Relevant bibliographies by topics / Victoria ;Parliament Elections, 1992

Academic literature on the topic 'Victoria ;Parliament Elections, 1992'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 29 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Victoria ;Parliament Elections, 1992"

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Helf, Gavin, and Jeffrey W. Hahn. "Old Dogs and New Tricks: Party Elites in the Russian Regional Elections of 1990." Slavic Review 51, no. 3 (1992): 511–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500058.

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Much of the analysis of the results of republican and local elections held in the USSR in 1989-1990 understandably focused on the dramatic victories of candidates and groups committed to a radical reform of the old system. Anti-communist majorities were elected to the parliaments of several republics. The city governments of Moscow, Leningrad and Sverdlovsk fell under the control of activists associated with the self-styled “democratic bloc” and, in summer 1990, Boris Yeltsin was elected to chair the RSFSR Supreme Soviet. Conversely, local party officials suffered embarrassing defeats in the face of competition from popular fronts united under the banner of Democratic Russia. That the Party itself was in disarray over how to respond to these challenges was reflected in the open split between rival platforms at the 28th party Congress in July 1990. Taken together, these events could easily convey the impression that old party elites “lost” the local elections of 1990 and that they lost because they failed to adapt to the new rules of democratic politics.
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Ishima, Hideo. "How electoral reform alters legislative speech: Evidence from the parliament of Victoria, Australia 1992–2017." Electoral Studies 67 (October 2020): 102192. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2020.102192.

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Strauss, Annette. "The 1992 Referendum in South Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 31, no. 2 (June 1993): 339–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00011964.

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The ruling National Party (N.P.) asked white voters during the 1989 election campaign for a mandate to negotiate with all concerned about a new constitution, an undivided South Africa, one citizenship, equal votes, protection of minorities, and the removal of stumbling blocks such as discrimination against people of colour.1 Although the N.P. achieved a cleat majority – 93 seats against 39 for the Conservative Party (C.P.) and 33 for the Democratic Party (D.P.) – the right-wing opposition made destinct progress by gaining 17 seats. After the C.P had captured a further three from the N.P. in by-elections, including Potchefstroom in February 1992, President F. W. de Klerk announced in Parliament that whites would be asked the following month to vote in a referendum in order to remove any doubts about his mandate. The carefully worded question which the electorate had to answer was as follows: Do you support continuation of the reform process which the State President began on February 2, 1990 and which is aimed at a new constitution through negotiation?
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Haydanka, Ye I. "State Regime Liberalization in Conditions of Crisis of Socialism: Slovak Context (mid-1980s—1992)." Nauchnyi dialog 1, no. 8 (August 31, 2020): 367–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-8-367-382.

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The article deals with the transformation of the Slovak state regime in the period of changes in the system of socialist governance in the mid-1980s — 1992. It is determined that the historical period of liberalization of the Communist regime had a significant impact on the further success of democratic transformations. The subject of the analysis was the public and Church opposition in socialist Slovakia. The fact of the ideological evolution of the opposition movement “Public against violence” has been established. It is noted that the movement for independence in Slovakia in 1989—1992, which was initiated by the Slovak elite led by Vladimir Mechiyar, significantly reduced the intensity of the democratic transition. It is claimed that in the first half of the 1990s Vladimir Mechiyar built a strong vertical of Executive power, supported by the dominance of the Movement for a democratic Slovakia in the Parliament. It is emphasized that the first competitive parliamentary elections in Slovakia in 1990 and 1992 failed to stabilize the socio-political situation in the country, despite the intensive development of multiparty systems.
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Epkenhans, Tim. "The Islamic Revival Party of Tajikistan: Episodes of Islamic Activism, Postconflict Accommodation, and Political Marginalization." Central Asian Affairs 2, no. 4 (October 3, 2015): 321–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142290-00204001.

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The parliamentary elections on March 1, 2015, mark a caesura for postconflict Tajikistan. With the exclusion of the Islamic Revival Party of Tajikistan (irpt) from Tajikistan’s parliament, the political elite has finally abandoned the principles of the 1997 General Peace Accord, which had ended the country’s Civil War (1992–1997). Since then, the irpt has distinguished itself as a credible oppositional political party committed to democratic principles with an almost imperceptible religious agenda. By shifting the irpt’s attention to issues of democratization and socioeconomic development, its chairman, Muhiddin Kabirī, opened the irpt to a younger electorate. Continuous defamation campaigns and persecution, however, have worn down the irpt’s activists and its electorate. The party’s electoral defeat did not come as a surprise.
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Kolin, Marija, and Lilijana Cickaric. "Gender inequalities in employment, governance and decision-making." Stanovnistvo 48, no. 1 (2010): 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv1001103k.

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In this paper we examine gender differences in the pattern and level of employment, main characteristics of women's employment and their participation in political institutions, public policy and decision-making process. The analysis contains comparative view pointed out on gender differences in Serbia and European Union and assessment of anti-discrimination measures and active integrative approach to gender participation. The quantitative data derived from official gender sensitive statistics from EU and UN institutions, supplemented by qualitative findings of recent surveys. The evidence presented in the paper pointed out unfavorable position of women in the labor market, characterized by low economic activity, limited access to managerial position and prestige wages, high unemployment, poverty and vulnerability. The Serbian labor market is characterized by a downward rate of activity of women and a high unemployment rate, the latter being the crucial factor of unequal position. Activity of women at the labor market amounting to 54.6% in 2006 relative to the total female population of working age is very low. Economic activity of women is considerably beneath that of men which amounts to 72.7% active men as compared to the total male population of working age. Statistics and reports on the structure of the unemployed show that women are more affected by unemployment than men. It is 1.5 times higher than that of men of the same working age. The unemployment rate in Serbia is one of the highest in Europe, ranging from 21% to 30%, depending on the methodology of calculation. The position of unemployed women is determined by poor opportunities to contract full-time employment, low and irregular payment of unemployment benefits, poor chances for prequalification and professional retraining and a high probability of engagement on unpaid jobs at home or jobs in 'gray economy'. In the second part of the article the differences and similarities in patterns of political behavior of women in Serbia and European Union are examined, considering participation in governance, decision making and public policy. The analysis emphasizes that women are still under-represented in political system and its institutions in Serbia, more then in the most EU countries. Namely, the number of women in politics in Serbia was dramatically reduced in the course of the nineties due to strengthening of nationalistic politics, ethnic conflicts, economic sanctions and isolation of the country. Relative to the socialist period, when participation of women in parliaments was 17%, women completely disappeared from the political scene in this period. After the 1992 elections, only 4.0% women were elected into the Serbian parliament, and after the elections in 2000, of the 250 members of the Serbian parliament, only 27 (10.8%) were women. Finally, participation of women at the 2008 Parliamentary Elections doubled (20,4%) following the introduction of quota for the less represented gender in the Law on Election of Members of Parliament. Representation increased to 21.3% at the local level also. But, women are still underrepresented on leading positions in governing and decision making in public policy. There are three times less women among the legislators, state agencies officials, CEOs, directors and managers. .
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López Aguilar, Juan Fernando. "De la Constitución "irreformable" a la reforma constitucional "exprés"." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 29 (June 1, 2012): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.29.2012.6987.

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Desde la perspectiva del Derecho constitucional comparado, la Constitución española de 1978 (CE) pasa por ser una de las más rígidas. Su Título X prevé dos procedimientos de reforma caracterizados ambos por la exigencia de amplias mayorías parlamentarias (3/5, reforma simplificada; 2/3, revisión agravada). La revisión agravada se cualifica por la exigencia de una doble expresión de mayoría de 2/3, mediando disolución de las Cortes y nuevas elecciones, además de un referendum preceptivo de ratificación. Significativamente, la CE excluye expresamente la iniciativa popular en el procedimiento de reforma. Todo ello explica, en términos jurídicos, las enormes dificultades con que se ha abierto paso en España el debate sobre la modificación de la CE. De este modo, en 35 años sólo ha tenido lugar dos veces (1992 y 2011), en contextos muy distintos, pero coincidentes en su conexión con las coordenadas impuestas por los compromisos de España con la UE.From the viewpoint of comparative constitutional law, the 1978 Spanish Constitution happens to be one of the most rigid. Its Title X provides with two constitutional reform procedures, both characterized by the need of wide parliamentary majorities (3/5, simplified reform; 2/3, aggravated review). The latter qualifies by the requirement of a dual expression of a majority of 2/3, with dissolution of Parliament followed by new elections, as well as with a mandatory referendum for ratification. Significantly, the Spanish Constitution expressly excludes the popular initiative in the process of reform. This explains, in legal terms, the enormous difficulties with which the debate on amending the Constitution has been raised in Spain, so that it has only occurred twice in 35 years (1992 and 2011), in very different contexts, but coinciding in its connection with the coordinates imposed by Spain’s commitments with the EU.
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Fernández Esquer, Carlos, and José Rama Caamaño. "El sistema electoral gallego: reformar, o no reformar, esa es la cuestión // The Galician electoral system: to reform, or not to reform, that is the question." Revista de Derecho Político 1, no. 102 (July 31, 2018): 275. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rdp.102.2018.22394.

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Resumen:Desde que Galicia alcanzase la autonomía política hasta los últimos comicios regionales de septiembre de 2016, se han celebrado un total de diez elecciones para elegir a los representantes del Parlamento de Galicia. Transcurrido este tiempo, es posible analizar los rendimientos del sistema electoral gallego (en términos de proporcionalidad, fragmentación partidista, desigualdad en el valor del voto y primas y penalizaciones a los partidos), así como indagar en los debates sobre su origen y modificaciones posteriores. Tras la aprobación del Estatuto de Autonomía en 1981, el sistema electoral gallego fue reformado en 1992 para aumentar la barrera electoral y, más recientemente, se han planteado otras dos propuestas de reforma en los años 2012 y 2014. Con todo, las reglas electorales se han mantenido estables desde aquella pequeña modificación de los años noventa, por lo que han continuado beneficiando a los partidos establecidos, al establecer barreras de entrada a otras formaciones políticas y generar desigualdades en el valor del voto. Por ello, en este artículo formulamos una propuesta de reforma electoral que, con pequeños retoques, podría corregir algunas de las deficiencias del sistema electoral gallego, sin por ello poner en riesgo la gobernabilidad y estabilidad política que han caracterizado al subsistema político gallego durante estos años de autonomía política.Summary:I. Introduction. II. The Galician electoral system. 1. The regional electoral context. 2. The origin of the Galician electoral system. 3. The Galician electoral system at present. III. Political consequences of the electoral system. IV. Reforms and reform proposals of the Gacilician electoral system: 1. The controversial reform of 1992. 2. Proposal reforms of 2012 and 2014. V. A humble electoral reform proposal. Vi. Conclusions.Abstract:Since Galicia reached its political autonomy until the last elections of September of 2016, ten regional elections of the representatives for the Galician Parliament have been held. In the course of this time, it is possible to analyze the Galician electoral system´s yields (in terms of proportionality, party fragmentation, malapportionment, and premiums, as well as penalties to the parties), and inquire in the debates about its origin and later modifications. After the approval of the Autonomous Statute in 1981, the Galician electoral system was changed in 1992 to increase the electoral threshold and, more recently, two proposals of reform have been suggested in 2012 and 2014. Yet, the electoral rules have remained stable since the slight modification in the nineties, so they have continued to benefit the established parties, by creating barriers preventing the entrance of other parties and generating inequality in the value of the vote. Thus, in this paper we propose an electoral reform that, with minor changes, could solve some problems of the Galician electoral system, without jeopardizing the governability and political stability that have characterized the Galician political subsystem during these years of political autonomy.
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Bohaievskyi, Yurii. "When Ukraine will Finally Have its Great Emblem?" Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 231–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-11.

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This article is focused on the fact that independent Ukraine still does not have the Big State Emblem as its major national symbol. Since December 2015, President of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko has signed Decree No 675/2015, which referred to the need to properly cover the history of state symbols. Therefore, the authors remind that by its decision on February 19, 1992 Verkhovna Rada (Parliament) of Ukraine had approved only a Trident as a temporary small state attribute and as the main element of the future Big State Emblem. However, the obligation to complete “in the near time period” the formation of state symbols has been delayed for various reasons. This one is a very important and urgent issue that has to be solved. Recent political events that are taking place in our country such as elections, reforms, roads, tranches, the constant fight against corruption, Russian aggression, rapprochement with the European Union and NATO do not allow to complete the formation of state symbols. There is the National Flag and the National Anthem, but there is no real, full-fledged emblem. This question is also of interest to foreign Ukrainians, who have done a great deal to ensure that the historical symbols of the nation are not lost but preserved in the memory of generations. Meanwhile, more than 200 patterns of the Big State Emblem designed by Ukrainian specialists in heraldry are covered with dust in the Central State Archives of Supreme Organs of Power and Administration. According to the authors of the article, the fact that the big emblem has not been in Ukrainian political space for quite a long time does not contribute to strengthening, consolidation and unity of the whole Ukrainian society and indicates the incompleteness of Ukraine as an independent state. Keywords: national emblem, national symbol, Ukraine, independence, Trident, heraldic sign, Central State Archive.
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Martínez Cuadrado, Miguel. "Reflexiones sobre el proceso federativo de Europa y el camino de la Unión Política Europea : ante las elecciones al VIII Parlamento de la Unión (2014-2019) = Reflexions about a European federative process as a political Union Way : elections to the parliament of the Union VIII (2014-2019)." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional 1, no. 33 (January 1, 2014): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.33.2014.13043.

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Desde el fin de la II Guerra mundial en los Estados europeos se fragua la toma de conciencia del — «fín de las soberanías clásicas» y que el futuro pasaría por un proceso de convergencia que culminase en un verdadero sistema de gobierno supranacional : algo equivalente a los Estados Unidos de Europa que pensaban los viejos federalistas y los nuevos como Churchill, Madariaga o Jean Monnet. El sentimiento unitario cuajaría de modo atenuado en los primeros grandes acuerdos como el Consejo de Europa, la Comunidad del Carbón y del Acero, el Tribunal de Derechos Humanos y los Tratados de Roma hasta el ultimo de Lisboa. Este largo proceso hace de la Unión no un sistema federal de gobierno sino «un sistema federativo», en el sentido que Locke daba a la expresión «Commonwealth» en los comienzos del XVIII. Las grandes crisis europeas posteriores a los treinta años «gloriosos, 50, 60, 70, «aceleran los cambios y los Tratados sucesivos a partir de Maastricht en 1992 no han hecho otra cosa que avanzar en el trayecto hacia una «Unión política». La crisis de 2007 a 2014 alumbra una nueva aceleración y las elecciones de 2014 al VIII Parlamento europeo confirman que el «Demos» comunitario se asienta en bases más firmes de las que las posiciones críticas tratan de hacer a una parte importante de los 400 millones de electores del cuerpo comunitario.From the end of WWII starts the awareness that we were facing the end of «classical sovereignties» and the conviction that the future would go througt a process of convergence that would lead to a real system of supranational governmdent. A long process of small steps makes the Union not a federal system of government but a «federative system» in the meaning that Locke gave to the expression of Commonwealth in the earley XVIII. The crisis of 2007-2014 gives birth to a new accelaration ad the elections of 2014 to the VIII European Parliament wil confirme that communitarians DEMOS stands o stronger basis than before.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Victoria ;Parliament Elections, 1992"

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O'Brien, Antony, and antony obrien@deakin edu au. "The 1859 election on the Ovens." Deakin University. School of Social and International Studies, 2004. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20080808.120248.

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The Victorian general election of 1859 occurred during a time of social transition and electoral reformation, which extended the vote to previously unrepresented adult males. Gold discoveries, including those on the Ovens, triggered the miners’ insistent demands for access to land and participation in the political process. The thesis identifies issues, which emerged during the election campaign on the Ovens goldfields, surrounding Beechworth. The struggle centred on the two Legislative Assembly seats for the Ovens and the one Legislative Council seat for the Murray District. Though the declared election issue was land reform, it concealed a range of underlying tensions, which divided the electorate along lines of nationality and religion. Complicating these tensions within the European community was the Chinese presence throughout the Ovens. The thesis suggests the historical memory of the French Revolution, the European Revolutions of 1848 and the Catholic versus Protestant revivals divided the Ovens goldfield community. The competing groups formed alliances; a Beechworth-centred grouping of traders, merchants and the Constitution’s editor, ensured the existing conservative agenda triumphed over those perceived radicals who sought reform. In the process the land hungry miners did not gain any political representation in the Legislative Assembly, while a prominent Catholic squatter who advocated limited land reform was defeated for the Legislative Council seat. Two daily Beechworth papers, Ovens and Murray Advertiser and its fierce competitor, the Constitution and Ovens Mining Intelligencer are the major primary sources for the thesis.
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Dahlmann, Olaf. "Government stability in Estonia: Wishful Thinking or Reality? : An evaluation of Estonia's governments from the 1992 elections up to 2003 [including a comment of the cabinet of Juhan Parts up to February 2005]." Universität Potsdam, 2005. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2005/361/.

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This article examines the multiple governments of independent Estonia since 1992 referring to their stability. Confronted with the immense problems of democratic transition, the multi-party governments of Estonia change comparatively often. Following the elections of March 2003 the ninth government since 1992 was formed. A detailed examination of government stability and the example of Estonia is accordingly warranted, given that the country is seen as the most successful Central Eastern European transition country in spite of its frequent changes of government. Furthermore, this article questions whether or not internal government stability can exist within a situation where the government changes frequently. What does stability of government mean and what are the varying multi-faceted depths of the term? Before analysing the term, it has to be clarified and defined. It is presumed that government stability is composed of multiple variables influencing one another. Data about the average tenure of a government is not very conclusive. Rather, the deeper political causes for governmental change need to be examined. Therefore, this article discusses the conceptual and theoretical basics of governmental stability first. Secondly, it discusses the Estonian situation in detail up to the elections of 2003, including a short review of the 9th government since independence. In the conclusion, the author explains whether or not the governments of Estonia are stable. In the appendix, the reader finds all election results and also a list of all previous ministers of Estonian governments (all data are as of July 2002).
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Books on the topic "Victoria ;Parliament Elections, 1992"

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Commission, Victorian Electoral. Report to Parliament on the 2002 Victorian State election. Melbourne, Vic: Victorian Electoral Commission, 2003.

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Commission, Australian Electoral, and Australian Electoral Commission. 1994 redistribution of Victoria into electoral divisions: Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918, section 75. Canberra: Australian Govt. Pub. Service, 1995.

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Ivor, Crewe, and Gosschalk Brian, eds. Political communications: The general election campaign of 1992. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press, 1994.

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Ivor, Crewe, and Gosschalk Brian, eds. Political communications: The general election campaign of 1992. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995.

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Dennis, Kavanagh, ed. The British general election of 1992. New York, N.Y: St. Martin's Press, 1992.

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Group, Commonwealth Observer. The Presidential, Parliamentary and civic elections in Kenya, 29 December, 1992. London: Commonwealth Secretariat, 1993.

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Ian, Clark. Scotland votes: The general election 1992 in Scotland. Dundee: General Election Studies, Department of Political Science and Social Policy, University of Dundee, 1992.

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Gordon, Hands, ed. Modern constituency electioneering: Local campaigning in the 1992 general election. London: F. Cass, 1997.

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Hill, Dave. Out for the count: Politicians and the people, election 1992. London: Macmillan London, 1992.

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Market & Opinion Research International. British public opinion: The British general election of 1992 : final report. London: MORI, 1992.

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Book chapters on the topic "Victoria ;Parliament Elections, 1992"

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Denver, David, and Mark Garnett. "The Triumph of New Labour." In British General Elections Since 1964, 111–46. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198844952.003.0005.

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This chapter covers the three consecutive election victories recorded by ‘New’ Labour, under Tony Blair, and assesses the reasons for the party’s remarkable run of success after almost two decades in opposition. The key events of the 1992–7 parliament are recorded, showing how John Major’s Conservatives lost their reputation for economic competence shortly after the 1992 contest and never recovered from the blow of ‘Black Wednesday’. The chapter shows that the Conservatives were also seriously divided in the wake of the Maastricht Treaty (1992), and their prospects were impaired by allegations of ‘sleaze’. By contrast, Labour under Blair seemed fresh and relatively united. Apart from recounting the party’s successful campaigns in 1997, 2001, and 2005, the chapter also examines the reasons for the eventual decline of New Labour, in particular the feud between Blair and his Chancellor, Gordon Brown, but also the decision to support the USA in its war against Saddam Hussein’s Iraq (beginning in 2003). As a consequence of these troubles, New Labour’s landslide margin of victory in 1997 and 2001 was reduced significantly in 2005, despite the continuing unpopularity of the Conservatives. The anti-war Liberal Democrats emerged as a serious threat on Labour’s left. Changes in voting behaviour are also noted, in particular the continuing decline of social class as a factor in electoral outcomes.
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"Minister. At first sight it is an interesting example of a reverse linkage between national and European developments. This book has highlighted a number of occasions when the course of European integration was profoundly influenced, even determined, by national political developments. The deposition of Thatcher was an occasion on which European issues apparently impacted decisively on national politics. However, occasion and cause are not always synonymous and the reality is slightly different. European issues were undoubtedly the occasion for the change of Prime Minister. However, the underlying causes lay in domestic politics – particularly the poll tax fiasco – and a fear amongst Conservative back-benchers that the next general election could be lost if changes were not made. There is little evidence that the replacement of Margaret Thatcher by John Major changed British attitudes towards the Community, soon to become the Union. Differences between leading British government ministers remained and splits over European issues in the Conservative party were to deepen, especially after the 1992 elections. Other European leaders now had to deal with a much weaker British Prime Minister – not necessarily an advantage. Although there is little evidence that the changed external context had much impact on the IGCs and the shape of the Treaty on European Union, the same may not necessarily be true for developments immediately post-Maastricht. The ratification process was more difficult than that for any other treaty. A referendum in Denmark rejected the entire Treaty, a situation only reversed by special concessions and opt outs. President Mitterand called a referendum in France, largely in the hope of boosting his own waning popularity, and came within a whisker of losing. In Britain the ratification process in Parliament was delayed by the growing split in the Conservative party re-inforced by a crisis in the European Monetary System. When Britain had finally joined the exchange rate mechanism in 1990, the pound sterling – which had for some time previously been shadowing the mark – was valued at a high rate which simply could not be sustained. Faced with enormous and uncontrollable speculative movements and unwilling to seek an agreed currency revaluation, Britain simply pulled out of the exchange rate mechanism in September 1992. Thereafter with the Conservative party increasingly adopting the line on Europe which had theoretically cost Thatcher her job, ratification of Maastricht was for some time on a knife edge. This chapter is entitled ‘From Commmunity to Union’. An apparent relaunching of the integration process with the single market initiative promoted another of those relatively brief and infrequent waves of what has." In The Uniting of Europe, 88. Routledge, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203131503-18.

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Conference papers on the topic "Victoria ;Parliament Elections, 1992"

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Gerni, Cevat, Özge Buzdağlı, Dilek Özdemir, and Ömer Selçuk Emsen. "Elections and The Real Exchange Rate Volatility In Turkey (1992-2014)." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01553.

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Sudden fluctuations that occur as results of politicians’ manipulation on the macroeconomic variables during the election period are called as Political Business Cycle. In recent years, exchange rate also has become an important subject of many studies in this framework. Before the elections, to gain the public’s votes, politicians firstly put pressure on the exchange rates to prevent currency depreciation, and then this can lead to manipulative fluctuations. In this respect, during the 1992:01-2014:12 periods in Turkey, the impact of the entire local and general elections on the real exchange rate volatility is examined using E-GARCH method. On the other hand, political variables such as independence of Central Bank, exchange rate regime, the number of representatives of the ruling party in the parliament and coalition are included to the model while the pre and after election period from the 1st to the 6th month as dummy variables. Based on the results of the analysis, it can be said that the elections and the political variables affect the real exchange rate and its volatility in Turkey. However, there is no significant evidence whether the politicians act opportunistic behavior to be reelected. Since the uncertainty during the election period cause outflow of the capital and deferral of the investment decisions of the investors until after the election, it may well be said that the politicians fail to influence the real exchange rate for their self-interests.
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