Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Victoria Politics and government 1990-'
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1
Robinson, Nick. "Major government, minor change : the politics of transport, 1990-1997." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1998. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/4311/.
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This thesis looks at the politics of transport in the Major era, arguing that transport has emerged as an issue of high political salience in the 1990s. In this period transport, and most particularly the motor car, increasingly came to be blamed for a combination of economic and environmental problems including rising congestion, noise, land-use impacts and a deterioration of air quality and traffic safety standards. The primary. aim of this thesis is to explain these developments and their effects by utilising agenda setting theory. This thesis argues that the operation of the agenda setting dynamic in the transport case illustrates aspects of a number of models of agenda setting. It looks at the role of actors, problems, external events and non-decision making and argues that, in part, they all make a useful contribution to the study of political change in the Major era. However, it also argues that different models of agenda setting apply in different circumstances and that a model which may provide a useful explanation of situation A may provide a less satisfactory explanation of situation B. The explanation for this is that transport is a multi-faceted issue which affects mobility, the environment, and economic development as well as issues of lifestyle and personal freedom; the priorities which central government attaches to transport policy outcomes reflect this diversity. These different aspects of the transport issue are affected by different agenda setting processes, depending on the extent to which they challenge the dominant policy imperatives of the state. For example, in a situation in which the policy imperatives of the state are threatened, the agenda setting process will be highly constrained and proponents of change, will find it very difficult, if not impossible, to alter the agenda. In such a case, the models of non-decision making will be an important, often the dominant, explanation of the agenda setting process. Overall, this study argues that the transport agenda setting process operates in, and is constrained by, a policy making environment which is dominated by the policy imperatives of the state.
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Truna, Dody S. "Islam and politics under the 'new order' government in Indonesia, 1966-1990." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=56901.
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The 'New Order' government, under President Suharto's leadership, has undertaken different initiatives in the face of both 'political' Islam and 'religious' Islam in Indonesia. Since coming into power in 1966, it has exercised strict control over 'political' Islam; on the other hand, its attitude towards 'religious' Islam has generally been tolerant and even supportive. The result has been a considerable weakening of Islamic political forces but a rapidly developing 'religious' Islam. This reality has forced the present-day generation of Indonesian Muslim thinkers to take an approach which is different from that of the previous generation in responding to the government's policies towards Islam. Unlike their predecessors, some of whom had too ideological and formalistic a conception of an Islamic state, the present Muslim thinkers take an approach which is for the most part politically non-partisan. There has been a growing tendency among them to denounce the efficacy of Islamic political parties. They see that the realization of an Islamic community and the well-being of the ummah will come about not through exclusive and uncompromising political actions but through socioeconomic and cultural means and the ability to be less exclusive and willing to work with those who share different ideas. As a result of efforts along these lines, the relationship between the Muslim community and the government has improved substantially. Nevertheless, it remains to be seen whether or not this developing 'religious' Islam will, at some future date, be transformed into a powerful 'political' Islam.
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Zigby, Mohammed Ak. "Bullets to ballots : the Lebanonization of Hizballah." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33319.
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In the span of two decades, Hizballah has evolved from an armed resistance movement against Israeli occupation into an efficient political party and---by extension---into a permanent fixture on Lebanon's mainstream political stage. The present analysis traces the evolution of the party from its inception and assesses its performance vis-a-vis the major players of Iran, Israel and Syria. Factors including the characteristics of the movement and the Shiite community itself, the shifting position, interests and policies of various regional actors, and the changing domestic conditions in Lebanon were isolated in order to adequately explain the behaviour and development of Hizballah. As a result, such alternatives to cultural factors (i.e the "Islamic variable") were found to be stronger explanatory factors rather than the Islamic factor. Ultimately, the essay illustrates that Islamic considerations are secondary, if not tertiary, when political decisions are to be made in different contexts. Rather, it is the interests of the more powerful actors that govern the organization's next move, in addition to the aforementioned variables. On the basis of such assumptions and findings, conclusions were finally drawn regarding Hizballah's future developments and its prospects following an Israeli withdrawal.
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Quinn, Leon Roman. "The politics of pollution? : government, environmentalism and mass opinion in East Germany 1972-1990." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.271839.
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Siles, Brenda. "The Politics of Land Distribution: Ingenio Victoria de Julio- El Timal, a Case Study of Nicaraguan Rural Conflicts after 1990." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2016. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/honors_theses/77.
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One of the greatest legacies of the Sandinista Revolution was agrarian reform. Despite the amount of land redistributed, this process happened without any form of legal documentation to support the transfer of property from one owner to the next. The end of the civil war, the peace accords and the transition of power from left to right-wing parties produced conflicting policies that would bring high levels of complexity to the system of land tenure in the country. The case of the state-owned sugar mill, Ingenio Victoria de Julio – El Timal is of one the most emblematic examples of how slow and inefficient Nicaraguan institutions have been in solving land tenure issues in 26 years.
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Desrosiers, Eric K. "Nationalisme et racisme : analyse de dix ans de discours du Parti Québécois à l'égard des communautés minoritaires du Québec (1981- 1990)." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61289.
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How well founded are accusations of racism against Quebec nationalist? No research has been done on this question regarding contemporary Quebec. Authors who have examined the link between nationalism and racism in other contexts have disagreed about its relevance. To provide an answer, a broad and flexible definition of the concept of racism is required. This thesis analyses the content of the Parti Quebecois' political discourse concerning minority communities as reported in newspapers between 1981 to 1990. An original aspect of this research is the fact is submits its results to representatives of the Parti Quebecois and minority communities to shed different lights on the author's interpretation of his results. The research supports the conclusion that the Parti Quebecois' discourse from 1981 to 1990 was not racist. As a result, a direct link between nationalism and racism cannot be established.
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Choudhury, Zahidul Arefin. "Politics of natural disaster : how governments maintain legitimacy in the wake of major disasters, 1990-2010." Diss., University of Iowa, 2013. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/1566.
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This dissertation is about major natural disasters, and how they contribute to legitimacy crises of governments. Three major factors explain the emergence of a legitimacy crisis in a post-disaster context: the frequency of disaster occurrence, the quality of the government response to disasters, and the type of regime within which the government operates. Employing a large-N statistical analysis of data on major natural disasters and anti-government domestic political activities for the years between 1990 and 2010, I show that higher counts of disasters, as a rule, increase the risks of anti-government demonstrations, revolutions, riots, guerrilla warfare, and intrastate conflict. The disaster-political opposition relationship is conditional upon the characteristics of political regimes. No regime is entirely free from the political dangers of disasters. Consolidated autocracies and well established democracies are less likely than mixed regimes to observe political crises in the context of a higher frequency of natural disasters.
To evaluate the quality of government response and how it mediates the disaster-legitimacy relationship, I conduct a qualitative analysis of news reports on four major disaster events in South Asia - cyclone Sidr of 2007 and cyclone Aila of 2009 in Bangladesh and cyclone Aila and the Kashmir earthquake of 2005 in India. The case studies reveal that poor preparedness and inadequate immediate and long-term response of a government invite public criticism of the incumbent, antigovernment protest movements, and anti-incumbent voting in elections. When opposition parties translate this public frustration into broader political mobilization, the moral claim of the incumbent to remain in power diminishes substantially, sometimes causing a legitimacy crisis. As opposed to common expectations, democracy may not provide the best political environment for effective disaster response. The quality of government response is influenced rather by a regime's security concerns, the level of administrative efficacy and corruption, the military's role in the disaster response process, socio-economic conditions of the affected people, and leadership competition over the disaster management process.
This study has broader implications for understanding the kinds of political strains that disasters create in a society and how governments function in Bangladesh and India. Much of these governments' energy is devoted to managing disasters, which diminishes their capacity to govern. Political elites in Bangladesh and India use disaster events as opportunities to strengthen clientelism and exclude political opposition in the affected areas
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Herbert, Lise Jean. "From the supreme Islamic Shii council to AMAL : Shii politics in Lebanon from 1969-1984." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=30174.
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This thesis highlights a new approach to the programs and agenda of the Shi`ite representative body in Lebanon known under the acronym AMAL. The period studied is from 1969--1984. Previous studies have drawn insufficient attention to the important and quintessentially Islamic relation between religion and politics for this particular community. This relation becomes a focal point for this thesis.Here, I study and tell the story of how a politically and socially marginalized sector of a society awakened unto itself and sought change in its political, social and economic position. This change involved a reaffirmation of specifically Shi`i doctrines, beliefs and motifs which helped this community assert themselves with a new identity during this fifteen year period.
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Judikis-Preller, Juan C. "The impact of the military government on higher education in Chile : 1973-1990." Virtual Press, 1999. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1137604.
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The general purpose of this study completed in 1999 was to create an accurate, documented description of the experiences of nine students, three faculty members and two administrators in higher education in Chile during the military government 1973 - 1990.A qualitative approach was selected as the most appropriate methodology to' complete the study. A variety of methods and data collection strategies were used. The major data collection strategies were interviews and reviewing of primary and secondary written sources. The interviews were used to collect evidence concerning interviewees' experiences, as well as their attitudes, and perceptions regarding the events that occurred in higher education during the rule of the military government 1973 - 1990.The researcher decided to use a judgment sample of interviewees from the population based on their knowledge about the topic and their willingness to share their knowledge and experiences. Geographical representation, position within the institutions, kind of institution represented, and gender were major the considerations at the moment of selecting the sample too.Thanks to the U.S.A. Freedom of Information Act, which established an effective statutory right to access by any person or organization to federal government information, the researcher found official information that allowed for triangulation of evidence.The findings showed that the changes the military government implemented through their modernization of the educational system did not follow the historical trend of educational development in Chile. Furthermore, under the military government, policymaking in higher education was circumscribed to autocratic arenas, which usually coincided with government policy. Education was utilized to serve the purpose of the government. The educational system 1973 - 1990 failed to serve those with special needs. Free-market policies profoundly transformed education from a right available to all, to a commodity available in varying quantity and quality according to purchasing power of individuals.The impact of military government on higher education during the military rule was notorious and huge. Even though they were destructive in some aspects the military government did good things for the educational system. The issue in discussion is the price that was paid.Department of Educational Leadership
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Zahar, Marie-Joëlle. "The Lebanese Forces and the Ta'if Accord : militia decision-making in theoretical perspective." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26366.
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This thesis addresses the determinants of militia decision-making. Focussing on the Lebanese Forces (LF), the major Christian militia in Lebanon's Civil War, it analyses the motives which drove the LF to accept the Ta'if Accord--an acceptance that stands in stark contrast to its rejection of two earlier settlement blueprints, the Lausanne talks and the Tripartite Agreement. Steering away from the literature's focus on ideology as the prime mover of militias, the research explores other dimensions of militia decision-making, notably the impact of inter-communal power struggles, of the extra-communal balance of power, and of the international setting. Particular attention is given to the impact of the process of institutionalization. By rendering decisions more sensitive to cost-benefit and other prasmatic considerations, institutionalization is insruumental in bringing the more hawkish of militias to the negotiation table and in opening a window of opportunity for lasting conflict resolution.
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Badawi, Omar. "Toward a process theory of revolution : understanding the failure of the Islamist insurgency in Algeria." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83169.
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In 1992, Algeria's government held its first ever democratic elections. With the Front Islamique du Salut poised to win the elections overwhelmingly, the Algerian military cancelled the democratic process and imposed military rule. Soon afterward, Algeria plunged into a civil war that claimed upward of 100,000 lives. Despite very significant popular support for the Islamist insurgency aiming to violently overthrow the Algerian government, the insurgency ultimately failed. Why? This paper will argue that while structural and actor-oriented approaches to understanding revolution are certainly important, they focus inadequate attention on contingencies that arise during a conflict, which in turn, affect structural and actor-oriented variables. Furthermore, a process-level approach enables us to factor in actor-oriented and structural variables dynamically, and is necessary to understanding the ultimate failure of the Islamist insurgency in Algeria.
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Singh, Karandeep. "Sikh Terrorism in India 1984-1990: A Time Series Analysis." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1991. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279217/.
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In recent times, religion has become a powerful force in giving legitimacy to terrorist actions. The present work considers this highly salient fact, as well as stresses the necessity to consider the historical and social contexts and group power resources in any meaningful analysis of violent protest movements. Quantitative rigor is combined with a sensitivity to context. Terrorism is operationalized by taking a time-based count of terrorist killings of innocent people. Regime acts of omission and commission are coded as time series interventions. The analysis also includes a continuous variable measuring the incidence of economic distress in Punjab. A case is also made for the superiority of Box- Jenkins time series techniques for the quantitative analysis of problems of this nature.
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Baumann, Steffen. "Political Culture in West and East Germany at the TIme of Reunification: Revisiting the Civic Culture." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1997. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278781/.
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Studies of political culture have often focused on the impact of political institutions on political culture in a society. The scientific community has accepted the position that institutions shape beliefs and attitudes among the citizens towards the system they live in. This study tests this hypothesis by using survey data collected during the fall of 1990 in the United States, Great Britain, Italy, West, and East Germany.
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Dayimani, Bongikhaya. "Elite attitudes and the ANC's shift from nationalization to privatization : 1990-2000." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52820.
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Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The period prior to the 1990's marked the ANC as a liberation movement, perceived by many as being in favour of nationalization and a state controlled economy. The advent of democracy and the ANC's assumption of political power have, however, seen a change in the ANC elites' policy rhetoric, practice and approach to policy formulation. This essay examines the extent to which elite views and attitudes have shifted from nationalization to privatization. It notes that while the ANC government has been persuing and implementing Gear and its privatization component, its elite seems to be less supportive and to some extent ambivalent on the question. In addition, continued implementation of Gear and its privatization elements, in spite of reservations by the majority of the elites supporting the ANC, reveals a technocratie nature in approach to policy-making on the part of the ANC-led government.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Voor 1990 was die ANC oor die algemeen beskou as 'n bevrydingsorganisasie, ten gunste van nasionalisering en 'n staatsbeheerde ekonomie. Met die totstandkoming van demokrasie en die ANC se aanname van politieke mag, het daar 'n verandering plaasgevind onder ANC elite ten opsigte van beleidsretoriek, praktyk en hulle benadering betreffende beleidsformulering. Hierdie studie ondersoek tot hoe 'n mate die elite se sieninge en houdings verskuif het vanaf nasionalisering na privatisering. Terwyl die ANC regering GEAR implementeer met sy privatiseringkomponent, is die ANC elite al minder ondersteunend t.o.v die privatiseringskwessie; om die waarheid te sê, hul standpunt hieroor is tot 'n mate dubbelsinnig. Verder toon die implementering van GEAR, en sy privatiseringselement, ten spyte van bedenkinge onder die meerderheid van die elite wat die ANC ondersteun, 'n toenemende tegnokratiese benadering tot beleidsmaking aan die kant van die ANC regering.
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Marti, Werner Johannes. "Revolutionary change in Nicaragua and El Salvador: a comparative analysis." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/44685.
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With the success of a leftist revolution in Nicaragua and a civil war against a strong revolutionary movement in El Salvador, Central America has become one of the flash points of world politics. The two revolutionary movements, which adhere to similar ideologies, emerged in countries with similar historical roots and similar socio-economic background. This thesis analyzes the question why the Nicaraguan revolution was successful after one and a half years of general insurrection, whereas the Salvadorean revolutionary movement has failed so far in gaining power. The author looks at four major factors which seem crucial for revolutionary success: Breadth of the Revolutionary Coalition, Military Strength and Strategies, Role of the Church, and External Influences. The comparative analysis shows that three of these four factors favor the Nicaraguan revolutionaries. In contrast to El Salvador, the Nicaraguan revolutionary coalition included all major classes, not only the lower classes and parts of the middle class. When compared to the government forces, the Nicaraguan guerrillas were stronger than the Salvadorean. Furthermore, the counterstrategy of the Nicaraguan government was not as systematic and sophisticated as in El Salvador. In contrast to Somoza, the Salvadorean government has gotten strong U.S. support and the Salvadorean movement does not get the same support from other states that the Nicaraguan revolutionary movement received. Only the role of the Church is in favor of the Salvadorean revolutionaries. The Salvadorean Church was more active in promoting Liberation Theology and thereby helped to make the people conscious about the social injustices prevailing in the country and to organize the lower classes.
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Arguello, Vargas Tatiana. "Culture and Arts in Post Revolutionary Nicaragua: The Chamorro Years (1990-1996)." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1281638909.
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Hung, Lu-hsun Theodore. "Party-Military Relations in the PRC After Mao, 1976-1990." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1991. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277990/.
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The importance of party-military relations in the People's Republic of China was succinctly stated by Mao in his dictum that "political power comes from the gun" and "the Party should command the gun." Party-military relations in the PRC have never fully conformed to Mao's warning. This study seeks to analyze the nature and types of party-military relations in the PRC during the post-Mao period and the factors affecting change in these relations.
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Nuyken, Mark E. "Between domestic constraints and multilateral obligations : the reform of the Bundeswehr in the context of a normalised German foreign and security policy." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/6511.
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This thesis seeks to understand the developments in Germany’s foreign and security policy since the end of the Cold War. Primarily, this thesis will centre on the question of whether Germany can now, after being re-unified for more than 20 years, be considered a normal actor in international relations. Although this subject has been debated extensively, the effects a possible change in foreign policy behaviour has on related fields of policy, have largely been left aside. This thesis therefore sets out to understand if there has in fact been a change in Germany’s foreign and security policy and will then apply the findings on the institution most affected by this change, i.e. Germany’s armed forces the Bundeswehr. It will therefore firstly discuss the perceived changes in German foreign policy since 1990 by analysing the academic debate on the process of normalisation and continuation. It will be argued that Germany has in fact become more normal and abandoned the constrained foreign policy of the Cold-War-era. The Bundeswehr will therefore have to be reformed accordingly to accommodate the new tasks set out by the changed foreign policy – most importantly peacekeeping and peace-enforcing out-of-area missions. This thesis will therefore analyse the reform efforts made over the last 20 years and apply them to the Bundeswehr’s large deployments in Kosovo and Afghanistan to determine how effective the reforms have been. Finally, this thesis will be able to contribute to the discussion on Germany’s status of a normal player in international relations with the added perspective from the Bundeswehr’s point of view.
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Ruiters, Michele René. "Namibia's long road to independence : the Botha era." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002001.
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This thesis deals with the ten years preceding Namibia's independence in March 1990. It examines the various characters and groups in this process, and how their roles delayed or promoted it. The era of Pieter W. Botha is very significant in that his rule brought many changes to the decision-making process and content of South African foreign policy. This period, 1978 - 1989, marked the formulation of the Total National Strategy in response to the Total Onslaught being waged on South Africa by perceived hostile external forces. Namibia's transition to independence suffered under this military-oriented policy as did the rest of the region. Never before in South Africa's policy-making history had the security sector played such a major role. Regional relations changed subsequent to the policy changes because of the distorted vision the Botha regime had of black-ruled states. Namibia was seen as an important pawn in the Total National Strategy as the last buffer state in Southern Africa protecting South Africa's white minority regime
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Malone, David. "Decision-taking in the UN security council, 1990-96 : the case of Haiti." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670235.
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Rapkin, Jonathan D. "Out with the Old? Voting Behavior and Party System Change in Canada and the United States in the 1990's." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1997. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278907/.
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This study has attempted to explain the dramatic challenges to the existing party system that occurred in Canada and the United States in the early 1990s. The emergence of new political movements with substantial power at the ballot box has transformed both party systems. The rise of United We Stand America in the United States, and the Reform Party in Canada prompts scholars to ask what forces engender such movements. This study demonstrates that models of economic voting and key models of party system change are both instrumental for understanding the rise of new political movements.
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Pushkar. "Centre parties and the social question : the Christian Democratic Party (PDC) and health policies in Chile, 1990-2000." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102153.
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How are Centre parties distinct from Left and Right parties in term of their policy preferences? The scholarship on political parties either ignores Centre parties or treats them as a residual category. In this study, I attempt to rescue Centre parties from obscurity by looking at a quintessential Centre party: the Chilean Christian Democratic Party (PDC). Between 1990--2000, the PDC led two centre-left Concertacion coalition governments under Patricio Aylwin (1990--1994) and Eduardo Frei (1994--2000). It was the PDC's responsibility to negotiate the 'Chilean paradox': a country that had achieved economic success with neoliberalism and become a "model" for Latin America but where the "social debt" increased exponentially during 17 years of military rule under Augusto Pinochet (1973--1990). Health was one of the main concerns for Chileans through the decade but there was little headway made in the policy arena. My study seeks to explain why this was so.I make a distinction between (1) the "defensive" Centre which aspires to be neither left nor right; and (2) the "encompassing" Centre parties that are both left and right. Christian Democratic parties are "encompassing" Centre parties par excellence since they incorporate elements of both left and right ideologies in a manner consistent with their social Catholic beliefs. They are known to combine a conservative position on social and moral issues with a pro-poor orientation on welfare issues. The main policy dilemmas of the PDC emerged from its status as an "encompassing" Centre Party as it sought to reconcile left and right. During the 1990s, the PDC shifted allegiance from state-led development policies to neoliberalism. As a result, the scope of the party's commitment to welfare issues was defined within the range of options available within the neoliberal model. However, while neoliberals dominated key policy positions, statists retained influence in the Congress and within the party organization. The uneven nature of adaptation to neoliberalism became one of the main obstacles in reaching a consensus for reform. My study also gives due emphasis to the constraints introduced by the country's institutional framework, notably the 1980 Constitution inherited from the military regime.
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Bickford, Louis N. "Strengthening democracy, stakeholder institutions, public policy and democratic quality : the case of Chile, 1990-1998." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ64518.pdf.
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Whytock, Ian Alexander. "South Africa’s home policy and its foreign relations : a study of transitions since 1990." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/97129.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a study of South African transitions. A transition, within the context of South African contemporary history, usually refers to the period in the early 1990s when South Africa underwent a negotiated transition from racial minority rule to a full democracy in 1994. This thesis takes a liberal understanding of South Africa’s transition timeline and is not confined just to South Africa’s political transition, but also examines transitions within transitions. This will be done through three studies beginning with a survey of the global political transitions that took place against the backdrop of South Africa’s domestic political transition in the early 1990s. Secondly, we will look at the role that national historical identity plays in diplomacy and international relations and, more specifically, at the cultivation of a new historic identity in South Africa’s international relations. Lastly, we will examine the policy transitions that came in the “new” South Africa through a case study of the nationalization debate. All three of these focuses will be studied through the lens of South Africa’s foreign relations with China and the United States which provides a unique vantage point for viewing the complexities. The goal of this thesis is to develop a broader understanding of transitions in South Africa and the role that the United States and China played in them. As this theme is interrogated, some of the continuities and discontinuities will be exposed between the “old” and “new” South Africa.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis bestudeer Suid-Afrikaanse transisies. 'n Transisie, binne die konteks van kontemporêre Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis, verwys gewoonlik na die tydperk van die vroeë 1990's toe Suid-Afrika 'n bemiddelde oorgang ondergaan het vanaf radikale minderheidsbewind na 'n volledige demokrasie in 1994. Hierdie tesis neem 'n liberale benadering tot die tydperk waarbinne hier periode beskou word en is nie beperk tot slegs Suid-Afrika se politieke transisie nie, maar ondersoek ook transisies binne-in transisies. Dit sal gedoen word deur drie ondersoeke, wat begin met 'n oorsig van die wêreldwye politieke transisies wat op daardie stadium plaasgevind het teen die agtergrond van Suid-Afrika se binnelandse politieke transisie van die 1990's. Tweedens sal ons kyk na die rol wat nasionale historiese identiteit speel in diplomatiese en internasionale verhoudinge en, meer spesifiek, die kultivering van 'n nuwe nasionale historiese identiteit in Suid-Afrika se internasionale verhoudinge. Laastens beskou ons die beleidstransisies wat ingekom het in die "nuwe" Suid-Afrika. Dit word gedoen deur 'n gevallestudie van Suid-Afrika se debat oor nasionalisering. Al drie hierdie fokusse sal beskou word deur die lens van Suid-Afrika se verhoudinge met Sjina en die Verenigde State. Hierdie verhoudinge verskaf 'n unieke oogpunt waar rondom die kompleksiteite van hierdie debat beskou kan word. Die doel van hierdie tesis is om 'n breër verstandhouding te skep waarin Suid-Afrika se transisies beskou kan word. Soos hierdie tema ondersoek word, word van die kontinuïteite en diskontinuïteite van die "ou" en "nuwe" Suid-Afrika ontbloot.
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Robinson, Jason. "On the edge of history : small political parties & groupings in South Africa's transition, 1990-1997." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7b0a5713-122c-49e4-8285-c3b030db9d1d.
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Much of the academic - and popular - literature on the South African negotiations process focuses on the two principal players, the African National Congress (ANC) and the National Party Government. A significant number of other political groupings were vying for influence at this time and although they would not fare well electorally in 1994, their influence and also their symbolic importance has been overlooked. Four groupings that have found themselves on the margins of the South African transition are the subject of this thesis: The white right wing (Afrikaner Volksunie, the Conservative Party, the Freedom Front); the homelands (in particular Bophuthatswana, KwaZulu and Transkei), the Democratic Party (DP) and the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC). All four of these political groupings were deeply involved in the transition process and critically, offered very different options and scenarios for the future. These included alternative visions of a federal South African state, a more independent judiciary, stronger provincial powers and greater degrees of cultural and territorial self-determination. For some of the parties - notably the PAC- the compromises reached in the constitution around property rights were unacceptable. In the case of the PAC, Inkatha and some far-right Afrikaner groupings, there was a turn to violence - even if not always sanctioned by leadership - that had an important impact on conditioning the settlement. The differing trajectories and prescriptions of these groupings offer up important lessons regarding the history of the negotiations period, the potential for alternative pathways during this time as well as the deficiencies of the current constitutional order. The histories of these marginal groupings on the sidelines of a historic settlement speak to longstanding fault lines in South Africa's political discourse, including the role and salience of liberalism, socialism and ethno-nationalism in the post-apartheid era.
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Gallagher, Amelia. "The Albanian atheist state, 1967-1991." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ43872.pdf.
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Mthembi, Phillip. "Repositioning of the South African Communist Party (SACP) in the politics of post-apartheid South Africa : a critical study of SACP from 1990-2010." Thesis, University of Limpopo, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/1434.
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Thesis (M.A. (Political Science)) -- University of Limpopo, 2014The study was about the South African Communist Party (SACP) and its entry into SA politics after 1990. The main question is whether it should contest elections independently of its Tripartite alliance partners led by ANC in democratic SA. As a democratic country it allows any party to participate in the elections. Given that space SACP can contest and triumph electorally thus assume the reins of government. For SA to become socialist, SACP has to campaign and triumph electorally for this to happen. The study followed a qualitative research paradigm. Purposeful sampling was used to collect data through in-depth interviews with information-rich respondents who have specialist knowledge about the study. Interviews and document analysis were used for data collection. For this reason, open-ended questions in the form of an interview guide were used to solicit information, perceptions and attitudes towards and about SACP. A tape recorder was used to capture information from these interviews. The recorded data was transcribed and coded into themes one by one which in turn formed part of the research portfolio. From the study findings contemporary SACP is a product of the revisionism that has come to characterise the post-Cold War. It is not surprising why the party then is not ready to contest election alone.
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Benruwin, Mohammed (Mohammed A. ). "The Political Leadership Crisis and Violation of Human Rights in the Arab World: A Study of the Rulership of the Arab Countries, 1970-1990." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278872/.
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This dissertation analyzes the political leadership crisis and the violations of human rights in the Arab countries during the period 1970 to 1990. The main purposes of this study could be briefly summarized as follows: (1) to explore scientifically whether there is a political leadership crisis in the Arab World; (2) to explore the concept of political leadership, i.e., what constitutes political leadership, what are its necessary requirements, and what differentiates it from dictatorship; and (3) to examine the effects of political leadership in the Arab countries upon the violation of human rights.
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Majed, Rima. "The shifting salience of sectarianism in Lebanon, 2000-2010." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b8ce8330-d51b-4c3a-8675-efd45374cdc8.
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This thesis addresses the question of the shift in the sectarian framing of political conflict and violence in Lebanon by focusing on the period between 2000 and 2010. Lebanon represents an interesting case where the saliencies of sectarian dichotomies have been drastically remodelled in only a few years following the Hariri assassination in 2005. Whereas most studies focus on long-term ethnic and sectarian conflicts, few have addressed the issue of fast remodelling of sectarian divisions in times of political turmoil. How do sectarian schisms shift in a short period of time? Why do some political changes affect sectarian dichotomies and not others? What factors can push some people to take part in clashes framed as sectarian violence? In short, how does political closure happen along sectarian lines? In order to answer these questions, this thesis uses a triangulation of qualitative and quantitative methods to disentangle the relationship between political change and sectarianism. Building on the social movement literature, it argues that street mobilisations, understood as peaceful or violent collective action, are important mechanisms through which political conflict can assume sectarian overtones. It relies on a compiled dataset of protest events that occurred in Beirut between 2000 and 2010, and applies network analysis techniques in order to study coalition formations and shifts in alliances. This analysis is combined with semi-structured interviews with a sample of 29 residents of Beirut neighbourhoods that witnessed violent clashes in 2007/8. The analysis of my data suggests that the Hariri assassination marked a turning point in the dynamics of contentious politics in Lebanon, and acted as a catalyst for the emergence and consolidation of new coalitions and sectarian dichotomies. The study argues that sectarian political parties are the main channels through which political and sectarian depictions become interchangeable. It suggests that in order for a political shift to be understood in sectarian terms, two main factors need to be taken into account: (i) the competing political parties should represent sectarian communities that are able to compete demographically (in terms of size), and (ii) the competing parties should be able to represent the majority of their sectarian communities (intra-sectarian homogeneity). The analysis of my qualitative data explores the mechanisms at work during periods of collective violence, and shows that drivers such as peer pressure, neighbourhood-level networks, material grievances, pleasure in agency, ideology and previous fighting experience seem to explain individual decisions to participate in collective violence more than sectarian hatred. In fact, rather than being the primary cause of the violence, sectarian cleavages seem to have been crystallised by the 2007/8 episodes of violence. Consequently, this thesis concludes that whereas the conflict in Lebanon today is often understood and framed in sectarian terms, a closer analysis suggests that the conflict at a macro level is essentially political and its implications at the micro level can best be understood beyond the notion of sectarianism.
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Van, der Heyden Ulrich Klaus Helmut. "GDR development policy with special reference to Africa, c. 1960-1990." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001860.
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This thesis explores the political, economic and theoretical underpinnings of the German Democratic Republic’s (GDR’s) development policies towards the Third World between c.1960 and 1990. Particular attention is paid to Africa. Case studies of assistance to SWAPO and the ANC further focus the attention of the reader on southern Africa in particular. Aspects of both military and civilian aid are considered, including both development initiatives overseas in Africa, and development training for Africans within the GDR itself. Since German “reunification”, the GDR’s history has been explored largely from a West German perspective. The present work attempts to provide a more balanced view of successes and shortcomings of the GDR’s policies towards, and interaction with, African countries and liberation movements. It also aims to bring to the attention of English-speaking readers German archival sources, other primary sources and published works which they would otherwise have been unlikely to encounter. From its formation, the GDR made strenuous efforts to develop relations with countries which were either free from colonial dependency or were struggling for freedom. Over the course of thirty years, it followed a number of different approaches, and developed diverse objectives. These were shaped in the wider context of the cold war, the Hallstein doctrine (which established that the FRG – and, in effect, its allies - would not establish or maintain diplomatic relations with any state that recognised the GDR), the relationships between the GDR and partner socialist states, and the economic difficulties faced by the GDR. Arising from this complex situation, from time to time, both internally in the GDR and in terms of its foreign affairs, tensions and discrepancies arose between theoretical objectives and political and economic reality. Despite these severe constraints, during the period under review, the volume and range of the GDR’s relationships with developing countries increased dramatically. For example, between 1970 and 1987, the number of developing countries with which the GDR had foreign economic relations on the basis of international agreements grew from 23 to 64. Viewed within its economic context, the state was arguably far more committed to development aid than the Federal Republic of Germany. In addition, there is a great deal of evidence that “solidarity” with developing nations and the oppressed enjoyed a considerable degree of popular support.
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Mracevich, Milovan. "The motives of the Croatian-Canadian pro-Communist returnees of 1947-48." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28182.
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During 1947 and 1948, over a thousand Croatian-Canadians went to Yugoslavia as part of a larger return movement that was organized by the Yugoslav-Canadian pro-Communist umbrella organization, the Council of Canadian South Slavs. The returnees were strongly encouraged to return by the Council and by its related Croatian-Canadian pro-Communist organization and newspaper, and left Canada aboard the Yugoslav vessel Radnik in a series of voyages. Many of the returnees had been in Canada for some twenty years, and quit jobs, sold houses and business assets, and uprooted their families in order to return.
This thesis places the Croatian-Canadian pro-Communist return movement within the context of return migration from North America by examining to what extent the returnees' decision to go back to Yugoslavia is explainable in terms of circumstances specific to themselves, and to what extent it reveals forces that were felt by other ethnic groups of the period. This study draws mainly upon interviews with participants in the return movement and upon the Croatian-Canadian pro-Communist newspaper Novosti in concluding that the returnees were motivated by a powerful and complex combination of forces: "traditional" return migration pressures; radicalizing and anti-assimilationist influences that were typical during the 1930s among the followers of the ethnic pro-Communist movement in Canada; Yugoslav wartime and postwar conditions that encouraged and allowed the returnees to go back; and a highly-organized and skillfully-propagandized return movement that both capitalized upon and created a desire for return among the Croatian-Canadian pro-Communists.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
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Charema, John. "An explanatory study into the rehabilitation of ex-freedom fighters in Gweru, Zimbabwe from 1990 to 1995." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1223.
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The purpose of the study was to explore the rehabilitation of ex-combatants who fought the Zimbabwe liberation war, thus to find out if these ex-combatants received counseling and were resettled or reintegrated within the period 1990 to 1995. In order to maintain focus the aims of the study were set out as follows: • to focus on rehabilitation which encompasses taking care of the ex-combatants who were disabled and or injured during the war, as well as counseling, reintegrating and resettling them and • to explore whether the ex-combatants who were demobilized and those who opted for a civilian life were rehabilitated. • to explore if the ex-combatants were reintegrated. • to understand how the ex-combatants were coping with their lives and • to discover how they perceived their support from the government at the time of their demobilisation. The study concentrated on ex-combatants in Gweru, who were to be rehabilitated from 1990 to 1995. In-depth face-to-face interviews were conducted to achieve the objectives set out for the study. The results of the study indicate that there was no rehabilitation, counseling, resettlement and real integration. The findings clearly indicate that these ex-combatants still think of being resettled, allocated good land for farming. They went on to suggest being paid pension by the government and to have their children employed, educated and supported by the government.
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Baard, Marissa. "Die standpunt van Die Burger teenoor die Suid-Afrikaanse Waarheids- en Versoeningskommissie, 1990-2003." Thesis, Link to the online version, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/333.
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Maxengana, Nomalungisa Sylvia. "The impact of missionary activities and the establishment of Victoria East, 1824-1860." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1006292.
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This thesis covers a period of drastic change in that part of Xhosaland later known as Victoria East. Chapters one and two deal with the clash between the Glasgow missionaries at Lovedale and the amaXhosa who were expected to simply discard their way of life in favour of the new dispensation. Chapter three explains the arrival in the Eastern Cape of the amaMfengu, formerly called abaMbo, and their role in the divisive policies of the colonial government. Chapter four recounts the brief interlude (1836-1846) during which the colonial government tried but ultimately rejected a more equitable model of cross-border relations known as the Treaty System. The final chapter deals with the introduction of direct rule over the newly-created district of Victoria East, and with the policies of Henry Calderwood, its first magistrate, which were artfully constructed to perpetuate ‘Divide and Rule’ so as to maintain a comfortable life for the white settlers in the border area.
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Greyling, Sean Andrew. "Rhodes University during the segregation and apartheid eras, 1933 to 1990." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002397.
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In 2004 Rhodes University celebrated its centenary. At a Critical Tradition Colloquium opportunity was given to explore the university’s past. In particular, its liberal image was questioned and its role during apartheid brought under scrutiny. This thesis investigates the questions raised at the Colloquium. It aims to cover the whole apartheid era in one coherent narrative by addressing the history of Rhodes during that era and how it handled issues of race and politics. It begins in 1933, when the first black student applied to Rhodes, and ends in 1990, when apartheid was drawing to a close.
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Vonyó, Tamás. "Post-war reconstruction and the economic miracle : the dynamics of West German economic growth during the 1950s and 1960s." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669982.
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Cozzetto, Donald Arthur. "Governance in Nunavut." Diss., This resource online, 1990. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-09162005-115027/.
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Harris, Stanley E. "Investment decisions in a changing South Africa from 1990 to 1999 (transition) : analysis of the decade of the 1990s." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53476.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study is an investment performance review covering the ten years from 1990 to 1999. To many investors the 1990s were a tough decade because of the political, economic and social changes, which caused investment uncertainty. The primary focus is to examine the implications of these changes during the 1990s on the investment strategies of South Africans. Furthermore, the aim is to provide insight into investment decision-making during the period of transition and transformation. The analyses specifically address the importance of the investment environment on portfolio construction and maintenance. The objective is to see how far the investors ventured in their efforts to 'beat" the South African share market under changing conditions. The structure of the portfolio was evaluated as well as the investor's preferences and beliefs during the period under review. It also looked at the investors' attitudes and philosophies. Effective portfolio management was important because changing conditions were becoming challenging. The investor's investment mix and the risk associated with each investment determined the effectiveness of managing the portfolio. Furthermore, this study examines the investors' objectives, constraints and strategies. In the final analysis, this study examines investment strategy and investment performance in retrospect. It presents a ten-year historical analysis of the South African environment which was affecting investment decisions. It was also found that investors were fulfilling their expectations, they were looking at medium and long-term investment opportunities. Furthermore, stock-picking was done with greater caution. The opening of global investment markets further enhanced the investment opportunities. Moreover the investors realised the importance of diversification in order to reduce risk. The investors will be presented with challenges and opportunities in the next decade (or century). Therefore this study also concludes with an assessment of possible future investment scenarios for the South African investors. Finally, investment decision was interpreted against the political, economical, social and other changes that took place during the period of transition. The key to investment success was the investor's ability to manage the changing South African environment.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie is 'n oorsig van die beleggingsvaardighede gedurende die tydperk 1990 tot 1999. Vir baie beleggers was die negentigs 'n baie moeilike dekade as gevolg van die politieke, ekonomiese en sosiale veranderings. Hierdie veranderings het onsekerheid laat ontstaan by die beleggers. Die primêre fokus is om die implikasies van die veranderings op die beleggingsstrategieë van die Suid Afrikaanse belegger te ondersoek. Verder, is die doelook om insig te bekom oor die beleggingsbesluitneming gedurende die periode van verandering en transformasie. Hierdie analise salook in besonder aandag gee aan die belangrikheid van die gepaardgaande beleggingsomgewing en op die konstruksie en instandhouding van die beleggingsportefeulje. Die doel is om ook vas te stel hoe die beleggers gespekuleer het om die Suid Afrikaanse aandele mark te klop gedurende die periode van verandering. Die samestelling van die portefeulje is ge-evalueer sowel as die beleggers se voorkeure en menings. Daar is ook ondersoek ingestel na die belegger se houding en filosofie. Effektiewe beleggingsbestuur was belangrik gedurende die tydperk omdat die veranderde omstandighede uitdagend geword het. Die belegger se beleggingssamestelling en die gepaardgaande risiko het die doeltreffendheid van die bestuur van die portefeulje bepaal. Verder ondersoek hierdie studie ook die beleggers se doelwitte, beperkinge en strategieë. In die finale analise is dit hoofsaaklik 'n retrospektiewe ontleding van beleggingbestuursvaardighede gedurende die 1990s. Dit is n tienjaar historiese analise van die Suid Afrikaanse beleggingsomgewing wat 'n invloed gehad het op die beleggingsbesluitnemings. Die beleggers het hul verwagtings goed hanteer en het gesoek na medium- en langtermyn beleggingsmoontlikhede. Bowendien is die beleggings gedoen met groter omsigtigheid. Die opening van die wêreld markte het ook groter beleggingsmoontlikhede geskep. Verder het die beleggers ook besef dat diversifikasie belangrik is om risiko te verminder. Beleggers sal te staan kom voor uitdagings sovel as gunstige beleggingsmoontlikhede in die volgende dekade (of eeu). Daarom sluit hierdie studie af met toekomstige beleggingsmoontlikhede en die faktore wat sal bydra tot die toekomstige beleggingsaksie en besluitneming. Ten slotte, die beleggingsbesluit is geïnterpreteer teen die politieke, ekonomiese en sosiale veranderinge wat plaasgevind het. Die sleutel tot die beleggingssukses was die vermoë van die beleggers om die veranderde omstandighede te kan hanteer.
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Humphrey, Bryan, and edu au jillj@deakin edu au mikewood@deakin edu au kimg@deakin. "Insider Research, the Process and Practice: Issues arising from professionals conducting research within their own working environments." Deakin University. School of Education, 1995. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20040614.122119.
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This thesis explores the chaotic, dynamic, ambiguous, complex and confusing world of the insider researcher. The proliferating species of insider researcher is common in public sector organisations and is particularly prevalent among post-graduate students who have combined study with work. Insider researchers range from the in-house researcher employed to conduct research to those who are conducting research in addition to their normal duties. This thesis, through five illustrative case-studies, discusses, reflects upon, explains, and clarifies the possibilities, limitations and the issues arising from a consideration of the practice of professionals conducting research in the large government education system in Victoria.
The central focus of this thesis, that of exploring issues arising from professionals conducting research in their own working environments, has an importance that hitherto has had little direct recognition in the qualitative education research literature. And yet the practice of insider research is common and has a potentially large impact on the nature of the decision making process in public sector organisations. This relative invisibility in the social research literature of a discussion of issues relating to insider research demands to be made more visible. It is both useful and necessary to explore the particular possibilities, conditions and challenges of insiders conducting research in public organisations as the practice of insider research contines to grow. This thesis adds to the literature by locating insider research in a discussion of the wider soial context of ideology, culture, relationships, politics, language and meaning, and the decision-making process.
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White, Colin Stewart. "The rule of Brigadier Oupa Gqozo in Ciskei: 4 March 1990 to 22 March 1994." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013360.
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Although the history of the Eastern Cape has been recorded from the eighteenth century, virtually nothing has been written about the political entity known as the independent Republic of Ciskei (1981 – 1994). This hiatus in our history, coupled with the fact that many of the official records of that period have been destroyed, make it imperative that the role-players of the period be contacted and their evidence be recorded before it is lost to prosperity. This need has motivated the writing of the thesis. The thesis commences with a brief description of the early history and constitutional development of Ciskei. It then has a substantial chapter on Lennox Sebe, the ruler of Ciskei from 1973 to 1990, who is described as the catalyst of Gqozo’s coup d’état. This is followed by a short personal biography of Oupa Gqozo, and his rise to the position of Brigadier in the Ciskei army. On 4 March 1990 Gqozo led the coup by the Ciskei Defence Force that dethroned Sebe. At the outset he ruled in an exemplary manner, but after being misled by South African agents he turned against the African National Congress and his own people. When he established his own party, the African Democratic Movement, and re-instated the hated headman system, civil war followed in Ciskei. Separate chapters in the thesis relate the various traumatic events that occurred during Gqozo’s reign: the killing of Anton Guzana and Charles Sebe; the dismissal of the senior officers of the CDF; the strife during 1991/2; the Bhisho Massacre; its aftermath; the mutiny by the security forces and Gqozo’s resignation on 22 March 1994. The thesis concludes that although Brigadier Gqozo respected the rule of law, and was free of corruption, he was devoid of the necessary academic qualifications, experience and ability, including the necessary insight and foresight, to rule a country. He became paranoid about his own safety and the possible overthrow of his government, and he was too easily swayed by others. In short, Gqozo was inept, rather than evil.
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Beydoun, Ahlam. "La souveraineté du Liban face à l'épreuve." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213094.
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Goetze, Stefan. "The transformation of the East German police after German unification." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669799.
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Pilet, Jean-Benoît. "Réformer le système électoral en Belgique: une mise en cause du modèle consociatif ?l'analyse des fondements de trois réformes électorales débattues entre 1990 et 2005." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210759.
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Ivan, Ruxandra. "La politique étrangère roumaine, 1990-2006: acteurs, processus et résultats." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210728.
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Cette thèse se propose de répondre à la question suivante: quels sont les facteurs qui influencent les décisions stratégiques de la politique étrangère roumaine? Il y a trois séries de facteurs qui ont été considérées. La première concerne les facteurs liées aux héritages historiques, qui sont examinés sous le double aspect des évènements concrets et des mentalités. La deuxième série de facteurs se réfère aux influences internes sur la prise des décisions: architecture institutionnelle et légale, partage des compétences, relations informelles entre les détenteurs des fonctions relevantes pour la politique étrangère roumaine, partis politiques et opinion publique. Finalement, la troisième série de variables concerne les facteurs externes au système politique. Deux dimensions sont ici examinées: une dimension géopolitique, qui vise la distribution de la puissance, et une dimension institutionnelle, qui détermine le poids des organisations internationales et régionales dans la prise des décisions.Doctorat en sciences politiques
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Mechnig, Christopher Markus. "A Comparative Study of the Namibian and South African Transitions to Democracy and the Effects on Reconciliation." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4105.
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Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Namibian transition to independence and the South African transition to a majority democracy have many similarities as well as differences. The key similarities are composed of the shared history and mutual influences on society, the economy and national politics. Key differences constitute the manner in which the transitions were executed: internationally imposed in the Namibian case, and internally negotiated in the South African case. Almost every facet of Namibian and South African societies have in some way or another been imprinted by the respective transitions, which also contributed to the shape of the national consciousness. However, decades of stateenforced racial discrimination in the form of Apartheid legislation left its mark on both the Namibian and South African society. As a result, public and private consciousness is marred with racial and ethnic identities created and legislated during Apartheid, which is hampering democratic consolidation. This study provides a comparison between the South African and Namibian transitions, within the broader context of democratic consolidation. This study contends that reconciliation is a necessary condition for democratic consolidation in South Africa and Namibia, and aims to assess whether there is any significant difference between the impact of the internationally orchestrated Namibian transition as opposed to the internally negotiated South African transition on levels of reconciliation in the two countries. This is done by applying Gibson’s (2004) four criteria of reconciliation (interracial reconciliation, political tolerance, support for the principles of democracy and legitimacy) to the South African and Namibian cases. The hypothesis is that there should be less support for democratic ideals in Namibia than in South Africa, on the basis that democracy was, to a certain degree, forced unto Namibian society, while it was freely chosen by South African society. The main finding of this study, however, suggests that the differences in the transition style - the one being internationally orchestrated and the other being internally negotiated- seems not to have had any significant affect on national reconciliation. It seems as though hostility between different groups based mainly on the superficial racial and ethnic differences that were created during Apartheid has made way for hostility centred more on socio-economic differences. While socio-economic issues have become the overriding concern for both South Africans and Namibians, socio-economic differences between individuals and groups are still largely tied to ethnicity and race.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die onafhanklikheidswording en die oorgang na ‘n meerderheidsdemokrasie van onderskeidelik Namibië en Suid-Afrika word gekenmerk deur ‘n aantal ooreenkomste asook verskille. Die sleutel ooreenkomste behels die gedeelde geskiedkundige agtergrond, die invloede van die ekonomie en nasionalie politiek klimaat en die gevolglike uitwerking van hierdie faktore op die samelewing. In kontras behels die verskille die wyse waarop die oorgang uitgevoer is. In die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks is die proses deur interne onderhandelinge bewerkstellig terwyl die Namibiese oorgang sterk beinvloed is deur eksterne invloede. Ongeag hierdie verskille het die verwikkelinge ‘n hewige impak gehad op beide die Suid- Afrikaanse, asook die Namibiese publiek en hul kollektiewe bewussyn. Die invloed van jare se rasdiskriminasie in die vorm van apartheidswetgewing het egter sy tol op die publiek geëis. Die gevolg is die merkbare invloed van ras en etniese identiteite op albei lande se bevolkings wat oor die langtermyn demokratiese konsolidasie kan teenwerk. Hierdie studie tref ‘n vergelyking tussen Suid-Afrika an Namibië binne die breër konteks van demokratiese konsolidasie. Die studie veronderstel dat versoening ‘n noodsaaklike vereiste is vir demokratiese konsolidasie in Suid-Afrika en Namibië, en poog ook om die invloed van die intern-gedrewe Suid-Afrikaanse transisie teenoor die ekstern-georkestreerde Namibiese transisie te assesseer. Dit word gedoen deur die toepassing van Gibson (2004) se vier-voudige konsep van versoening (inter-ras versoening, politieke verdraagsaamheid, ondersteuning vir die beginsels van demokrasie en legitimiteit) op beide lande. Die hipotese word as volg geformuleer: Die Namibiese bevolking toon ‘n negatiewe ingesteldheid teenoor demokratiese beginsels aangesien demokrasie as regeerstelsel op die bevolking afgedwing is, in kontras met Suid-Afrika waar demokrasie as regeerstelsel deur ‘n meerderheidstemming verkies is. Die hoofbevinding van hierdie werkstuk is egter dat die verskille in die aard van die oorgang na demokrasie in beide lande nie ‘n noemenswardige invloed gehad het op nasionale versoening nie. Dit blyk egter dat konflik tussen sekere bevolkingsgroepe wat hoofsaaklik spruit uit die etniese en ras identiteite, soos geformuleer deur die apartheidswetgewing, huidiglik gesentreer is rondom sosio-ekonomiese verskille. Gevolglik word dit gemeld dat hierdie sosio-ekonomiese verskille direk verband hou met ras en etnisiteit. i
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Martuscelli, Danilo Enrico 1978. "A crise do Governo Collor e a tatica do PT." [s.n.], 2005. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281497.
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Orientador: Armando Boito JuniorDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
O exemplar do AEL pertence a Coleção CPDS
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Resumo: Esta pesquisa visa analisar a crise do governo Collor e a tática política do Partido dosTrabalhadores (PT) naquela conjuntura. A crise política ocorrida durante o mandato do primeiro governo neoliberal no país configurou-se como uma crise de governo e não uma crise da proposta neoliberal. A predominância da bandeira da ética na política no movimento pelo impedimento de Collor evidencia essa questão. A despeito de o discurso da ética na política remeter, muitas vezes, a descontentamentos específicos e diversos causados, em diferentes setores sociais, pelo início da implantação do programa neoliberal, mesmo quando tais descontentamentos não eram verbalizados pelos agentes, o discurso hegemônico no movimento pelo impeachment de Fernando Collor foi um discurso moralista contra a corrupção, deixando de lado a crítica do modelo neoliberal. O PT não fugiu à tendência dominante do movimento pró-impeachment, vindo a aderir à campanha pela ética na política e a atacar o presidente Collor a partir de um discurso moralista que relegou ao segundo plano a crítica e a denúncia do caráter de classe das políticas neoliberais e satisfez-se apenas com a denúncia da política recessiva do governo Collor, tática que se inscreve na luta contra os efeitos das políticas neoliberais e não propriamente contra essas políticas. Esse comportamento político pode ser considerado como um indicador do processo de aceitação passiva, por parte do PT, das propostas neoliberais
Abstract: This research intends to analyze Collor¿s government crisis and the political tactics of the Workers¿ Party (PT) at that conjuncture. The political crisis that took place during the administration of the first neoliberal government in the country was characterized rather as a governing problem than as a crisis of the neoliberal proposal. The predominance of the ethical discourse in politics during the movement for Collor¿s impeachment indicates this question. The ethical discourse in politics at that period referred many times to specific and diverse unsatisfactory feeelings caused in different social sectors with the beginning of the implementation of the neoliberal program, even when these sensations were not cleared demonstrated. Nevertheless, the hegemonic discourse in the movement for Fernando Collor¿s impeachment was a moralist speech against corruption, putting aside the neoliberal political critics. The Workers¿ Party didn¿t escape of the dominant trend of the pro-impeachment movement, adhering to the campaign for the ethics in politics and attacking president Collor from a moralist point of view, which relegated the critics and denouncement of the class character of the neoliberal politics to the second plan. The Party was limited to join the accusations about the recessionary trend of Collor¿s government, which meant a tactic inscribed in the fight against the effects of the neoliberal politics but not against its nature. This political behavior can be considered as an indicator of the process of passive acceptation of the neoliberal proposals from the PT
Mestrado
Ciencia Politica
Mestre em Ciência Política
47
Souza, Lucas Massimo Tonial Antunes de 1983. "A implantação das reformas neoliberais no Brasil na década de 1990 : a produção das revistas "Economia e Sociedade" e "Dados" em debate." [s.n.], 2012. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281695.
Full textAbstract:
Orientador: Armando Boito JuniorDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: A dissertação faz um levantamento das explicações sobre a implantação das reformas neoliberais no Brasil durante a década de 1990 nos artigos publicados no periódico Economia e Sociedade e na revista Dados. Foram destacados para a investigação 103 artigos publicados nos dois seriados entre 1990 e 2006 que trataram de no mínimo um dos seguintes assuntos: abertura comercial, liberalização financeira, liberação de preços e salários, liberalização do regime de investimento estrangeiro, privatizações de serviços públicos e empresas estatais e desregulamentação do mercado de trabalho. A pesquisa revelou que, para os autores que publicaram em Economia e Sociedade, estas reformas correspondem à atualização do modelo econômico brasileiro às contingências do tipo histórico de capitalismo que emerge no sistema econômico mundial ao final dos anos 80, resultado da crise que se instaura nos países industrializados centrais, a partir da segunda metade dos anos 70. Por consequência, para essa explicação não faz sentido pensar em um "neoliberalismo brasileiro" nos anos 90, como algo específico diante de outros países latino-americanos; ao contrário, todas essas experiências compartilham uma dimensão de capitalismo periférico, e, como tal, se sujeitam a um ordenamento que vem do centro do sistema capitalista. Esse resultado apareceu na taxonomia dos 65 artigos selecionados nesse periódico segundo quatro critérios de classificação (ênfase, espaço-tempo, natureza das fontes e proposito). As explicações analisadas na revista Dados revelaram não haver uma, mas pelo menos três explicações majoritárias e três subsidiarias. As explicações mais frequentes são a sociológica (que busca as causas das reformas na sociedade brasileira), a explicação institucionalista (que procura na crônica política as causas das reformas) e a explicação pragmática (que postula a inexorabilidade das reformas neoliberais). As explicações menos frequentes são a explicação histórica, a elitista e a explicação internacional. Esse quadro explicativo surgiu da análise em profundidade da tese dos 38 artigos selecionados na revista. As críticas que fizemos a essas explicações se amparam na superioridade heurística da explicação de classe: essa crítica demonstrou os gargalos da problemática do subdesenvolvimento, e apontou alguns obstáculos na compreensão da implantação das reformas neoliberais a partir da ideia de não problema
Abstract: The thesis makes a survey of explanations about the implementation of neoliberal reforms in Brazil during the 1990's in articles published in two journals: Dados and Economia e Sociedade. Were selected to the research 103 articles published in the two serials between 1990 and 2006 who dealt with at least one of the following subjects: trade liberalization, financial liberalization, freeing prices and wages, liberalization of foreign investment scheme, privatization of public services and State-owned enterprises and deregulation of the labor market. The survey revealed that, for the authors who published in Economia e Sociedade, these reforms represent the Brazilian economic model update to contingencies of historical type of capitalism that emerges in the world economic system at the end of the eight's, a result of crisis that establishes in the industrialized countries, since the second half of the seventy's. Consequently, for that explanation doesn't make sense to think of a "Brazilian neoliberalism" in the nineties, as something specific on other Latin American countries; on the contrary, all these experiences share a dimension of peripheral capitalism, and, as such, are subject to an adjustment that comes from the center of the capitalist system. This result appeared in taxonomy of 65 articles in four classification criteria (emphasis, space time, nature of the sources and purpose). The explanations analyzed in the journal Dados revealed that there was not one, but at least three main explanations and three subsidiaries. The most frequent are the sociological explanations (which seeks the causes of reforms in Brazilian society), the institutionalist explanation (which looks at the causes of the reforms policy Chronicle) and the pragmatic explanation (which posits the inexorability of neoliberal reforms). The explanations less frequent are the historical explanation, the elitist and the international explanation. This explanatory framework emerged from the in-depth analysis of the thesis of 38 selected articles in the magazine. The criticisms we have made to these explanations are supported in class explanation heuristics superiority: this critique makes clear the restrictions about the problem of underdevelopment, and pointed out some obstacles in understanding the implementation of neoliberal reforms from the idea of no problem
Mestrado
Ciencia Politica
Mestre em Ciência Política
48
Vodo, Teuta. "Explaining the increasing rates of blood feuds in post-communist Albania." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209149.
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Since the regime collapse in 1991, Albania has been going through a democratization process. In contrast to government attempts to introduce a democratic system according to a western model, blood feuds based on Albanian customary law increased drastically and individuals began to seek their own justice by ignoring state and judicial institutions. The incidence of blood feuds increased exceptionally, not only compared with the situation under the communist regime but the crime rate in general. As a result, the Albanian state has appeared not only as weak and fragile but weaker in comparison with the previous communist regime.Although a great deal of research on vendetta is carried out either in the fields of anthropology or sociology of law, this topic has not been studied by political scientists. As a consequence, studies of vendetta in relation to institutional weaknesses are missing. Thus, one of the contributions of this study will be to fill this gap in the literature by explaining the role of state institutions in the continuation and increase in blood feuds.
The Albanian case was chosen as a subject for study as it represents a country which following a harsh communist regime has made attempts at democratization with the aim of joining the European Union, and at the same time is characterized by the strong presence of customary law claiming revenge in cases of homicide, despite interventions by the judicial authorities.
Therefore, the aim of this study is to explain the reasons for the increase in blood feuds in Albania from 1991 to 2010 by identifying the structure and agency factors impacting the motivation of individuals to commit murders in the name of vendetta.
I will make use of historical institutionalism to identify the increasing returns of vendetta and explore the different factors and processes that trigger and underlie the institutional development of Albanian vendetta over time. Historical institutionalism is an approach to the analysis of the evolution of institutions and their outcomes in terms of formal and informal rules that shape the behavior of actors. Hence, understanding the causation and restraining factors in determining the high rates of blood feuds is indispensable. However, because of the lack of attention that historical institutionalism pays to the structure-agency dichotomy, the tools of criminology and more specifically, elements of ‘social control theory’ are required in this study. This theory enables/permits the study of vendetta by focusing on the motivation of the authors of vendetta, looking at the incidence and the forms of the criminal behavior. In order to explain vendetta and its causes, both fear of punishment (belief) and social bonds (attachment, commitment and involvement) have been taken into account.
For this study, both primary and secondary sources were combined, such as expert interviews, archival documents and police data, in order to assess the cases of vendettas brought before the courts, judicial proceedings, and the final sentences handed down.
The findings show that the weaker the bonds of trust in institutions such as state institutions and the legal system, the more individuals will be involved in blood feuds. The more trust is placed in institutions the less likely it is that individuals will be involved in vendetta.
This research contributes to the literature dealing with institutional change and the study of crime rates in transitional democracies.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
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Pujol, Marcus Vinicius Comenale. "O impeachment de Fernando Collor: aspectos econômicos, políticos e jurídicos que levaram à queda do presidente." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2017. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/20302.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
After more than two decades of dictatorship, Fernando Collor is consecrated as the youngest and the first president democratically elected by the people since Jânio Quadros. After the violent election campaign of 1989, Collor begins to face the crises that would lead to his fall after a short mandate. The combination of a very serious economic crisis, lack of political support and judicial battles for corruption scandals, led the country to ungovernability, giving rise to the use of the instrument of impeachment
Após mais de duas décadas de regime ditatorial, Fernando Collor consagra-se como o mais jovem e o primeiro presidente eleito democraticamente pelo povo desde Jânio Quadros. Encerrada a violenta campanha eleitoral de 1989, Collor começa a enfrentar as crises que levariam à sua queda depois de um curto mandato. A conjugação de uma gravíssima crise econômica, com falta de apoio político e batalhas judiciais por escândalos de corrupção levaram o país à ingovernabilidade, dando ensejo à utilização do instrumento do impeachment
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Kangas, Lari. "Namibian democracy : consolidated? /." Thesis, Link to the online version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/210.
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