating present and future hospital leaders.
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Meadows, Graham, and Bruce Singh. "‘Victoria on the Move’: Mental Health Services in a Decade of Transition 1992-2002." Australasian Psychiatry 11, no. 1 (March 2003): 62–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1440-1665.2003.00508.x.
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Objective: Australia adopted a national mental health strategy in the early 1990s and each State has had to go through its own implementation process in the intervening years. The present paper describes the process of reform in services in Victoria, and ventures explanations as to why the process may have been more comprehensive and successful than in other States. Conclusions: Victoria adopted a Statewide ‘framework’, defining structural elements of area-based services, with rational resource distribution. A transitional process involving a population health approach and relatively rigid implementation of a tightly specified service framework, within a political environment that favoured strong health services management, was successful in achieving desired structural reforms in this State. This was undoubtedly at the cost of promoting a model of public mental health service delivery that is generally rationed so as to accept only a restricted range of types of referral. New initiatives from the current State government are explicitly targeted to correcting this situation.
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Blancarte, Roberto. "Closing Comment: “Personal Enemies of God: Anticlericals and Anticlericalism in Revolutionary Mexico, 1915-1940”." Americas 65, no. 4 (April 2009): 589–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.0.0110.
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In a contribution made some time ago, I stressed the diversity of factors which came together in the anticlerical constitutional articles and paragraphs that were approved during the Constituent Congress at Querétaro of 1916-17. The first of these factors—I argued—was the not unreasonable belief held by many Mexican revolutionaries that the Catholic Church had collaborated with the government of the military usurper, Victoriano Huerta, in 1913-14. In this regard, the political participation of the National Catholic Party had also been decisive in influencing anticlerical opinion.
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Mendes, Philip. "The Radical Arm of the Welfare Lobby: A History of the Victorian Coalition Against Poverty and Unemployment, 1980-91." Labour History 120, no. 1 (May 1, 2021): 117–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jlh.2021.7.
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Australia has had high levels of unemployment since the mid-1970s, particularly from approximately 1976-94, yet to date there has been no significant study of political activism by the unemployed in the modern era. This article fills some of this knowledge gap by examining the activities of the Victorian Coalition against Poverty and Unemployment (CAPU), an activist group based on an alliance of trade unions, churches, community groups and the unemployed. Whilst CAPU was influenced by conventional Marxist critiques of the welfare state and highly critical of both the professional social welfare sector and the Australian Labor Party, it also worked co-operatively with key community welfare groups such as the Victorian Council of Social Service and the Brotherhood of St Laurence on specific campaigns. Consequently, it is argued that CAPU was not an anti-welfare organisation per se, but rather acted as the radical arm of the welfare lobby seeking to shame governments into operationalising in practice their declared social justice principles.
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Valença, Márcio Moraes. "Poor politics — poor housing. Policy under the Collor government in Brazil (1990—92)." Environment and Urbanization 19, no. 2 (October 2007): 391–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0956247807082820.
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JENKINS, CAROLYN. "The Politics of Economic Policy-Making in Zimbabwe." Journal of Modern African Studies 35, no. 4 (December 1997): 575–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x97002589.
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There are two remarkable features of post-independence economic policy-making in Zimbabwe: the very limited nature of the changes made by the new government in 1980, and the complete reversal of policy announced in 1990. It was surprising that a more radical transformation had not been introduced soon after independence, since this had been achieved by a civil war prompted not only by the denial of even basic rights to the majority of the population, but also by an extremely inequitable distribution of economic resources. The volte-face in 1990 was also unexpected, because it required a repudiation of governmental rhetoric at a time when the economy was by no means in a state of crisis, even though under stress. This article attempts to understand these policy shifts.
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Strøm, Kaare, and Jørn Y. Leipart. "Policy, Institutions, and Coalition Avoidance: Norwegian Governments, 1945–1990." American Political Science Review 87, no. 4 (December 1993): 870–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2938820.
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Norwegian party politics is characterized by coalition avoidance that defies conventional coalition theory. This failure of coalescence can be caused either by policy pursuit (preference-induced) or by institutional constraint (structure-induced). We test the explanatory power of policy-based and institutional explanations, relying on content analysis of authoritative party and government documents for our policy measures. The results show that the left–right policy dimension has powerfully constrained Norwegian interparty bargaining and that policy-based coalition theory can account for many apparent anomalies in Norwegian coalition politics. A permissive institutional environment has also fostered coalition avoidance. Although core-based coalition theory can thus be successfully adapted to the Norwegian case, it rests on a number of critical assumptions that limit its general applicability.
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Griggs, Peter. "‘Taking the Waters’: Mineral Springs, Artesian Bores and Health Tourism in Queensland, 1870–1950." Queensland Review 20, no. 2 (October 30, 2013): 157–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/qre.2013.18.
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In late 1907, Charles Fraser, the Victorian government entomologist, travelled to North Queensland. His observations of the flora and fauna in this part of Australia were later published in the Victorian Naturalist. However, this journey was not motivated entirely by his desire to study natural history. As a sufferer of ‘rhematic [sic] troubles’, he spent a few days soaking in the mineral-impregnated waters at Innot Hot Springs, a small inland village approximately 150 kilometres south-east of Cairns. First established in the late 1880s, the tiny settlement is still visited during the winter months by many ‘grey nomads’ en route to Karumba, where the fishing is promoted as being excellent. They break their journey at Innot Hot Springs to soak in the indoor or outdoor swimming pools filled with mineralised water of varying temperatures sourced from the nearby Nettle Creek. Some view it simply as a place to relax after the long journey from southern Australia, having perhaps already tried the artesian bore water baths at Moree and Mitchell en route. Others may consider the mineral waters to have healing qualities; like Charles Fraser, they are literally ‘taking the waters’.
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Pickup, Mark. "Globalization, Politics and Provincial Government Spending in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 4 (December 2006): 883–917. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423906050700.
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Abstract.Using time series, cross-sectional econometric modelling, an analysis is made of competing political and economic determinants of Canadian provincial government fiscal policy during the 1980s and 1990s. It is determined that provincial government spending responses to trade liberalization are dependent upon the ideology of the government and conditioned by the degree of provincial unionization. When relatively high levels of unionization prevail, those governments that typically spend the most reduce total spending to a lowest common denominator. However, when unionization is low, provincial government spending responses to increasing trade openness is primarily compensatory. This is in contradiction to the “race to the bottom” theory. The contingent nature of the provincial government spending response to trade openness means that despite overall pressures for fiscal convergence, political, economic and regional factors continue to contribute to distinct provincial spending policies.Résumé.Cet article utilise une modélisation économétrique transversale en série chronologique pour analyser les déterminants politiques et économiques en compétition au niveau de la politique fiscale du gouvernement provincial canadien durant les années 1980 et 1990. Il est établi qu'en termes de dépenses publiques, les réactions du gouvernement provincial face à la libéralisation des échanges sont tributaires de l'idéologie du gouvernement et déterminées par le niveau de syndicalisation provincial. Lorsque le niveau de syndicalisation est relativement élevé, ce sont les gouvernements provinciaux qui dépensent le plus qui réduisent leurs dépenses totales au plus bas dénominateur commun. Par contre, plus le niveau de syndicalisation est bas, plus les dépenses publiques face à la libéralisation des échanges sont principalement compensatoires. Cela vient contredire la théorie du “ nivellement par le bas ”. La nature conditionnelle de la réaction du gouvernement provincial en termes de dépenses publiques signifie qu'en dépit des pressions globales pour la convergence fiscale, des facteurs politiques, économiques et régionaux continuent de contribuer aux politiques de dépenses publiques distinctes.
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Brookes, Barbara. "Book Review: Derek A. Dow, Maori Health and Government Policy 1840-1940 (Wellington: Victoria University Press, 1999), pp. 280, $39.95. Raeburn Lange, May the People Live: A History of Maori Health Development 1900-1920 (Auckland: Auckland University Press, 1999), pp. 359, $39.95." Political Science 53, no. 1 (June 2001): 78–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231870105300110.
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Choi, Chonghyun, and Dongwook Kim. "THE DETERMINANTS OF ANTI-GOVERNMENT PROTESTS IN ASIA." Journal of East Asian Studies 19, no. 3 (September 13, 2019): 315–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2019.23.
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AbstractWhat determines cross-national variations in the extent of anti-government protests in Asia? Anti-government protests have surged across Asia in recent years, with many contributing to consequential political change. However, systematic cross-national comparison of the determinants of protests in Asia is still largely missing. This article fills this important gap by quantitatively examining the explanatory power of the three main theories of contentious politics—grievance, resource mobilization, and political process theories—in the Asian context with new data on anti-government protests in all 25 Asian states from 1990 to 2016. The analysis finds that urbanization, information and communication technology, and regional demonstration effects are the strong catalysts of anti-government protests in Asia, while repressive state capacity particularly dampens protests. The findings offer important insights into the dynamics of the anti-government protests that have become increasingly salient in Asian politics.
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Barrilleaux, Charles, and Ethan Bernick. "Deservingness, Discretion, and the State Politics of Welfare Spending, 1990–96." State Politics & Policy Quarterly 3, no. 1 (March 2003): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/153244000300300101.
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Are the politics of welfare policy for the “deserving” and “undeserving” poor the same? We use pooled cross-sectional time-series analyses of state government discretionary welfare spending on general assistance (GA) and Supplemental Security Income supplements (SSI-S) to address this question. We find that efforts to assist the GA population decline as electoral competition increases while efforts to assist the SSI-S population increase, providing evidence that only the deserving poor are favored by heightened political competition. We also find that SSI-S benefits rise with ideological liberalism, electoral competition, and the percentage of African Americans in a state. When considered in light of the negative effect of larger African American populations on states' SSI-S efforts, this suggests targeting of particular groups. Finally, we find that SSI-S enrollments are reduced, but the per-recipient payments are increased under state administration, suggesting that state administrators are more likely to provide more services to existing clientele than to expand their client base.
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Wottle, Martin, and Eva Blomberg. "Feminism och jämställdhet i en nyliberal kontext 1990-2010." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 32, no. 2-3 (June 13, 2022): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v32i2-3.3550.
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The article discusses the relationship between gender equality politics and the advancement of neo-liberalism in Sweden from the 1980s–90s. As theoretical starting point serves a discussion by Nancy Fraser, concerning the relationship between feminism and neo-liberalism, and her fears that capitalism has co-opted the feminist agenda, in fact putting feminism in the service of market-liberalism. From many perspectives, it is evident that Swedish society, like so many in the Western world, has been subjected to the forces of market logic, imbuing the politics from conservatism to social-democracy alike. To what extent has this development affected feminism on the one hand, and gender equality politics on the other? Do we detect a new kind of liberal feminism? A neo-liberal feminism? The article makes use of empirical evidence concerning the current politics on behalf of the Liberal-Conservative Swedish Government to promote female entrepreneurship. Three political areas with relevance for both gender equality and the issue of female entrepreneurship are investigated: the future of the public welfare sector, the issue of tax-deduction for household services, and, finally, gender quotas and women on company boards. While promoting a politics where the market is increasingly substituted for the public welfare-sector, and offered as a solution in most political areas, the Liberal-Conservatives of today have nevertheless embraced a feminist rhetoric. Acknowledging the forces of ‘the gender powerorder’ and structural inequality is now a standard feature within liberal gender equality politics. This political merger between feminism and neo-liberal politics may be interpreted as just paying lip-service; as a way of reconciling a long tradition of consensus surrounding gender equality with the overall neo-liberal aim of transforming the entire society along market principles. But, we may also see a neo-liberal feminism in its own right, intent on expanding the field of gender equality to enterprise, ownership and economic power.
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Yetiv, S. A. "Testing the Government Politics Model: U.S. Decision Making in the 1990-91 Persian Gulf Crisis." Security Studies 11, no. 2 (December 2001): 50–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714005327.
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Gran, Thorvald. "Looking back: Government politics and trust in rural developments in Tanzania and Zimbabwe 1980–1990." Development Southern Africa 35, no. 4 (April 16, 2018): 450–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0376835x.2018.1461608.
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King, Gary, Michael Laver, Richard I. Hofferbert, Ian Budge, and Michael D. McDonald. "Party Platforms, Mandates, and Government Spending." American Political Science Review 87, no. 3 (September 1993): 744–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2938748.
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In their 1990 Review article, Ian Budge and Richard Hofferbert analyzed the relationship between party platform emphases, control of the White House, and national government spending priorities, reporting strong evidence of a “party mandate” connection between them. Gary King and Michael Laver successfully replicate the original analysis, critique the interpretation of the causal effects, and present a reanalysis showing that platforms have small or nonexistent effects on spending. In response, Budge, Hofferbert, and Michael McDonald agree that their language was somewhat inconsistent on both interactions and causality but defend their conceptualization of “mandates” as involving only an association, not necessarily a causal connection, between party commitments and government policy. Hence, while the causes of government policy are of interest, noncausal associations are sufficient as evidence of party mandates in American politics.
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Smith, Karina. "From Politics to Therapy: Sistren Theatre Collective's Theatre and Outreach Work in Jamaica." New Theatre Quarterly 29, no. 1 (February 2013): 87–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x13000080.
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Sistren Theatre Collective has been producing theatre and working with community groups in Jamaica for the last thirty-five years. Over the last decade the company has changed its profile to include male drama specialists and social workers in its team. This has come about due to new funding arrangement with the Jamaican Ministry of National Security, which won a large grant from the Inter-American Development Bank to establish the Citizen Security and Justice Programme (CSJP). The CSJP has a community outreach component in which Sistren has been employed to run socio-drama workshops and provide counselling to residents in Kingston's ‘garrison’ communities. In this article Karina Smith compares Sistren's theatre and outreach work under the CSJP programme with the group's previous theatre productions and workshops, devised when it was the leading women's popular theatre company and Women in Development non-government organization in the Caribbean region. Karina Smith is a Senior Lecturer in Literary and Gender Studies in the College of the Arts at Victoria University, Melbourne, Australia. She has published on Sistren Theatre Collective's work in Modern Drama, Theatre Research International, and in Suzanne Diamond's Compelling Confessions: the Politics of Personal Disclosure (2011). Her monograph on the Caribbean community's oral histories of migration to Victoria is forthcoming from Breakdown Press.
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ARMSTRONG, DAVID, and THEO FARRELL. "Force and Legitimacy in World Politics: Introduction." Review of International Studies 31, S1 (December 2005): 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210505006893.
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This volume was produced in the context of the crisis of legitimacy that occasioned the 2003 Iraq War. As is well known, a bitter feud broke out in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) over the legality of using force against Iraq. The US government justified going to war in the context of a new doctrine of preventive use of force for self-defence – a doctrine that was soon named after President George W. Bush. The British government anchored its case for war in two previous UNSC resolutions; res. 678 which originally authorised use of force against Iraq in the 1990–91 Gulf War, and res. 687 which suspended res. 678 on a number of conditions including the disarming of Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction (WMD) stockpiles, facilities and programmes. Both the US and British positions were underpinned by intelligence, subsequently proved to be flawed, that Iraq had failed to get rid of its WMD. Opponents of the war disputed this intelligence and, moreover, argued that the Bush Doctrine was plain illegal and ridiculed the British idea of resurrecting twelve-year-old UNSC resolutions.
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Milojković-Djurić, Jelena. "The Roles of Jovan Skerlić, Steven Mokranjac, and Paja Jovanović in Serbian Cultural History, 1900-1914." Slavic Review 47, no. 4 (1988): 687–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2498188.
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The beginning of the twentieth century brought new outlooks and aspirations into the cultural life of Serbia, but the mainstream of spiritual and creative development had already been marked by the affirmation of established national values. After 1903 important political changes, accompanying the return of constitutional government, stimulated a spiritual and national revival. In his History of the New Serbian Literature, Jovan Skerlić described the general improvement in social and political life. Skerlić, a contemporary who actively participated in the cultural and political events at the beginning of this century, pointed out that the consequences of these changes influenced the awakening of the national spirit and offered numerous solutions to questions of national importance. In 1904 Skerlić took part in the organization of the First Congress of Southern Slav Youth and of the First Yugoslav Fine Arts Exhibit marking the centennial of the first Serbian uprising. These events strengthened friendly cultural collaboration between Serbs, Croats, Slovenes, and Bulgarians. Even the Austro-Hungarian annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1908 could not halt this growth. Further proof of national strength was furnished by the victories in the Balkan wars of 1912 and 1913. After five hundred years the liberation of the Serbian people from Turkish occupation was finally accomplished.
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Piriz, Rodrigo, and Alexandre Vaz. "Educación del cuerpo y biopolítica en el Uruguay posdictadura (1985- 1990)." education policy analysis archives 27 (December 9, 2019): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.27.4177.
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This paper provides a discursive analysis of the four curricular programs of the Comisión Nacional de Educación Física (CNEF-Uruguay) of 1988, which are some of the fundamental documents of the policies in Physical Education in the first post-dictatorial quinquennium in Uruguay (1985-1990). We describe the conditions for the potential development of a physical education characterized by its ludic quality, exploring the frequent references to recreation in the policies in Physical Education as a government strategy aimed at the regulation of the population. Then, we analyze the relationship between politics and the education of the body, in light of the post-dictatorship policies and the policymakers attempt to distance themselves from the proposals developed in the dictatorial period. During the military-civic dictatorship in Uruguay (1973-1985); gymnastic displays and sporting events were exalted. In the return to democracy, physical education policies took a more recreational form, although maintained the same spirit: the government of the population and the productive body.
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Loveman, Brian. "¿Mision Cumplida? Civil Military Relations and the Chilean Political Transition." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 33, no. 3 (1991): 35–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165933.
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The armed forces have reconstructed authentic democracy. They have once again definitively carried out their mission…. I love this country more than Life itself.Captain General Augusto Pinochet11 September 1989The Constitution of 1980 does not meet, in its elaboration of the manner in which it was ratified, the essential conditions required by constitutional doctrine for the existence of a legitimate political order based on the rule of law.Francisco Cumplido C. (1983)Minister of Justice (1990)On 11 March 1990, Patricio Aylwin took office as Chile's first elected president since 1970. Chile thus joined the list of Latin American nations making a transition from military to civilian government. Like the civilian governments in Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay, Peru, Bolivia, El Salvador and Guatemala, Chile's new government faced the challenge of returning the armed forces to a less central role in politics and reducing their institutional prerogatives.
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JOIGNANT, ALFREDO. "The Politics of Technopols: Resources, Political Competence and Collective Leadership in Chile, 1990–2010." Journal of Latin American Studies 43, no. 3 (August 2011): 517–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x11000423.
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AbstractThis article systematically analyses the inner circle of the coalition that governed Chile between 1990 and 2010. To this end, it takes the notion of ‘technopol’ and transforms it into a sociological category by clearly identifying the nature of the ‘technical’ and ‘political’ resources of 20 agents who served as ministers and undersecretaries in key government posts. Over two decades these agents provided the governing coalition, the Concertación, with a form of collective leadership. The article thus shows that only this small group of powerful agents can be termed technopols since only they exhibited ‘tech’ and ‘pol’ resources as well as a particular form of political competence, making it possible to differentiate them from technocrats and politicians.
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WILDE, ALEXANDER. "Irruptions of Memory: Expressive Politics in Chile's Transition to Democracy." Journal of Latin American Studies 31, no. 2 (May 1999): 473–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x99005349.
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Even before Augusto Pinochet was arrested in London in October 1998, the past hung heavily over Chile's distinctive transition to democracy. This was apparent during the previous year in the attention given to its conflictive recent history in television and radio talk shows and in newspaper and magazine articles. Since the return to elected rule in 1990, volumes on the dictatorship and the Popular Unity government were staples in Santiago bookstores. With the approach of the 25th anniversary of the 1973 military coup, what had been a steady stream of publication turned into a torrent of personal and political memoirs, extended essays, political journalism, and scholarly studies evoking the country's divided historical memory.
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ÖZER, Muhammed Yusuf. "INFORMAL SECTOR AND INSTITUTIONS." Theoretical and Practical Research in the Economic Fields 13, no. 2 (December 31, 2022): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.14505/tpref.v13.2(26).07.
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In this paper, I investigate the relationship between informal sector size and various institutional quality variables: government stability, external conflict, internal conflict, corruption control, military influence over politics, religious tensions, ethnic tensions, law-and-order, democratic quality, and bureaucratic accountability. To this end, I use annual cross-country panel data covering 130 countries from 1990 to 2018. Having conducted a correlation analysis, the size of informal economy and institutional quality indicators are inversely linked. The most crucial institutional quality determinants are law-and-order (-0.53), bureaucratic quality (-0.51), military in politics (-0.45), corruption control (-0.42), and internal conflict (-0.35).
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Friedman, Robert S. "American Nuclear Energy Policy, 1945–1990: A Review Essay." Journal of Policy History 3, no. 3 (July 1991): 331–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600006321.
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Political scientists have often referred to core decision-making groups in American politics as “policy communities” or, more popularly, as “the iron triangle.” Invariably, they are describing the interaction patterns of specialists in the executive and legislative branches of government and in the private sector who devote primary attention to the initiation and implementation of public policy in a particular issue area. In large measure the groups are depicted as having close-knit working relationships that result from frequent interaction, similarity in information sources and commonality in ideological predisposition. Perceptive observers such as Hedrick Smith, however, have pointed out that in some policy arenas there are critics who are not part of what is usually regarded as the cozy establishment network. These he has referred to as “dissident triangles” or rival networks that compete with varying degrees of success in the process.
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Barbosa, Luiz C. "The People of the Forest against International Capitalism: Systemic and Anti-Systemic Forces in the Battle for the Preservation of the Brazilian Amazon Rainforest." Sociological Perspectives 39, no. 2 (June 1996): 317–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389315.
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The paper links the rapid deforestation taking place in the Brazilian Amazon rainforest to the alliance of the Brazilian government with world-systemic or global institutions in developing Amazonia. This alliance accelerated the pace of destruction by extending the capitalist frontier into the region, with devastating consequences for the people of the forest, (i.e*** Indians, rubber tappers, etc.) The paper argues that changes in the ecopolitics of the world-system beginning in the mid-1980's strengthened the cause of the people of the forest against the systemic agents of destruction. They won important allies abroad, while the Brazilian government lost allies. The political leverage gained by the people of the forest allowed them to win a few important victories in attempting to preserve their lands and livelihoods. Pressured by international demand, the Brazilian government agreed to create extractive reserves and to demarcate Indian lands. The paper concludes that a country-by-country approach to the problem of deforestation is insufficient. The world-system must be taken into account for a more comprehensive picture of the problem. I also argue, however, that internal or national processes are also critical for our understanding of environmental problems in the Third World. The world-system and national processes interact.
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Markiewicz, Anne. "The child welfare system in Victoria: Changing context and perspectives 1945-1995." Children Australia 21, no. 3 (1996): 32–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1035077200007185.
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This paper traces the history of child welfare in Victoria, from the formation of the Children's Welfare Department to the present time. It draws principally upon the Annual Reports of the responsible state government department, to illustrate trends in out-of-home placement for children and young people admitted to care. It describes substantial shifts in direction to the institutions in the 1960s, deinstitutionalisation of the 1980s, and the re-emergence of home-based care as a favoured, economical option.The paper traces the ebbs and flows in numbers, periods of overcrowding and the current reduced number of children and young people in care. It notes events impacting on evolving child welfare history in Victoria, the child migration program, building projects, the establishment of family group homes, regionalisation, external review, the Children and Young Persons Act (1989), and mandatory reporting legislation. Themes emerging include: early child welfare as a period of rescue and reform; the monitoring of standards and re-entry of the department to residential care; the building of institutions and rising numbers in care; redevelopment and the emergence of a community focus; the expansion of child protection; and the phasing out of old models and the search for cost efficient alternatives.A challenge for the 1990s is the need for deliberate and planned monitoring and evaluation as institutional and residential care give way to home-based care, and numbers of admissions decrease. The paper aims to provide useful, historical material for readers with an interest in child welfare work which would benefit from a descriptive review of the past.
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Radonic, Ljiljana. "Croatia's Politics of the Past during the Tuđman Era (1990–1999)—Old Wine in New Bottles?" Austrian History Yearbook 44 (April 2013): 234–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237813000143.
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The Croatian break with the Yugoslav narrative was—besides parting from the official slogan “brotherhood and unity”—first of all a break with its anti-Fascist legacy and narrative about World War II. This article asserts that while the contents of the “politics of the past” changed completely after Croatia's independence in 1990, the manner in which a dominant historical narrative was asserted during the era of President Franjo Tuđman remained the same, thanks to the Manichean worldview on which it rested, a deficient democracy, and government oppression of the free media.
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Mendes, Philip. "From minimal intervention to minimal support: Child protection services under the neo-liberal Kennett Government in Victoria 1992-1999." Children Australia 26, no. 1 (2001): 4–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s103507720001004x.
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This article examines the politics and ideology of Victorian child protection services during the Kennett years. The argument advanced is that the Kennett Liberal/National Party Coalition Government viewed child abuse in narrow, individualistic terms. In contrast to the previous Labor Government, which emphasized a philosophy of minimal intervention based on a partnership of family, community and the state, the Kennett philosophy was one of minimal support. The key emphasis was on the reporting of child abuse to statutory child protection authorities, and the treatment and punishment of individual offenders. Spending on broader structural prevention and support services which actually help the victims of abuse was not a priority.A number of examples of this neo-liberal agenda are given, including the poorly timed introduction of mandatory reporting and the associated diversion of resources from support services to investigation; the early cuts to accommodation and non-government support services; the inadequate response to demonstrated links between child abuse and poverty; the censorship of internal and external critics; and the appalling handling of the strike by child protection workers. Attention is focused primarily on the broader macro-political debates, rather than specific micro-service delivery issues.
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Brekke, Torkel. "Bones of Contention: Buddhist Relics, Nationalism and the Politics of Archaeology." Numen 54, no. 3 (2007): 270–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852707x211564.
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AbstractRelics of Sāriputta and Moggallāna, two of the Buddha's closest disciples, were discovered by Fred. C. Maisey and Alexander Cunningham in a stūpa at Sānchī in 1851 and were re-enshrined at the same place in November 1952. The exact whereabouts of the relics between these two dates has been uncertain, partly because both Buddhists and scholars have assumed, incorrectly, that the relics that were brought back to India had been in the possession of Mr Cunningham. The purpose of this article is to give a detailed account ot the relics of Sāriputta and Moggallāna found at Sānchī. The account is based on correspondence and notes about the relics found in archives of the Victoria & Albert Museum, London, and on relevant sources published by the Maha Bodhi Society. I argue that the quarrel over the relics was an important part of the revival of Buddhism from the end of the nineteenth century. I also discuss how the relics of the two saints were used by the government of India as nationalist symbols.
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Castiglioni, Rossana. "The Politics of Retrenchment: The Quandaries of Social Protection under Military Rule in Chile, 1973–1990." Latin American Politics and Society 43, no. 4 (2001): 37–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2001.tb00187.x.
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AbstractChile's military government replaced the country's universalistic social policy system with a set of market-oriented social policies. Taking evidence from three areas (pensions, education, and health care), this study seeks to explain why the military advanced a policy of deep retrenchment and why reform of health care was less thorough than it was in pensions and education. The radical transformation of policy relates to the breadth of power concentration enjoyed by General Pinochet and his economic team, the policymakers' ideological positions, and the role of veto players. The more limited reform of health care is linked to the actions of a powerful veto player, the professional association of physicians.
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Bharti, Mukesh Shankar. "The Government and Politics of Poland in the Light of the Constitutional Perspective since 1989." Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego 70, no. 6 (2022): 439–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2022.06.32.
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The article analyses the characteristics of the Polish constitution and government since 1989. This study empirically discusses the dynamics of the constitutional framework and Polish political system in the light of the outcomes of the parliamentary elections and the formation of the government in the Republic of Poland. The article describes Samuel P Huntington‘ s theoretical-speculative theory as the primary level of political development in Poland. According to Samuel P Huntington, between 1989 and 1990, several countries from Central, Eastern and Southern Europe moved from totalitarian rule to the democratic forms of government. The constitution was formulated according to the rule of the law and is based on democratic norms. This democratic revolution is probably the most important political trend and Poland was also affected by this wave of democratisation in 1989. The main purpose of this study is to describe the political transformation which is resulted in the democratic government. How does Poland establish the rule of law and a sustainable popular government that follows constitutional norms? The result of this article is that the political parties, creating the opposition in parliament, must propose a new strategy of behaviour in such circumstances, in particular by tackling the compromise of a democratic system on the basis of the Constitution of 1997, e.g. distribution of powers, elections, party politics, the position of the Constitutional Court and functioning of the judiciary in the country.
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Fox, Jonathan. "How Secular Are Western Governments’ Religion Policies?" Secular Studies 1, no. 1 (May 8, 2019): 3–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25892525-00101002.
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Abstract This study examines government religion policy in 26 Western democracies between 1990 and 2014 using the Religion and State round 3 (RAS3) dataset to determine whether these policies can be considered secular. While many assume that the West and its governments are secular and becoming more secular, the results contradict this assumption. All Western governments support religion in some manner, including financial support. All but Canada restrict the religious practices and/or religious institutions of religious minorities. All but Andorra and Italy restrict or regulate the majority religion. In addition religious both governmental and societal discrimination against religious minorities increased significantly between 1990 and 2014. All of this indicates religion remains a prominent factor in politics and society in the West.
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Carter, Jimmy. "Cushing Oration, 1990: Role of the United States in a changing world." Journal of Neurosurgery 73, no. 6 (December 1990): 813–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3171/jns.1990.73.6.0813.
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✓ In discussing the role of the United States in world politics, President Jimmy Carter described the changes in Europe as it prepares for unification into one economic bloc; the deteriorating conditions in the third world; the impact of the recent changes in communist countries; and the persistence of regional wars and civil disputes. He summarized the policies and activities of The Carter Center in Atlanta, Georgia. This nonprofit organization receives no government funds and can act as an independent agent in areas such as disease eradication and promotion of food production in the third world countries, and can intercede on behalf of peace in countries with civil unrest. He urged the members of the Association, as leaders of society, to use their influence in alleviating worldwide suffering.
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Trejo, Guillermo, and Sandra Ley. "Why Did Drug Cartels Go to War in Mexico? Subnational Party Alternation, the Breakdown of Criminal Protection, and the Onset of Large-Scale Violence." Comparative Political Studies 51, no. 7 (August 2, 2017): 900–937. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414017720703.
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This article explains why Mexican drug cartels went to war in the 1990s, when the federal government was not pursuing a major antidrug campaign. We argue that political alternation and the rotation of parties in state gubernatorial power undermined the informal networks of protection that had facilitated the cartels’ operations under one-party rule. Without protection, cartels created their own private militias to defend themselves from rival groups and from incoming opposition authorities. After securing their turf, they used these militias to conquer rival territory. Drawing on an original database of intercartel murders, 1995 to 2006, we show that the spread of opposition gubernatorial victories was strongly associated with intercartel violence. Based on in-depth interviews with opposition governors, we show that by simply removing top- and midlevel officials from the state attorney’s office and the judicial police—the institutions where protection was forged—incoming governors unwittingly triggered the outbreak of intercartel wars.
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Creed, Gerald W. "The Politics of Agriculture: Identity and Socialist Sentiment in Bulgaria." Slavic Review 54, no. 4 (1995): 843–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501396.
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When Bulgarians elected a parliament dominated by the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) in their first, free postcommunist election, they were considered the mavericks of eastern Europe. As Misha Glenny critically points out, “Bulgaria bucks the trend” was a recurrent phrase in English-language reports of the 1990 contest. But four years later, after an intervening non-socialist government, a second socialist victory seemed to be following trends set in Lithuania, Hungary and Poland. In a front-page article in The New York Times several months before Bulgaria's 1994 election, the east European trend towards embracing ex-communists is described as beginning in Lithuania, with no mention of Bulgaria's earlier socialist victory and its continual socialist electoral strength. Then, following the election, the Washington Post reported that the results “brought the fourth former Communist Party to power in Eastern Europe, after Hungary, Poland and Lithuania.“
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Sondrol, Paul C. "The Emerging New Politics of Liberalizing Paraguay: Sustained Civil-Military Control without Democracy." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 34, no. 2 (1992): 127–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166031.
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The Process of the transition from authoritarianism to more representative forms of government has become a major subject of the scholarship on Latin American politics today (O'Donnell, et al, 1986; Malloy and Seligson, 1987; Stepan, 1989; Diamond et al, 1988-1990; Lowenthal, 1991). Given this interest, as expressed by the growing literature in this area, little attention has been paid to the transition process now going on in Paraguay, which is now emerging from one of Latin America's most long-standing authoritarian regimes.A number of studies testify to the authoritarian nature of Paraguay's government and society. Johnson indicates that Paraguay ranked either 18th or 19th—out of 20 Latin American nations ... in 9 successive surveys of democratic development, carried out at 5-year intervals from 1945 to 1985 (Jonnson> 1988). A longitudinal study of press freedom found that Paraguay was invariably placed in the category of “poor,” or even “none,” between 1945-1975 (Hill and Hurley, 1980). When Palmer applied his 5 indicators of authoritarianism (nonelective rule, coups, primacy of the military, military rule, executive predominance) to the countries of Latin America, Paraguay consistently ranked first in its degree of authoritarianism (Palmer, 1977).
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Unah, Isaac. "Explaining Corporate Litigation Activity in an Integrated Framework of Interest Mobilization." Business and Politics 5, no. 01 (April 2003): 65–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1049.
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Although the pluralist theory of politics predicts that the focus of organizational activity should shift to the judicial arena whenever the expectations of government as regulator and the demands of regulated interests fail to converge, there has been little systematic research focusing on the question of business litigation as a specific form of interest mobilization. This article develops an integrated organizational choice model of interest mobilization to explain corporate litigation against the United States government. I argue that a company's decision to proceed with litigation is predicated upon the company's (1) resource capacity, (2) constraints of the regulatory environment, and (3) perception of procedural unfairness of the government in the administrative process. The argument is tested with data from a survey of top U.S. business executives whose companies unsuccessfully petitioned the government for administered protection between 1990 and 1995. The argument receives strong empirical support, and suggests that U.S. corporations facing import competition consider litigation an important component of their overall political strategy for obtaining nonmarket benefits.
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Di Cori, Paola. "Comparing Different Generations of Feminists: Precariousness versus Corporations?" Feminist Review 87, no. 1 (September 2007): 136–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.fr.9400376.
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This article focuses on the gap and conflicts in Italy between the so-called ‘historical feminists’ of the 1960s and 1970s, and the generation of young women who entered the public and political arena from 1990 onwards. It discusses the absence of a critical and self-critical perspective within the Italian historical feminist tradition, the various political conflicts that emerged before and during the Berlusconi right-wing government at the beginning of 2000 and the absence of an active visible presence of young women in the media and in politics.
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Casson, Rebecca. "Gas, grass or ass, no one rides for free: the mohawk mayor." Persona Studies 2, no. 2 (December 7, 2016): 42–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.21153/ps2016vol2no2art600.
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In November 2013 Darryn Lyons, a former celebrity photographer well-known for his colourful antics, was directly elected as mayor of Geelong, the second largest city in the State of Victoria, Australia. Also known as “Mr Paparazzi” and “The Mohawk Mayor”, Lyons’s leadership lasted just 30 months before the Victorian State Government sacked him and dissolved the entire Geelong Council, revealing a pre-existing culture of bullying that appeared to be compounded by Lyons’s celebrity persona. How did Lyons’s persona affect Geelong’s newly established procedures for a directly elected mayor? Drawing on one particularly controversial incident, and using data collected from Lyons’s autobiography, together with media articles, official documents and social media, this article discusses how - as a celebrity politician - Lyons appeared to be unable to effectively separate his celebrity persona from his public persona. This seemed to drown out Geelong’s important issues, and undermined the legitimacy of local government. The current literature on directly elected mayors does not include consideration of how electing a celebrity as mayor complicates the problems of legitimacy in local government, and there is a paucity of literature on directly elected celebrity mayors in Australia. An emerging literature on directly elected mayors primarily addresses problems with legitimacy in contemporary politics, while the literature on celebrity politics changing legitimacy has been well established. Using the Lyons case, this article examines both literatures and contributes to the national and international debate on directly elected celebrity mayors.
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Alley, Roderic. "Book Review: Pacific Ways: Government and Politics in the Pacific Islands68.1518 LevineStephen — Pacific Ways: Government and Politics in the Pacific Islands (Victoria University Press, 2016). Commonwealth and Comparative Politics55(4), Nov. 2017: 556–559." International Political Science Abstracts 68, no. 1 (February 2018): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020834518068001126.
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BAJPAI, ROCHANA. "Rhetoric as Argument: Social Justice and Affirmative Action in India, 1990." Modern Asian Studies 44, no. 4 (December 23, 2009): 675–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x09990035.
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AbstractSocial justice is a key concept in the theory and practice of affirmative action. In India, social justice has come to serve as shorthand for affirmative action for disadvantaged groups, mainly lower castes. This paper provides a detailed analytical interpretation of social justice in a landmark legislative debate on quotas in India, namely the 1990 Mandal debate. It unpacks political rhetoric to reveal distinct conceptions of social justice, shows that claims for quotas for Other Backward Classes (OBCs) in the bureaucracy drew substantially on principles of social justice and democracy and argues that, despite appearances, several arguments for OBC representation in government jobs were compatible with the principle of merit. In doing so, the paper demonstrates that contrary to common opinion, political rhetoric deserves close attention. A reconstruction of political arguments over affirmative action advances understanding of some puzzling features of lower-caste politics in India. It also illuminates important questions in political theory debates on social justice.
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Maiwan, Mohammad. "HEGEMONI, KEKUASAAN, DAN GERAKAN MAHASISWA ERA 1990-AN: PERSPEKTIF DAN ANALISA." Jurnal Ilmiah Mimbar Demokrasi 16, no. 1 (October 31, 2016): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.21009/jimd.v16i1.1182.
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ABSTRACT
The student movement that emerged in the 1990s was a response to the authoritarian New Order policies. Although New Order succeeded in economic development but lead to inequality. Student activists form an alliance with pro-democracy groups such as NGOs, unions, farmers, and critical opposition groups. Therefore, their movements become an important part of the pro-democracy movement. In general the issues presented students are: First, the issues of democratization and human rights. Secondly, issues related to land, environment and labor. In addition to address issues of local and national, their movements also a response of international issues To control the student movement, the government established the SMTP (Student Senate Higher Education), accompanied by harsh measures. Nevertheless, their movement is still weak and disunited. The existence of a strong student movement and spread emerge when the economic crisis hit Indonesia, dropping of President Soeharto in May 1998.
Keywords: Student movement, politics, New Order, 1990s-era.
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Redd, Curtis, and Emma K. Russell. "‘It all started here, and it all ends here too’: Homosexual criminalisation and the queer politics of apology." Criminology & Criminal Justice 20, no. 5 (July 6, 2020): 590–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748895820939244.
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In recent years, we have witnessed a tide of government apologies for historic laws criminalising homosexuality. Complicating a conventional view of state apologies as a progressive effort to come to terms with past mistakes, queer theoretical frameworks help to elucidate the power effects and self-serving nature of the new politics of regret. We argue that through the discourse of gay apology, the state extolls pride in its present identity by expressing shame for its ‘homophobic past’. In doing so, it discounts the possibility that systemic homophobia persists in the present. Through a critical discourse analysis of the ‘world first’ gay apology from the parliament of the Australian state of Victoria in 2016, we identify five key themes: the inexplicability of the past, the individualisation of homophobia, the construction of a ‘post-homophobic’ society, the transformation of shame into state pride and subsuming the ‘unhappy queer’ through the expectation of forgiveness.