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Journal articles on the topic "Victoria Politics and government 1990-"
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Williams, Paul D. "How Did They Do It? Explaining Queensland Labor's Second Electoral Hegemony." Queensland Review 18, no. 2 (2011): 112–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/qr.18.2.112.
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Australia's entrenched liberal democratic traditions of a free media, fair and frequent elections and robust public debate might encourage outside observers to assume Australia is subject to frequent changes in government. The reality is very different: Australian politics have instead been ‘largely unchanged’ since the beginning of our bipolar party system in 1910 (Aitkin 1977, p. 1), with Australians re-electing incumbents on numerous occasions for decades on end. The obvious federal example is the 23-year dominance of the Liberal-Country Party Coalition, first elected in 1949 and re-endorsed at the following eight House of Representatives elections. Even more protracted electoral hegemonies have been found at state level, including Labor's control of Tasmania (1934–82, except for 1969–72) and New South Wales (1941–65), and the Liberals' hold on Victoria (1952–82) and South Australia (1938–65, most unusually under one Premier, Thomas Playford). It is therefore not a question of whether parties can enjoy excessively long hegemonies in Australia; it is instead one of how they achieve it.
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Seklivanova, Irina. "Mexican Revolution 1910-1917 and British interests." Latin-american Historical Almanac 31, no. 1 (August 26, 2021): 7–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-31-1-7-32.
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Mexico experienced relative political stability during the period of President Porfirio Diaz. This process was accompanied by accelerated capitalist development with dependence on foreign capital and the preservation of precapitalist features. The President of the country Diaz created favorable conditions for the penetration of foreign capital into the country's economy. Great Britain has shown an interest in establishing strong economic relations with the Mexican state, seeking to consolidate its economic dominance in the Latin American market. With the backing of the Diaz government in Mexico, major British entrepreneurs such as Whitman Pearson received favorable conditions to grow their businesses. At the same time, the country experienced a serious confrontation between Britain and the United States of America for influence on the Mexican economy and politics. The focus of the article is on the relationship between Great Britain and Mexico during the revolution of 1910-1917. The study reveals the position of London in relation to the Mexican governments replacing each other during the revolutionary events, headed by General Victoriano Huerta and the leader of the constitutionalists Venustiano Carranza.
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Muir, Carlyn, Ian R. Johnston, and Eric Howard. "Evolution of a holistic systems approach to planning and managing road safety: the Victorian case study, 1970–2015." Injury Prevention 24, Suppl 1 (February 16, 2018): i19—i24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/injuryprev-2017-042358.
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BackgroundThe Victorian Safe System approach to road safety slowly evolved from a combination of the Swedish Vision Zero philosophy and the Sustainable Safety model developed by the Dutch. The Safe System approach reframes the way in which road safety is viewed and managed.MethodsThis paper presents a case study of the institutional change required to underpin the transformation to a holistic approach to planning and managing road safety in Victoria, Australia.ResultsThe adoption and implementation of a Safe System approach require strong institutional leadership and close cooperation among all the key agencies involved, and Victoria was fortunate in that it had a long history of strong interagency mechanisms in place. However, the challenges in the implementation of the Safe System strategy in Victoria are generally neither technical nor scientific; they are predominantly social and political. While many governments purport to develop strategies based on Safe System thinking, on-the-ground action still very much depends on what politicians perceive to be publicly acceptable, and Victoria is no exception.ConclusionsThis is a case study of the complexity of institutional change and is presented in the hope that the lessons may prove useful for others seeking to adopt more holistic planning and management of road safety. There is still much work to be done in Victoria, but the institutional cultural shift has taken root. Ongoing efforts must be continued to achieve alert and compliant road users; however, major underpinning benefits will be achieved through focusing on road network safety improvements (achieving forgiving infrastructure, such as wire rope barriers) in conjunction with reviews of posted speed limits (to be set in response to the level of protection offered by the road infrastructure) and by the progressive introduction into the fleet of modern vehicle safety features.
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McBride, Tony, and Alana Hulme. "Continuing Uncertainties for Victorian Municipal Public Health Plans." Australian Journal of Primary Health 6, no. 2 (2000): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/py00014.
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This paper discusses the current state of play in Victorian municipal public health planning and practice. It questions whether a legislative vehicle is still appropriate to realise local government's potential to affect its populations' health. The paper draws on four recent studies focused on the metropolitan experience. The impact of the radical local government restructuring in the mid-1990s and Compulsory Competitive Tendering were evident in the overlapping findings. These included: increased legitimacy for planning; an ambivalent policy environment; inconsistent support within councils; a paradox about external collaboration; limited community participation; and confusion about models for municipal health planning. However, there was a complex tapestry of positive and negative stories, perspectives, capacities and public health practices, reflecting the sectors' inherent geographical and political diversity. The continuing constraints on effective practice suggest that a reliance on State government legislation as the driving force for councils' approach to public health might no longer be the most productive approach. Public health advocates within and across councils need to help councils develop their own local rationales for action. To support this, the State government should act to create a more supportive and consistent policy environment.
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Fensham, Peter J. "Developments & Challenges in Australian Environmental Education." Australian Journal of Environmental Education 6 (1990): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0814062600001993.
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This year of 1990 is an appropriate time to review the place of environmental education in the Australian school curriculum. After a period in the mid 1980s when environmental issues and political attention to the environment were on the back burner in comparison with economic issues, the environment is again a top international political priority. With Green victories in a number of European elections, even the hitherto unmindful Thatcher government in Britain is claiming an environmental concern and announcing several conservation measures, albeit with rather distant targets compared with a number of their prospective partners in Europe.The Hawke government in its third term sensed a growing environmental disenchantment among its supporters, and appointed one of its heavy-weights to the Environment portfolio. This move, and the strong action he took over several sensitive issues, were enough to keep the Green preferences in line and ensure in 1990 a fourth, unprecedented Labor term of office.The first Australian government involving official Green support appeared in Tasmania and in most of the other states the governments have upgraded Conservation and the Environment among their ministries.Most Australians, according to a poll conducted late in May (The Age, 15 June, 1990), feel that the threat to the environment is real, and that its protection should be put ahead of economic growth. Such strong public support for the environment would have been unthinkable a decade ago, even though the evidence for much of the now widely recognised damage to the Australian and global environment was available.
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Helf, Gavin, and Jeffrey W. Hahn. "Old Dogs and New Tricks: Party Elites in the Russian Regional Elections of 1990." Slavic Review 51, no. 3 (1992): 511–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500058.
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Much of the analysis of the results of republican and local elections held in the USSR in 1989-1990 understandably focused on the dramatic victories of candidates and groups committed to a radical reform of the old system. Anti-communist majorities were elected to the parliaments of several republics. The city governments of Moscow, Leningrad and Sverdlovsk fell under the control of activists associated with the self-styled “democratic bloc” and, in summer 1990, Boris Yeltsin was elected to chair the RSFSR Supreme Soviet. Conversely, local party officials suffered embarrassing defeats in the face of competition from popular fronts united under the banner of Democratic Russia. That the Party itself was in disarray over how to respond to these challenges was reflected in the open split between rival platforms at the 28th party Congress in July 1990. Taken together, these events could easily convey the impression that old party elites “lost” the local elections of 1990 and that they lost because they failed to adapt to the new rules of democratic politics.
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Farrell, Maureen. "Health care leadership in an age of change." Australian Health Review 26, no. 1 (2003): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah030153.
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This study examined the leadership practices of a sample of network and hospital administrators in metropolitan Victoria, Australia. It was undertaken in the mid-1990s when the State Liberal-National (Coalition) Government in Victoria established Melbourne's metropolitan health care networks. I argue that leadership,and the process of leading, contributes significantly to the success of the hospital in a time of turmoil and change.The sample was taken from the seven health care networks and consisted of 15 network and hospital administrators. Bolman and Deal's frames of leadership - structural, human resource, political and symbolic - were used as a framework to categorize the leadership practices of the administrators. The findings suggest a preference for the structural frame - an anticipated result, since the hospital environment is more conducive to a style of leadership that emphasizes rationality and objectivity. The human resource frame was the second preferred frame,followed by the political and symbolic. These findings suggest that network and hospital administrators focus more on intellectual than spiritual development, and perhaps this tendency needs to be addressed when educating present and future hospital leaders.
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Meadows, Graham, and Bruce Singh. "‘Victoria on the Move’: Mental Health Services in a Decade of Transition 1992-2002." Australasian Psychiatry 11, no. 1 (March 2003): 62–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1440-1665.2003.00508.x.
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Objective: Australia adopted a national mental health strategy in the early 1990s and each State has had to go through its own implementation process in the intervening years. The present paper describes the process of reform in services in Victoria, and ventures explanations as to why the process may have been more comprehensive and successful than in other States. Conclusions: Victoria adopted a Statewide ‘framework’, defining structural elements of area-based services, with rational resource distribution. A transitional process involving a population health approach and relatively rigid implementation of a tightly specified service framework, within a political environment that favoured strong health services management, was successful in achieving desired structural reforms in this State. This was undoubtedly at the cost of promoting a model of public mental health service delivery that is generally rationed so as to accept only a restricted range of types of referral. New initiatives from the current State government are explicitly targeted to correcting this situation.
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Blancarte, Roberto. "Closing Comment: “Personal Enemies of God: Anticlericals and Anticlericalism in Revolutionary Mexico, 1915-1940”." Americas 65, no. 4 (April 2009): 589–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.0.0110.
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In a contribution made some time ago, I stressed the diversity of factors which came together in the anticlerical constitutional articles and paragraphs that were approved during the Constituent Congress at Querétaro of 1916-17. The first of these factors—I argued—was the not unreasonable belief held by many Mexican revolutionaries that the Catholic Church had collaborated with the government of the military usurper, Victoriano Huerta, in 1913-14. In this regard, the political participation of the National Catholic Party had also been decisive in influencing anticlerical opinion.
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Mendes, Philip. "The Radical Arm of the Welfare Lobby: A History of the Victorian Coalition Against Poverty and Unemployment, 1980-91." Labour History 120, no. 1 (May 1, 2021): 117–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jlh.2021.7.
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Australia has had high levels of unemployment since the mid-1970s, particularly from approximately 1976-94, yet to date there has been no significant study of political activism by the unemployed in the modern era. This article fills some of this knowledge gap by examining the activities of the Victorian Coalition against Poverty and Unemployment (CAPU), an activist group based on an alliance of trade unions, churches, community groups and the unemployed. Whilst CAPU was influenced by conventional Marxist critiques of the welfare state and highly critical of both the professional social welfare sector and the Australian Labor Party, it also worked co-operatively with key community welfare groups such as the Victorian Council of Social Service and the Brotherhood of St Laurence on specific campaigns. Consequently, it is argued that CAPU was not an anti-welfare organisation per se, but rather acted as the radical arm of the welfare lobby seeking to shame governments into operationalising in practice their declared social justice principles.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Victoria Politics and government 1990-"
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Robinson, Nick. "Major government, minor change : the politics of transport, 1990-1997." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1998. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/4311/.
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This thesis looks at the politics of transport in the Major era, arguing that transport has emerged as an issue of high political salience in the 1990s. In this period transport, and most particularly the motor car, increasingly came to be blamed for a combination of economic and environmental problems including rising congestion, noise, land-use impacts and a deterioration of air quality and traffic safety standards. The primary. aim of this thesis is to explain these developments and their effects by utilising agenda setting theory. This thesis argues that the operation of the agenda setting dynamic in the transport case illustrates aspects of a number of models of agenda setting. It looks at the role of actors, problems, external events and non-decision making and argues that, in part, they all make a useful contribution to the study of political change in the Major era. However, it also argues that different models of agenda setting apply in different circumstances and that a model which may provide a useful explanation of situation A may provide a less satisfactory explanation of situation B. The explanation for this is that transport is a multi-faceted issue which affects mobility, the environment, and economic development as well as issues of lifestyle and personal freedom; the priorities which central government attaches to transport policy outcomes reflect this diversity. These different aspects of the transport issue are affected by different agenda setting processes, depending on the extent to which they challenge the dominant policy imperatives of the state. For example, in a situation in which the policy imperatives of the state are threatened, the agenda setting process will be highly constrained and proponents of change, will find it very difficult, if not impossible, to alter the agenda. In such a case, the models of non-decision making will be an important, often the dominant, explanation of the agenda setting process. Overall, this study argues that the transport agenda setting process operates in, and is constrained by, a policy making environment which is dominated by the policy imperatives of the state.
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Truna, Dody S. "Islam and politics under the 'new order' government in Indonesia, 1966-1990." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=56901.
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The 'New Order' government, under President Suharto's leadership, has undertaken different initiatives in the face of both 'political' Islam and 'religious' Islam in Indonesia. Since coming into power in 1966, it has exercised strict control over 'political' Islam; on the other hand, its attitude towards 'religious' Islam has generally been tolerant and even supportive. The result has been a considerable weakening of Islamic political forces but a rapidly developing 'religious' Islam. This reality has forced the present-day generation of Indonesian Muslim thinkers to take an approach which is different from that of the previous generation in responding to the government's policies towards Islam. Unlike their predecessors, some of whom had too ideological and formalistic a conception of an Islamic state, the present Muslim thinkers take an approach which is for the most part politically non-partisan. There has been a growing tendency among them to denounce the efficacy of Islamic political parties. They see that the realization of an Islamic community and the well-being of the ummah will come about not through exclusive and uncompromising political actions but through socioeconomic and cultural means and the ability to be less exclusive and willing to work with those who share different ideas. As a result of efforts along these lines, the relationship between the Muslim community and the government has improved substantially. Nevertheless, it remains to be seen whether or not this developing 'religious' Islam will, at some future date, be transformed into a powerful 'political' Islam.
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Zigby, Mohammed Ak. "Bullets to ballots : the Lebanonization of Hizballah." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33319.
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In the span of two decades, Hizballah has evolved from an armed resistance movement against Israeli occupation into an efficient political party and---by extension---into a permanent fixture on Lebanon's mainstream political stage. The present analysis traces the evolution of the party from its inception and assesses its performance vis-a-vis the major players of Iran, Israel and Syria. Factors including the characteristics of the movement and the Shiite community itself, the shifting position, interests and policies of various regional actors, and the changing domestic conditions in Lebanon were isolated in order to adequately explain the behaviour and development of Hizballah. As a result, such alternatives to cultural factors (i.e the "Islamic variable") were found to be stronger explanatory factors rather than the Islamic factor. Ultimately, the essay illustrates that Islamic considerations are secondary, if not tertiary, when political decisions are to be made in different contexts. Rather, it is the interests of the more powerful actors that govern the organization's next move, in addition to the aforementioned variables. On the basis of such assumptions and findings, conclusions were finally drawn regarding Hizballah's future developments and its prospects following an Israeli withdrawal.
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Quinn, Leon Roman. "The politics of pollution? : government, environmentalism and mass opinion in East Germany 1972-1990." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.271839.
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Siles, Brenda. "The Politics of Land Distribution: Ingenio Victoria de Julio- El Timal, a Case Study of Nicaraguan Rural Conflicts after 1990." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2016. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/honors_theses/77.
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One of the greatest legacies of the Sandinista Revolution was agrarian reform. Despite the amount of land redistributed, this process happened without any form of legal documentation to support the transfer of property from one owner to the next. The end of the civil war, the peace accords and the transition of power from left to right-wing parties produced conflicting policies that would bring high levels of complexity to the system of land tenure in the country. The case of the state-owned sugar mill, Ingenio Victoria de Julio – El Timal is of one the most emblematic examples of how slow and inefficient Nicaraguan institutions have been in solving land tenure issues in 26 years.
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Desrosiers, Eric K. "Nationalisme et racisme : analyse de dix ans de discours du Parti Québécois à l'égard des communautés minoritaires du Québec (1981- 1990)." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61289.
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How well founded are accusations of racism against Quebec nationalist? No research has been done on this question regarding contemporary Quebec. Authors who have examined the link between nationalism and racism in other contexts have disagreed about its relevance. To provide an answer, a broad and flexible definition of the concept of racism is required. This thesis analyses the content of the Parti Quebecois' political discourse concerning minority communities as reported in newspapers between 1981 to 1990. An original aspect of this research is the fact is submits its results to representatives of the Parti Quebecois and minority communities to shed different lights on the author's interpretation of his results. The research supports the conclusion that the Parti Quebecois' discourse from 1981 to 1990 was not racist. As a result, a direct link between nationalism and racism cannot be established.
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Choudhury, Zahidul Arefin. "Politics of natural disaster : how governments maintain legitimacy in the wake of major disasters, 1990-2010." Diss., University of Iowa, 2013. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/1566.
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This dissertation is about major natural disasters, and how they contribute to legitimacy crises of governments. Three major factors explain the emergence of a legitimacy crisis in a post-disaster context: the frequency of disaster occurrence, the quality of the government response to disasters, and the type of regime within which the government operates. Employing a large-N statistical analysis of data on major natural disasters and anti-government domestic political activities for the years between 1990 and 2010, I show that higher counts of disasters, as a rule, increase the risks of anti-government demonstrations, revolutions, riots, guerrilla warfare, and intrastate conflict. The disaster-political opposition relationship is conditional upon the characteristics of political regimes. No regime is entirely free from the political dangers of disasters. Consolidated autocracies and well established democracies are less likely than mixed regimes to observe political crises in the context of a higher frequency of natural disasters.
To evaluate the quality of government response and how it mediates the disaster-legitimacy relationship, I conduct a qualitative analysis of news reports on four major disaster events in South Asia - cyclone Sidr of 2007 and cyclone Aila of 2009 in Bangladesh and cyclone Aila and the Kashmir earthquake of 2005 in India. The case studies reveal that poor preparedness and inadequate immediate and long-term response of a government invite public criticism of the incumbent, antigovernment protest movements, and anti-incumbent voting in elections. When opposition parties translate this public frustration into broader political mobilization, the moral claim of the incumbent to remain in power diminishes substantially, sometimes causing a legitimacy crisis. As opposed to common expectations, democracy may not provide the best political environment for effective disaster response. The quality of government response is influenced rather by a regime's security concerns, the level of administrative efficacy and corruption, the military's role in the disaster response process, socio-economic conditions of the affected people, and leadership competition over the disaster management process.
This study has broader implications for understanding the kinds of political strains that disasters create in a society and how governments function in Bangladesh and India. Much of these governments' energy is devoted to managing disasters, which diminishes their capacity to govern. Political elites in Bangladesh and India use disaster events as opportunities to strengthen clientelism and exclude political opposition in the affected areas
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Herbert, Lise Jean. "From the supreme Islamic Shii council to AMAL : Shii politics in Lebanon from 1969-1984." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=30174.
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This thesis highlights a new approach to the programs and agenda of the Shi`ite representative body in Lebanon known under the acronym AMAL. The period studied is from 1969--1984. Previous studies have drawn insufficient attention to the important and quintessentially Islamic relation between religion and politics for this particular community. This relation becomes a focal point for this thesis.Here, I study and tell the story of how a politically and socially marginalized sector of a society awakened unto itself and sought change in its political, social and economic position. This change involved a reaffirmation of specifically Shi`i doctrines, beliefs and motifs which helped this community assert themselves with a new identity during this fifteen year period.
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Judikis-Preller, Juan C. "The impact of the military government on higher education in Chile : 1973-1990." Virtual Press, 1999. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1137604.
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The general purpose of this study completed in 1999 was to create an accurate, documented description of the experiences of nine students, three faculty members and two administrators in higher education in Chile during the military government 1973 - 1990.A qualitative approach was selected as the most appropriate methodology to' complete the study. A variety of methods and data collection strategies were used. The major data collection strategies were interviews and reviewing of primary and secondary written sources. The interviews were used to collect evidence concerning interviewees' experiences, as well as their attitudes, and perceptions regarding the events that occurred in higher education during the rule of the military government 1973 - 1990.The researcher decided to use a judgment sample of interviewees from the population based on their knowledge about the topic and their willingness to share their knowledge and experiences. Geographical representation, position within the institutions, kind of institution represented, and gender were major the considerations at the moment of selecting the sample too.Thanks to the U.S.A. Freedom of Information Act, which established an effective statutory right to access by any person or organization to federal government information, the researcher found official information that allowed for triangulation of evidence.The findings showed that the changes the military government implemented through their modernization of the educational system did not follow the historical trend of educational development in Chile. Furthermore, under the military government, policymaking in higher education was circumscribed to autocratic arenas, which usually coincided with government policy. Education was utilized to serve the purpose of the government. The educational system 1973 - 1990 failed to serve those with special needs. Free-market policies profoundly transformed education from a right available to all, to a commodity available in varying quantity and quality according to purchasing power of individuals.The impact of military government on higher education during the military rule was notorious and huge. Even though they were destructive in some aspects the military government did good things for the educational system. The issue in discussion is the price that was paid.Department of Educational Leadership
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Zahar, Marie-Joëlle. "The Lebanese Forces and the Ta'if Accord : militia decision-making in theoretical perspective." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26366.
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This thesis addresses the determinants of militia decision-making. Focussing on the Lebanese Forces (LF), the major Christian militia in Lebanon's Civil War, it analyses the motives which drove the LF to accept the Ta'if Accord--an acceptance that stands in stark contrast to its rejection of two earlier settlement blueprints, the Lausanne talks and the Tripartite Agreement. Steering away from the literature's focus on ideology as the prime mover of militias, the research explores other dimensions of militia decision-making, notably the impact of inter-communal power struggles, of the extra-communal balance of power, and of the international setting. Particular attention is given to the impact of the process of institutionalization. By rendering decisions more sensitive to cost-benefit and other prasmatic considerations, institutionalization is insruumental in bringing the more hawkish of militias to the negotiation table and in opening a window of opportunity for lasting conflict resolution.
Books on the topic "Victoria Politics and government 1990-"
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Strehlow, T. J. Index to Victorian parliamentary papers, 1980-1990. Parkville, Vic: University of Melbourne Library, 1992.
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Wright, R. A people's counsel: A history of the Parliament of Victoria 1856-1990. Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1992.
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A, Luis H. Alvarez. La victoria cultural, 1987-1996. México, D.F: EPESSA, 1999.
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Strehlow, T. J. Index to Victorian parliamentary papers, 1885-1900. [Parkville, Vic.]: Baillieu Library, University of Melbourne, 1996.
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Strehlow, T. J. Index to Victorian parliamentary papers, 1950-92. Melbourne: The Law Printer, 1995.
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Crónica de una victoria: 1998-2001. Caracas: Instituto de Altos Estudios Sindicales, 2005.
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Burgueño, María Julia. La victoria del no en Paysandú: 30 de noviembre de 1980. Montevideo, Uruguay: Rumbo Editorial, 2009.
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Guberman, Lucio. Victoria, éxito y fractura: El Partido Socialista Popular en Rosario, 1989-1995. [Rosario]: UNR Editora, 2004.
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Il-sŏng, Kim. The Worker's Party of Korea organizes and guides all the victories of our people: October 3, 1990. Pyongyang, Korea: Foreign Languages Pub. House, 1993.
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Fidel, Castro. Unidos para la victoria: Clausura de la reunión provincial de cuadros y dirigentes de la capital, 29 de diciembre de 1997. La Habana: Editora Política, 1998.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Victoria Politics and government 1990-"
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Miedema, Frank. "Science and Society an Overview of the Problem." In Open Science: the Very Idea, 1–14. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-2115-6_1.
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AbstractScience in the recent past promised to society to contribute to the grand challenges of the United Nations, UNESCO, WHO, the EU agenda and national agendas for change and improvement of our life, the human condition. In this chapter it will be briefly discussed how this social contract between science and society has developed since 1945. In the context of this book I distinguish three time periods, but I do realize slightly different time periods may be preferred, based on the perspective taken. The first phase from 1945 till 1960 is characterized by autonomy, building on the successes of the natural sciences and engineering in World War II. In the second phase, the late sixties till approximately 1980, government and the public lost trust and saw the downside of science and technology. The response from politics and the public was to call for societal and political responsible research inspired by broader socio-political developments in society. The third phase from 1990 till 2010 was one of renewed enthusiasm and hope that science and technology would bring economic growth, which should make nations internationally competitive. There increasingly was also room for societal problems related to environment and sustainability, health and well-being. In this approach of the so-called knowledge economy, with the world-wide embracing of neoliberal politics, strong relations with government and the private sector were established. This was accompanied by short-term accountability, control from government and funders at the level of project output, using accordingly defined metrics and indicators. Because of this, this model became firmly and globally institutionalized.
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Miedema, Frank. "Science in Social Contexts." In Open Science: the Very Idea, 129–57. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-2115-6_5.
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AbstractGradually since 1990 a growing number of critical analyses from within science have been published of how science was organized as a system and discussing its problems, despite, or paradoxically because the growing size of its endeavour and its growing yearly output. Because of lack of openness with regards to sharing results of research, such as publications and data but in fact of all sorts of other products, science is felt by many to be disappointing with respect to its societal impact, its contribution to the major problems humanity is facing in the current times. With the financial crisis, in analogy, also the crisis of the academic system as described in Chap. 10.1007/978-94-024-2115-6_3 was exposed and it seemed that similar systemic neoliberal economic mechanisms operated in these at first sight seemingly different industries. Most of these critiques appeared with increasing frequency since 2014 in formal scientific magazines, social media and with impact reached the leadership of universities, government and funders. This raised awareness and support for the development of new ways of doing science, mostly intuitively and implicitly, but sometimes explicitly motivated by pragmatism aiming for societal progress and contribution to the good life.To get to this next level we need the critical reflection on the practice of science as done in previous chapters in order to make systemic changes to several critical parts of the knowledge production chain. I will discuss the different analyses of interactions between science and society, in the social and political contexts with publics and politics that show where and how we could improve. The opening up of science and academia in matters of problem choice, data sharing and evaluation of research together with stakeholders from outside academia will help to increase the impact of science on society. It ideally should promote equality, inclusion and diversity of the research agendas. This, I will argue requires an Open Society with Deweyan democracy and safe spaces for deliberations where a diversity of publics and their problems can be heard. In this transition we have to pay close and continuous attention to the many effects of power executed by agents in society and science that we know can distort these ‘ideal deliberations’ and undermine the ethics of these communications and possibly threaten the autonomy and freedom of research.
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Economou, Nicholas, Brian Costar, and Paul Strangio. "Victoria." In Australian Politics and Government, 154–82. Cambridge University Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511756061.007.
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Worthy, Ben. "The 1997 White Paper: a symbolic victory?" In The Politics of Freedom of Information. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719097676.003.0004.
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In the UK FOI policy developed in a series of phases. This chapter covers the first stage of the development covered the first eight months, from Labour entering power in May 1997 to the publication of the White Paper Your Right to Know in December 1997. At this point, FOI appeared to avoid the ‘symbolic’ trap and overt conflict so frequently seen elsewhere. A small, well-connected group of crusaders inside government took advantage of their own power and used a favourable context to neutralise opposition, with a rapid process lending momentum to a far-Reaching policy. Their efforts resulted in a hugely symbolic White Paper, rapidly formulated, that offered one of the most radical FOI regimes yet seen in the world. The vision was of a political redistribution of power opening up even the very centre of government decision-making (Terrill 2000). However, doubts remained over the policy, its workability and the levels of support for it in government.
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"Politics and Local Government." In Macmillan/Pickup National Training Directory 1990, 351–70. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11485-6_3.
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Ilunga, Yvan Yenda. "Regional Political Leadership and Policy Integration in Great Lakes Region of Africa." In Advances in Electronic Government, Digital Divide, and Regional Development, 267–77. IGI Global, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-4993-2.ch013.
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For the past two decades, following the Rwandan genocide in 1994, the Great Lakes Region of Africa has become a conflict-ridden zone marked by mass violations of human rights and political instabilities. Part of these instabilities and violence is due to the lack of strong and stable political leadership and institutions in many of the countries in the region. In 1996, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) was plagued by the uprising of the rebel movement called the Alliance des Forces Démocratiques pour la Libération du Congo-Zaïre. This movement was a coalition of Rwanda, Burundi, and Uganda, along with Congolese people. However, the AFDL victory was short-lived since the coalition parties broke up their alliance in 1998, which led to a new cycle of conflict which continued to destabilize the DRC to date with its Eastern provinces being most affected. In addition to conflict within the DRC, political instability and crisis of legitimacy of political leadership in South Sudan, Burundi, and the Central African Republic have also exacerbated the instability in the region. In this chapter, the author argues that peace and stability in the Great Lakes Region of Africa would depend on how best several facets of policies are integrated into one operational framework for peace and stability.
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MacArthur-Seal, Daniel-Joseph. "1920–1922." In Britain's Levantine Empire, 1914-1923, 191–207. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192895769.003.0012.
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The sub-chapter summarises military and political developments in the eastern Mediterranean in 1920–1922, beginning with the decision to formally occupy Istanbul, which expanded Allied responsibilities while leading to the emergence of a rival Turkish national assembly in Ankara. It assesses Greece’s successive offensives into Anatolia, which ended in defeat and the loss of Izmir to Turkish national forces in September 1922. It further examines the impact of the Bolshevik victory in the Russian civil war on Britain’s position in the Caucasus and Istanbul, and the changing relationship between the Allies and Greece following the Royalist victory there. The chapter shows how Britain took unilateral action to redefine its position in Egypt after failed negotiations with nationalist representatives. Finally, it shows how confrontation with Greece and nationalist Turkey in the vicinity of Istanbul forced the British government to accept a revision of the peace treaty they had forced on the region.
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Purcell, Carl. "Structural reform and the Victoria Climbié inquiry." In The Politics of Children's Services Reform, 43–60. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447348764.003.0004.
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The Labour Government framed structural reforms to English local government, initially proposed in the Every Child Matters Green Paper published in September 2003, as a direct response to the findings and recommendations of the Victoria Climbié Inquiry chaired by Lord Laming. This narrative is challenged in this chapter and the next. In this chapter it is argued that politically pre-determined proposals for structural reform reflected concern amongst the Labour leadership and senior ministers regarding the perceived slow pace of delivery for key government initiatives. The case for structural reform to improve the integration of statutory children’s services agencies was first made following an inter-departmental review of policy on young people in 2000, chaired by the then Home Office Minister Paul Boateng. On the day that the Inquiry was published in January 2003, the Secretary of State for Health Alan Milburn launched a children’s trust pilot programme to promote the commissioning of children’s services from a more diverse range of providers including those in the private and voluntary sectors. This was framed as a direct response to Lord Laming’s report even though the Inquiry had not considered any such proposal.
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Lindskoog, Carl. "Making a Path for the Return of Immigrant Detention, 1973–1980." In Detain and Punish, 12–32. University Press of Florida, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9781683400400.003.0002.
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Chapter 1 examines the U.S. government’s response to the Haitian “boat people” from 1973 to 1980, finding that the government immediately met them with a policy of denial of asylum, implementing a set of practices, including detention, meant to deter Haitians from seeking asylum on American shores. This first chapter also chronicles the earliest resistance to detention by detained refugees and their allies and the advocacy campaign for Haitian refugees that developed in the 1970s that included political mobilization and legal resistance. The most notable achievement of the resistance came in the landmark case Haitian Refugee v. Civiletti, striking a lethal blow to the government’s Haitian Program which involved the detention and expedited removal of Haitians. Despite this victory for the refugees, the government’s efforts to exclude and deter Haitian asylum seekers during the 1970s cleared the way for the return of immigrant detention in the following years.
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Yavuz, M. Hakan. "The Neo-Ottomanism of the Nakşibendis and the Welfare Party." In Nostalgia for the Empire, 126–43. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197512289.003.0006.
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The chapter examines the Nakşibendi Sufi orders, Necmettin Erbakan, and their roles in reconstructing Islamic political identity and memories of the Ottoman Empire. The debate about the politics of identity is analyzed, as based on the experience of the Islamic parties of the National Outlook Movement (Welfare Party and the Virtue Party) between 1994 and 2001. The Welfare Party’s local election victory in 1994 resulted in its controlling nearly every municipal government in Turkey. Thus, the elected officials used the resources of the municipalities to criticize the Kemalist project by promoting Ottoman history, culture, and practices as an alternative. Rather than directly promoting Islamism due to legal constraints, they preferred to frame Ottomanism as a surrogate identity and ideology to criticize Kemalism.