Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Victoria Armed Forces History'
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1
Bartone, Christopher M. "Royal Pains: Wilhelm II, Edward VII, and Anglo-German Relations, 1888-1910." University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1341938971.
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Marmion, Robert J. "Gibraltar of the south : defending Victoria : an analysis of colonial defence in Victoria, Australia, 1851-1901 /." Connect to thesis, 2009. http://repository.unimelb.edu.au/10187/4851.
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During the nineteenth century, defence was a major issue in Victoria and Australia, as indeed it was in other British colonies and the United Kingdom. Considerable pressure was brought to bear by London on the self-governing colonies to help provide for their own defence against internal unrest and also possible invasions or incursions by nations such as France, Russia and the United States.From 1851 until defence was handed over to the new Australian Commonwealth at Federation in 1901, the Victorian colonial government spent considerable energy and money fortifying parts of Port Phillip Bay and the western coastline as well as developing the first colonial navy within the British Empire. Citizens were invited to form volunteer corps in their local areas as a second tier of defence behind the Imperial troops stationed in Victoria. When the garrison of Imperial troops was withdrawn in 1870, these units of amateur citizen soldiers formed the basis of the colony’s defence force. Following years of indecision, ineptitude and ad hoc defence planning that had left the colony virtually defenceless, in 1883 Victoria finally adopted a professional approach to defending the colony. The new scheme of defence allowed for a complete re-organisation of not only the colony’s existing naval and military forces, but also the command structure and supporting services. For the first time an integrated defence scheme was established that co-ordinated the fixed defences (forts, batteries minefields) with the land and naval forces. Other original and unique aspects of the scheme included the appointment of the first Minister of Defence in the Australian colonies and the first colonial Council of Defence to oversee the joint defence program. All of this was achieved under the guidance of Imperial advisors who sought to integrate the colony’s defences into the wider Imperial context.
This thesis seeks to analyse Victoria’s colonial defence scheme on a number of levels – firstly, the nature of the final defence scheme that was finally adopted in 1883 after years of vacillation, secondly, the effectiveness of the scheme in defending Victoria, thirdly, how the scheme linked to the greater Australasian and Imperial defence, and finally the political, economic, social and technological factors that shaped defence in Victoria during the second half of the nineteenth century.
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Thompson, David G. "From Neutrality to NATO: The Norwegian Armed Forces and Defense Policy, 1905-1955 /." The Ohio State University, 1996. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487935125881334.
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Li, Chen. "From Burma Road to 38th parallel : the Chinese forces' adaptation in war, 1942-1953." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283921.
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Lamonte, Jon. "Attitudes in Britain towards its Armed Forces and war 1960-2000." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1332/.
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From the aftermath of Suez to the Kosovo campaign, Britain lost most of its colonies and ended up taking a moral interventionist stance on the world stage with the US its major ally. Against that contextual background, this thesis considers the attitudes in Britain towards its Armed Forces and war from 1960 to 2000. Using a range of lenses, the paper highlights the complexity of change. Homosexuality was a scandalous issue for society in the 1960s, such that the 1967 Act which decriminalised it was not really widely accepted. For the Armed Forces, searches for homosexuals increased on grounds of security. The Act of Remembrance, as recorded in churches, shows the mixed approach of the clergy to war, particularly dependent on their own experience, and also the change in mood from a religious service to a secular one. In the notable campaigns that did take place over the period, Borneo, the Falklands, Bosnia, Kosovo and the Gulf War, a methodical view is taken of opinion polls, press coverage, and letters pages to establish trends at the political, elite and public levels. The media has been used as a reference throughout the thesis as a measure of opinion, but here is analysed for its own biases and approaches, since it has a clear effect on people’s opinions, both from fiction and fact. Overall, the thesis paints a complex web of declining interest in defence issues, greater self-interest amongst many, increasing secularisation, and greater tolerance, yet conversely, points to underlying themes of pride in individual servicemen and the institution of the Armed Forces.
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Armstrong, Martha 1968. "A tale of two videos : media event, moral panic and the Canadian Airborne Regiment." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28242.
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This thesis examines how and why two amateur videos, broadcast across Canada in 1995, contributed to the disbandment of the Canadian Airborne Regiment. A brief history of the Airborne highlights discipline problems that were known to exist before the videos were broadcast. Common assumptions about images, particularly amateur video images, are explored. The concept of the "media event" is used to show how mediation magnified the videos' impact. A detailed examination of the videos and their constructions as news stories demonstrates how narrative frames and the newsmaking process in general shaped what the public saw. A general content analysis of the media coverage surrounding the videos shows how a moral panic developed when Canadian values were threatened. It is argued that the videos and reaction to them shed more light on attitudes Canadians wanted to keep hidden than they did on any secrets the military harboured.
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Jordan, Daniel W. III. "Socialism Gone Awry: A Study in Bureaucratic Dysfunction in the Armed Forces of the German Democratic Republic." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1416569882.
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A'Hearn, Francis W. "The Industrial College of the Armed Forces: Contextual Analysis of an Evolving Mission, 1924-1994." Diss., Virginia Tech, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/30313.
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This study assessed the changing mission of the Industrial College of the Armed Forces as it evolved from the institution's founding as the Army Industrial College in 1924 to its 70th anniversary in 1994. The study drew heavily from archival materials in the Special Collections of the National Defense University in Washington, DC.
The problem investigated in this research was to analyze how and why the institution's mission changed over time within the context of internal and external forces and events. Based upon the historical method of research, the study identified six periods in the institution's development over seven decades: its origins in the aftermath of World War I from 1918 to 1924; its growth in the interwar years, 1924 to 1940; the institution's temporary closure and subsequent reconstitution as the Industrial College of the Armed Forces during and after World War II, from 1940 to 1947; a formative period during the Cold War from 1947 to 1962; its continuing evolution throughout the Vietnam era from 1962 to 1974; and finally the College's modern development as a joint service educational institution from 1974 to 1994.
The study found that the institution has changed dramatically over much of this century, just as the world and the country's national security concerns have changed profoundly in the same period.
The mission of the College has evolved from a narrow focus on training military officers in procurement and industrial mobilization to that of a graduate institution dedicated to educating a select group of promising senior military and civilian officials in the political, economic, and resource dimensions of national security.
Over time, the focus has shifted from training to education, from military to national issues, from internal and external educational programs to primarily internal ones, and from a predominant interest in domestic issues to an equally strong concern for international matters.
The study finds that a variety of internal and external events and forces have impelled these changes. A wide range of influential individuals and stakeholders, bureaucratic power structures, governmental agencies, special review boards, and various political, economic, military, and social considerations have influenced the mission of the College.
The study also concludes that several factors have likely contributed to the institution's relatively unusual longevity as a government entity. Its dual identity as an educational institution and a government organization set apart from the mainstream bureaucracy has had a favorable influence. So too has the institution been aided by the unique service it has provided to multiple customer constituencies. In fact, the College's mission has made it unique as an institution of adult education and learning in this country and perhaps the world.Ph. D.
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Torkelsen, Leif Alfred Torkelsen. "“Battles Were Not Fought In Lines”: Nationalism, Industrialism and Progressivism in the American Military Discourse, 1865-1918." The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1525625249871525.
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Davis, Ashley. "Alcohol Misuse and Depressive Symptomology among Males with a History of Service in the U.S. Armed Forces." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2010. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/iph_theses/95.
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BACKGROUND: Soldiers face extraordinary circumstances while serving in the U.S. Armed Forces. Soldiers are required at times to live away from family and friends for extended periods of time and work in hazardous environments. Once soldiers become veterans, the experiences of military life may continue to affect them long after their duties have been carried out. These conditions put them at greater risk for alcohol misuse and depression. The purpose of this is to determine whether there is an association between alcohol misuse and depression symptomology among males who have a history of service in the U.S. Armed Forces. METHODS: Secondary data from NHANES 2005-2008 were used to analyze 1,381 men who expressed alcohol misuse and depressive symptomology. Chi-square tests were used to attain descriptive frequencies for alcohol misuse and depressive symptomology and demographic factors. Binary logistic regression was used for univariate and multivariate to test for associations between alcohol misuse, depressive symptomology, and demographic variables. RESULTS: Alcohol misuse and depressive symptomology were significantly associated with male veterans with a history of service in the Armed Forces, p= .041. Age (p< .001), race (p< .05) marital status (p<.05), and educational attainment (p< .01) are the best predictors of alcohol misuse among male veterans. Similarly, depressive symptomology had the same predictors as alcohol misuse, except race. CONCLUSIONS: The complex relationship between alcohol misuse and depressive symptomology among male veterans warrants further research. Public health professionals need to clearly establish standard measurement instruments for diagnosing these conditions. Once established, appropriate interventions can be implemented in order to combat these alcohol misuse and depressive symptomology among male veterans. INDEX WORDS: alcohol misuse, depressive symptomology, military, veterans
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O'Keeffe, Eleanor Katherine. "Localities of memory, localities of mobilisation : British military communities and the Great War, 1919-1939." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2015. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/13035.
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This thesis examines the role of British localities in the production of military force during the 1920s and 1930s. I argue that, during an era so disenfranchising for the armed forces in national politics and culture, the 'Local' provided a haven for servicemen and military units. Rather than theorising mobilisation as a set of state centred economic or technocratic proscriptions, this research takes the social and cultural renewal of military units as a starting point. Drawing on a range of historical and anthropological methodologies, I have set out to uncover what were - to borrow Foucault's phrase - 'regimes of truth': multiple ideological currents and social contexts that legitimised service identities during this period. Local spaces are not only useful arenas for dissecting these operations; local people and identities were crucial formative elements in these processes. Two case studies have provided the ground for this investigation: Newcastle and Glasgow. The thesis dissects the body of the British military machine at these entry points, viewing the configuration of military and naval power at ground level and the emergence of manpower from the collision between state directives and local society. It also examines the communities (soldiers, veterans) that arose through this. Focus moves from military to urban spaces, revealing the characters (pressmen, politicians) and practices (sociability, ritual, performance) that legitimised these communities. Much of this cultural work evoked the memory of the Great War and here the thesis intervenes in academic debates surrounding Commemoration after 1918. The final chapter unites these perspectives in a chronological elaboration of the period 1935-1939, detailing the ground level effort for national and civil defence. As well as enlivening our understanding of 20th century mobilisation, this research explores the depths of British local and national identities and the intricate ways in which the armed forces were framed within both.
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Ackroyd, William Stanley. "Descendants of the revolution: Civil-military relations in Mexico." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184317.
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Since its independence, the Latin America has been prone to unstable and military dominated politics. Mexico, however, has proven to be an exception. The purpose of this dissertation, therefore, is to explain Mexico's stability and civilian dominated polity. The dissertation draws upon personal interviews with Mexican and American military officers, Mexican military documents and secondary sources. From these sources four foci, professionalization, social background of military and civilian leaders, civilian political behavior, and extranational influences, appeared to offer the greatest amount of explanation for the Mexican case. Professionalization's impact appears to result from the low level of political efficacy generated by the Mexican military educational system and the inculcation of values encouraging loyalty to civilian institutions. The social background of Mexican officers appears to support the values and norms common to the military institution, including those conducive to civilian domination. The social disparity between the more humble family background of most officers and the higher family social background of civilian politicians also appears to be a factor. The civilians political party system appears to be critical. In a multiparty system, like Brazil, multiple civilian opposition groups, through co-optation, generate corresponding military support groups. Civilian opposition groups with military backing therefore will always be present and represent a potential threat. In a single party dominant system, like Mexico, though, military identification will always be with the government, rather than an opposition political group. Finally, the influences of the United States and Soviet Union do have an impact on Mexican civil-military relations. However, rather than the super powers' manipulating the Mexican military and causing coups supportive of super power foreign policy objectives, Mexico appears to use the super powers' resources and images to stabilize civil-military relations. The importance of this dissertation is that it offers explanations for the difference in behavior between the stable, civilian dominated Mexican model, and the military dominated models found throughout most of the Latin American region. The dissertation also presents new interpretations regarding the relationships between professionalization and political efficacy, and social background and social efficacy.
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Cohen, Matthew F. "“Bring security to the people and not the people to security”: security, refugee, and ethnic minority policies and implementation in Vietnam’s central highlands, 1968-1975." Thesis, Kansas State University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/12438.
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Master of ArtsDepartment of History
David A. Graff
The central highlands of Vietnam were of vital strategic importance during the Second Indochina War (1955-1975); the collapse of South Vietnamese forces in this region in March 1975 led to the fall of Saigon just one month later. Despite this area’s importance, most central highlands historiography addresses large military campaigns, such as the 1972 Nguyen Hue “Easter Offensive” and the 1975 Ho Chi Minh Offensive. Micro-histories are of great value in examining the implementation of national programs, yet all province case studies examine events in the more heavily populated and ethnically homogeneous Saigon and Mekong Delta regions of the Republic of Vietnam (RVN). This thesis examines Lam Dong province, at the southern end of the Vietnamese central highlands. Focusing on the territorial forces initiative and RVN policy toward ethnic minority Montagnards in the highlands—two vital yet under-studied topics in Vietnam War historiography—this study demonstrates the operational success of the former and the strategic failure of the latter. The thesis is organized chronologically and concentrates on the final six years of the war, when South Vietnamese officials were increasingly promulgating and executing policy. The first part of the study details background information and outlines the war through 1967, when the National Liberation Front (NLF) held the advantage. The middle section scrutinizes the late 1960s and early 1970s and describes the factors that led to increased province security. The final section analyzes the final two years of the war following the departure of U.S. troops. In this period, South Vietnamese forces held the advantage against a weakened NLF, yet ordinary citizens’ discontent reached a climax. In-depth study of both province- and national-level documents from this period demonstrates that local officials, both American and Vietnamese, often attempted to address challenges but were hindered by the centralized nature of the Saigon bureaucracy. The inability and unwillingness of the RVN to address adequately issues such as highlands refugee policy led to the gradual dissatisfaction of many Montagnards in the highlands. This study elucidates RVN initiatives such as the territorial force, Main Living Area, and Return to Village programs—seldom-mentioned yet key facets of the Saigon government’s attempt to mollify ethnic tensions and counter the threat posed by the NLF.
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Shapiro, Stephen Judah. "The British Army in Home Defense, 1844-1871: Militia and Volunteers in a Liberal Era." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1314979500.
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Young, James Michael. "To Transform a Culture: The Rise and Fall of the U.S. Army Organizational Effectiveness Program, 1970–1985." Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1414356834.
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Linge, John. "British forces and Irish freedom : Anglo-Irish defence relations 1922-1931." Thesis, University of Stirling, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/1689.
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Anglo-Free State relations between the wars still awaits a comprehensive study ... This is in par a reflection of the larger failure of British historians to work on Anglo-Irish history '" the Right has been ill at ease dealing with Britan's greatest failure, whilst the Left has found tropical climes more suited for the cultivation of its moral superiority. When R.F.Holland made this apposite comment, just over a decade ago, he may have been adding to the very problems he identified. Writing within the context of the 'Commonweath Alliance', he was joining a distinguished list of British and Irish historians who have sought to fiter inter-war Anglo-Free State relations through the mesh of Empire-Commonweath development. Beginning with A. Berredale Keith in the 1920s, this usage continued in either direct or indirect form (by way of particular institutions of Commonweath) from the 1930s to the 1970s through the works of W.K. Hancock, Nicholas Mansergh and D.W. Harkness, and was still finding favour with Brendan Sexton's study of the Irish Governor-Generalship system in the late 1980s.2 But herein a contradiction has developed: cumulative study of the unnatural origins and performance of the Free State as a Dominion has moved beyond questions of function to ask whether the Free State was in fact ever a Dominion at alL. 3 As such, there seems ever more need to step back from inter-Commonwealth study and refocus on the precise nature of the Free State's central relationship with Britan in this period. It is of course acknowledged that outwith the established zones of internal Irish and Empire-Imperial study there is no home or forum for one of the most enduring quandares of modern Europea history. Even if it is accepted that 'pure' Anglo-Irish history did not end in 1922, the weight of research based on the ten yeas prior, as against the ten yeas subsequent, suggests an easy acceptance, on both sides of the Irish Sea, and Atlantic, of the absolute value changes in that relationship. Studies covering the transition to independence, such as those of Joseph M. CUITan and Sheila Lawlot, have taen only tentative steps beyond 1922, and may indeed have epitomised an approach that subsequent Irish studies have done little to dispel; in the 1980s, major overviews by RF. Foster and J.J. Le have been notably reluctant to evaluate the quality of that new found freedom with continuing reference to Ireland's giant neighbour. Though Foster, and others, have noted that the main aim of the Free State in the 1920s was 'self-definition against Britan', the point is the extent to which Britan was wiling to allow the same. There has then been little impetus for direct Anglo-Free State inter-war study, and although the tide has begun to turn since the mid-1980's, notably through the achievements of Paul Canning, Deidre McMahon and, shortly before his death, Nicholas Mansergh6, it is probable that we are stil a long way short of being able to produce a comprehensive and coherent review of the period. Apar from the crucial Anglo/Irish-Anglo/Commonwealth dichotomy,there remains the political chasm dividing the Cosgrave years of the 1920s from those of de Valera's 1930s; indeed the overwhelming preoccupation with post-1931 confrontations has often, as in the case of McMahon's fine study, taen as its contrasting staing point the supposedly compliant 'pro-Treaty' years of 1922-31. It is hard to bridge this gulf when the little direct work on these earlier years, mostly concentrating on the two fundamenta issues of Boundar and financial settlement, has tended not to question this divide. Although Irish historians have turned an increasingly sympathetic eye on the internal politics and problems of these early yeas, the apathetic external image, in contrast to the later period, has been persistent. Nowhere has this negativity been more apparent than on the, also vita, topic of defence relations. For a subject that has been given more than adequate attention in terms of the 1921 Treaty negotiations and the Treaty Ports issue of the 1930s, the period in between has had little intensive coverage. In this regard the negative response of W.K.Hancock in 1937, stating that Cosgrave did not bother to question British defence imperatives, was stil being held some fifty yeas later by Paul Canning.7 Thus an enduring and importt image has emerged of defence relations re-enforcing the above divide, an image that has had to stand for the lack of new reseach. This does not mea that the image is necessarly an entirely false one, but it does mean that many of the supposed novelties of the de Valera yeas have been built on largely unknown foundations. The Treaty Ports issue is also vita to this thesis, but then so are other defence related matters which had an impact specific to the 1920s. In other words, the human and political context of how both countries, but the Irish government in paricular, coped with the immediate legacy of centuries of armed occupation, with the recent 1916-21 conflct, and with the smaller scale continuity of British occupation, was bound to cast old shadows over a new relationship. But how big were these shadows? It was on the basis of placing some detaled flesh on the skeleton of known (and unknown) policies and events that this thesis took shape. Frustrations and resentments could tae necessarily quieter forms than those which characterised the 1930s, and in the end be no less significant. If the first objective is then to make solid the continuity of defence affairs, it is appropriate to begin with a brief evaluation of the Treaty defence negotiations before tang a close look at British operations in the South in 1922 - the year when a reluctant Cosgrave was to inherit a situation where British forces were close to the development of civil war. Despite our growing knowledge of Britan's part in the progress of that war, there is stil a general perception that its forces became peripheral to events after the Truce of July 1921, and that its Army was, and had been, the only British Service involved in the struggle against armed republicanism.This is simply not the case, and it is to be wondered whether the proper absorption of Irish historians with the internal dynamics of the period, together with the authoritative quality of Charles Townshend's history of the 1919-21 British campaign, have not produced inhibitions to wider inquiry. 8 In any event, as the Admiralty was to play a central par in later defence relations it seems right to introduce, for the first time, the Royal Navy's importt role in the events of 1922. The point here is to establish that the actions and perceptions of both Services were to have repercussions for later attitudes. After these chapters, the following two aim to look at the cumulative legacy of British involvement and how both countries adjusted to the many unresolved questions thrown up by the Treaty and the unplanned contingencies of 1922. Retaining the theme that neither country could escape the past, nor trust to the future, chapter six returns to the physical and political impact made by the continuing presence of British forces in and around the three Treaty Ports, and along and across the Border. The final two chapters explore how all these factors helped determine the conditions for, and consequences of, one of the most damaging episodes of the later 1920s - the complete failure of the joint coasta defence review scheduled for December 1926.In all, the cumulative emphasis on the politics of defence may ilustrate what it was to be a small aspiring country that had little choice but to accept Britan's version of what was an inevitably close relationship, and to endure what Britan claimed as the benign strategic necessity of continued occupation.
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Condos, Mark Nicholas. "British military ideology and practice in Punjab c. 1849-1920." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648446.
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Garrett, Sara Anne. "Beyond Submarines: Development and Use of CTOL Aircraft Carriers in the Soviet Union and Russian Federation, 1945-present." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1306929950.
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Young, Matthew Charles. "EAT THE APPLE." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1432217119.
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Boshoff, Alida. "Die impak van die grensoorlog (SWA/Angola) op die lewens van soldate, aan die hand van vertellings uit die oorlog." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51704.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: It is asswned that events during the border war (SWAI Angola) had an influencelimpact on the lives of soldiers who took part in it. Some experiences have become embedded in their memories and are reflected in yams about such episodes and anecdotes that constitute a wealth of oral art. From a cultural history point of view, these therefore deserve to be recorded and conserved. The study interprets the narratives against the background of the border war and determines the relationship between these stories and the influence of the war on the lives of soldiers. Examples of war hwnour are grouped into stories about personal hygiene, misunderstandings, boyish pranks, practical jokes and other humorous incidents. As in any war, soldiers were confronted with unpleasant experiences such as bad news from home, the death of comrades and the enemy, adventures with wild animals and the loss of pets. Tales about soldiers' experiences during contact with the enemy allow one to gain insight into the functioning of the human mind. These stories are grouped into heroic deeds, narrow escapes and feelings experienced in contact with the enemy. As far as is known, no legends had their origin in the border war, but stories about quite a few legendary characters are told. Stories about helicopter pilots and trackers might eventually develop into legends, because of the fearlessness and skill of these people. Myths are stories originating in folkbelief, in which God or the gods play an important role. However, stories from the border war about chaplains and religion are not myths, but tales about personal experience with a religious inclination. It is clear from the narratives that religion played an important role in the lives of soldiers and that they had a child-like trust in a Supreme Being. Leaders, trackers and helicopter pilots were identified as important people in soldiers' battle for survival. They also had a need of female company and the presence of women. Pets played a significant role in allowing them to express their emotions. Each soldier experienced confrontation with death and the enemy in his own unique manner. In spite of hardships, many tales of a humorous nature were told. This can be regarded as a way of dealing and coping with unpleasant experiences.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die veronderstelling is dat gebeure gedurende die grensoorlog (SW AI Angola) In invloed/impak op die soldate wat daaraan deelgeneem het, se lewens gehad het. Sekere ervarings is in hulle geheue vasgele en kom in die vorm van belewenisvertellings en staaltjies na Yore, wat In ryke skat van volkswoordkuns bied. Dit verdien daarom om vanuit In kultuurhistoriese oogpunt opgeteken en bewaar te word. Die studie vertolk die vertellings teen die agtergrond van die grensoorlog en bepaal die verband tussen die vertellings en die invloed van die oorlog op die lewens van soldate. Voorbeelde van oorlogshumor word gegroepeer in verhale wat handel oor persoonlike higiene, misverstande, kwajongstreke, poetse en ander humoristiese insidente. Soos in enige oorlog, is soldate gekonfronteer met onaangename wedervarings soos slegte nuus van die huis af, die dood van makkers en die vyand, wedervarings met wilde diere en die verlies van troeteldiere. Vertellings oor soldate se ervarings tydens kontak met die vyand verleen insig in die werking van die menslike gees en is gegroepeer in heldedade, noue ontkomings en gevoelens wat ervaar is in kontak met die vyand. Sover bekend bestaan daar nie legendes uit die grensoorlog nie, maar daar is van In hele paar legendariese karakters vertel. Vanwee hulle onverskrokkenheid en vemuf kan verhale oor helikoptervlieeniers en spoorsnyers met verloop van tyd legendes word. Mites is verhale wat uit die volksgeloof spruit en waarin God of gode Inbelangrike rol speel. Verhale uit die grensoorlog wat handel oor kapelane en godsdiens, is egter nie mites nie maar belewenisvertellings met In godsdienstige strekking. Uit die vertellings blyk dit dat godsdiens In belangrike rol in die lewens van soldate gespeel het en dat daar In kinderlike vertroue in In Hoer Hand was. Leiersfigure, spoorsnyers en helikoptervlieeniers is geidentifiseer as belangrike persone in soldate se oorlewingstryd. Daar was ook In behoefte aan vroulike geselskap en teenwoordigheid. Troeteldiere het In belangrike rol gespeel om uiting te gee aan emosies. Soldate het konfrontasie met die dood en die vyand elkeen op sy eie unieke manier beleef. Ten spyte van ontberings, is daar heelwat verhale met In humoristiese strekking vertel en dit kan beskou word as In manier om onaangename ervarings te hanteer en te verwerk.
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Labrosse, Julien. "“I didn’t have time to find the English words”: The Korean War’s Role in the Evolution of Bilingualism in the Canadian Armed Forces." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/34256.
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This thesis explores the impact of the Korean War on the evolution of the role of the French language in the Canadian military between 1946 and 1954. It explains how the Korean War acted as both a catalyst for a more accommodating stance towards the French language in the Canadian Armed Forces, and an immediate impediment to the implementation of such changes.
Particularly, this thesis explores the conflict that emerged between various officials in the Department of National Defence concerning the place that should be made for the French language, and how best to recruit more French Canadians. It shows that there was serious disagreement between the Minister of National Defence, Brooke Claxton, who wanted more bilingualism in the Canadian military, and the Chief of General Staff, General Guy G. Simonds, who resisted further concessions to francophones.
Moreover, this thesis reveals the extent to which there was goodwill within the Canadian Armed Forces on the part of both anglophones and francophones on the frontline in Korea. This constituted the basis on which the Department of National Defence was able to begin the process of implementing a more bilingual system. In this respect, this thesis shows the Canadian military to have been ahead of the federal Civil Service.
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Wills, Steven T. "Navy and Marine Corps Opposition to the Goldwater Nichols Act of 1986." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1338389106.
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Van, Heerden Anneke. "Die Suiderkruisfonds en die mobilisering van die Suid-Afrikaanse blanke burgerlike samelewing tydens die Grensoorlog, 1968-1989." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/86207.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Southern Cross Fund was established under the leadership of Elizabeth Albrecht in 1968. The organisation was created by white members of the civil society to provide support to the South African armed forces. In cooperation with the South African Defence Force, the Southern Cross Fund served the basic needs of the soldiers. Through its support of the troops the organisation also strived to serve as morale builder. This dissertation discusses the formation of the Southern Cross Fund in relation to South Africa’s political and military position during the Cold War with specific reference to the so-called Border War (1966-1989). The relationship between the Southern Cross Fund and the South African Defence Force as well as the orientation of the organisation as a civiland women’s organisation is analysed. The services endered by the organisation are discussed as well as an analysis of the significance of the Southern Cross Fund in both the military and civil spheres. The organisation is evaluated within the theoretical framework of the mobilisation of civil society in times of war within the timeframe of the existence of the Southern Cross Fund.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In 1968 het die Suiderkruisfonds, onder leiding van Elizabeth Albrecht, tot stand gekom. Hierdie organisasie is deur lede van die blanke burgerlike samelewing gestig en het voorsorg vir die welsyn van die Suid-Afrikaanse gewapende magte getref. In samewerking met die Suid-Afrikaanse Weermag het die Suiderkruisfonds aan die basiese behoeftes van die soldate voorsien en, deur middel van sy ondersteuning aan die troepe, gepoog om as moraalbouer te dien. Hierdie tesis bespreek die stigting van die Suiderkruisfonds teen die agtergrond van Suid-Afrika se politieke en militêre posisie tydens die Koue Oorlog met spesifieke verwysing na die sogenaamde Grensoorlog (1966-1989). Die Suiderkruisfonds se verhouding met die Suid-Afrikaanse Weermag, asook sy oriëntasie as beide burgerlike- en vroue-organisasie word ondersoek. Die dienste wat die organisasie gelewer het word volledig bespreek en die betekenis van die Suiderkruisfonds in beide die militêre en burgerlike sfere word ondersoek. Die organisasie word ook geevalueer binne die teoretiese raamwerk van die mobilisering van die burgerlike samelewing ten tye van konflik wat tydens die tydperk van die Suiderkruisfonds se bestaan voorgekom het.
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Halton, Daniel A. "Learning through experience : the United Nations Secretaries-General and the evolution of peacekeeping." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0020/MQ54992.pdf.
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Pargac, Petr. "What issues does the Czech Republic face concerning offsets in the context of military purchases." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/2611.
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The word "offset" in the broad sense represents reciprocal trade advantages that result from economic agreements. However, as a result of increasing competition among suppliers due to the reduced global defense market, declining military budgets, and other aspects, buyers are able to influence the conditions under which major defense programs are obtained. Not only unions, defense industries, trade associations, and public, but also EU is involved. The Czech Republic as a member of these organizations has to follow their rules as well, and their views and policies regarding offsets might be different. The objective of this project is to examine what issues, if any, the Czech Republic faces concerning offsets implementation in international trade. This study will discuss briefly the history of the Czech Republic's participation in offsets, and its current policy, if any, towards using offset practices. The Czech Republic's goals in offset practices, and government support for them, would be another area of research. The Czech Republic is an EU member and therefore is obliged to follow policies implemented by these institutions. Whether there is any connection between the Czech government policy and EU policies will also be examined. Specifically, the project will focus on what should be done in future offsets implementation, and what to be aware of.
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Sait, Bryce Murray. "Ideological education in the Wehrmacht." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648242.
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Salvi, Valentina Isolda. "Nem burocratas nem cruzados : militares argentinos : memorias castrenses sobre a repressão." [s.n.], 2008. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280793.
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Orientador: Omar Ribeiro ThomazTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-10T18:49:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Salvi_ValentinaIsolda_D.pdf: 1013976 bytes, checksum: d51bdfacc05fd984a4b65028a8e26300 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008
Resumo: Esta tese propõe-se a abordar a memória militar sobre a repressão na Argentina, mais especificamente, a memória do exército, buscando reconhecer as diferenças entre a memória oficial da instituição, as memórias dos oficiais reformados que participaram no Operativo Independencia e a memória dos setores civis/militares, assim como assinalar as posições relativas e conflitos que atravessam e conformam essa comunidade de memória. O objetivo geral é, pois, identificar quais e como são não só os sentidos e representações que tanto o exército quanto os oficiais reformados atualizam e elaboram para evocar e justificar a assim chamada ¿luta contra a subversão¿, mas também as práticas comemorativas que encenam junto às famílias e às organizações cívico/militares para homenagear os oficiais ¿mortos pela subversão¿. A memória castrense sobre a repressão responde tanto à continuidade de uma matriz narrativa sobre o passado recente, que reforça a autovaloração do exército como uma comunidade moral diferenciada da sociedade civil, quanto às transformações e inovações que vão permitindo à instituição e a seus homens posicionar-se frente ao fortalecimento da memória dos desaparecidos e ao discurso dos organismos de Direitos Humanos. Por isso, o interrogante primordial que anima esta tese é como se articulam mudança e continuidade na memória de uma instituição ¿ e dos oficiais que foram contemporâneos dos fatos- para os quais o passado é uma fonte de legitimidade e identidade, mas que, ao mesmo tempo, são energicamente questionados por uma sociedade que lhes exige respostas pelos crimes cometidos. Atender às continuidades e rupturas da memória do exército permitirá, por sua vez, dar conta de sua dimensão de futuro e, assim, determinar as tendências à elaboração (atravessamento) ou à atuação (repetição compulsiva) dos sentidos de um passado autoritário e violento que tem o exército e seus homens como um de seus principais responsáveis. Daí que esta tese propõe-se também, por um lado, a examinar em que medida, para a comunidade militar, lembrar implica também assumir ou evadir as responsabilidades morais, jurídicas e políticas sobre o desaparecimento de pessoas, e, por outro lado, compreender como se articulam os argumentos justificatórios e as estratégias políticas com as quais se busca controlar e vigiar a transmissão de sentidos sobre a ¿luta contra a subversão¿ às novas gerações. Por último, esta tese propõe-se a indagar como a ¿luta contra a subversão¿, enquanto prática e discurso, incide ao mesmo tempo em que se reapropria das significações morais dos oficiais do exército e da doutrina e práticas castrenses, assim como de seus valores, tradições e sentimentos. Para isso, busca investigar as relações entre moralidade, memória e identidade, prestando principal atenção àquilo que une os oficiais; àquilo que os obrigou ou convenceu a atuar de um ou outro modo; aos padrões de normalidade que organizam sua sociabilidade; àquilo que permitem ou proíbem, implícita ou explicitamente, seus códigos comuns; aos critérios de bem e de mal que detentam, enfim, os sentidos e práticas que estimulam e justificam a violência
Abstract: The aims of this thesis is to analyze the memory of military personel regarding illegal repression in Argentina, focusing on army¿s memory. More specifically, it attempts to recognize differences among the official memory of the army as institution, the memory of former staff from Operativo Independencia and the memory of the civil sector close to the army, highlighting their relative positions and the conflicts that underlay and inform this community of memory. The general objective is to identify the meanings and representations that, on the one hand: army and former officials produce and actualize in order to evoke and justify the so-called ¿fight against subversion¿. And on the other hand, the commemorative practices stage on by relatives of army staff, and civil organizations which supported them (such as NGO¿s), in order to pay tribute to the ¿deaths by subversion¿. The memory of repression of the army reproduces a narrative matrix on the recent past which tends to reinforce the self-perception of the army institution as a moral community isolated from civil society. But also, this memory highlights the transformations and innovations that allow the institution of the army and its personnel to take position against the increasingly stronger discourse of human rights's NGOs and the memory of relatives of disappeared people. Therefore, the main question of this thesis is how change and continuity is articulated within the memory of a institution ¿ and in the memory of the officials that have participated in the repression ¿ for whom the past is either a source of legitimacy and identity. But for whom, at the same time, this past history implies a strong criticism from public society and a demand of justice. To notice the continuities and rupture of army's memory will allow us to take account of the dimensions of future, and therefore, to determine the tendencies to elaboration () or acting (compulsive repetition) of the meanings built on a violent and authoritarian past, from which the army is one of the main responsible. In this sense, this thesis also propose on the one hand: to analyze to what extend the act of remembering for the military community implies also to assume or to evade moral, juridical, and political responsibilities over the disappearance of people. And, on the other hand to understand how are articulated different vindicative arguments and political strategies in order to control the transmission of meanings over ¿the fight against subversion¿ towards new generations. Lastly, this thesis argues that ¿the fight against subversion¿ as discourse and practice affects and gains over the moral sense of the army practices and doctrine, but also of it values, traditions and feelings. Therefore, we try to research the relations between morality, memory and identity, identifying and describing: those relations which link the army officials, those which compels or convince then to act in some way or another, the framework of normality that organizes its sociability, the internal codes of behaviour that explicitly of implicitly allow or forbid some actions, their judgement of good and evil, and the meanings and practices that encourage and justify violence
Doutorado
Doutor em Ciências Sociais
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O'Hare, Martin. "The Indonesian military in Irian Jaya." Thesis, [Canberra : Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National Univerity], 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/144273.
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Duke, Simon. "United States defence bases in the United Kingdom." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5f7987f7-8286-48b0-9595-d60413ef6fc6.
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The main concerns of the study, covering the years 1945-84, are arrangements that have been made for the use of military bases in the United Kingdom by United States forces. The subject is examined within a chronological framework. The development of the United States military presence is traced, from the earliest Joint Chiefs of Staff plans in 1945 and the Spaatz- Tedder agreement in 1946, which gave the United States permission to deploy certain forces in the United Kingdom in time of emergency. The 1948 Berlin Crisis led to the arrival of bombers in East Anglia which was the first major post-war deployment of United States forces to Britain. It was stated that it would be for a period of temporary duty. In fact the bases have remained from that day to this, though their number and types have varied over time. The Korean War proved to be the next major turning point. It increased demands upon the Attlee government for an agreement defining the conditions of use of United States bases in the United Kingdom. The subsequent Truman- Attlee, and later Truman-Churchill, meetings resulted in the key phrase: the use of bases would be 'a matter for joint decision ... in the light of circumstances prevailing at the time.' Different interpretations have been placed on these words at different times. The years 1950-57 saw a consolidation of the United States military presence, with Britain's importance as an intelligence base also growing. The dawning of the missile age symbolised by the first Soviet earth satellite in 1957, the agreement in the same year to deploy Thor missiles, and the deployment of Polaris to Holy Loch in 1960, raised questions regarding the adequacy of the earlier agreements on the conditions of use. This factor, alongside the development of a distinct European identity of which Britain has become a part, has led to a questioning of American hegemony within NATO. The arrival of cruise missiles in 1983 gave added urgency to the debate. Whilst it may be generally recognized that the bases make a substantial contribution to the United Kingdom's defences, the need for clarification of the uses to which the bases can be put by United States forces remains.
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Shaughnessy, Ryan D. "No Sense in Dwelling on the Past? The Fate of the U.S. Air Force's German Air Force Monograph Project, 1952-1969." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1253546073.
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Karlsson, Thea. "Kvinnors möjligheter i Försvarsmakten : En studie om faktorer som påverkade det svenska försvarets riktning under 1972–1981." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för kulturvetenskaper (KV), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-104988.
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The purpose of this paper is to study how the attitude of giving women increased opportunities to get employment as a commander in the Swedish Armed Forces changed during the period 1972-1981. The aim is to show which arguments that dominated the debate in the political parties and in government investigations that affected the outcome of the decisions that were taken in 1978 and 1981 regarding women’s increased opportunities within the Armed Forces. The following three defence branches: the air force, the army and the navy are investigated. A combination of a qualitative and a quantitative method are used with the source material in the form of political decisions and government investigations to answer this study’s questions. The result of this paper shows that the main argument that motivated the change towards giving women increased opportunities to get employment as a commander in the different branches of defence was equality. The second argument is that other western countries have given women better opportunities and increased their possibilities to get employment within the Armed Forces. The third argument is that by giving women increased opportunities to get employment as a commander within the three defence branches could lead to a domino effect and spread equality in other working areas that still are closed for women. The fourth argument is that this may result in loosening up the traditional gender division of labour. The decisions taken in 1978 and 1981 shows that there was a consensus among the parties and there was not any difference in voting when it comes to gender.
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Wehri, Elizabeth G. "A Classification System of Osteomyelitis for Historic Skeletal Remains: An Assessment of Civil War Soldier Amputees." Cincinnati, Ohio : University of Cincinnati, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view.cgi?acc_num=ucin1243015132.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Cincinnati, 2009.Advisor: Alan P. Sullivan. Title from electronic thesis title page (viewed Aug. 27, 2009). Includes abstract. Keywords: Osteomyelitis; Civil War; Paleopathology; Osteology. Includes bibliographical references.
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Wurl, William M. "Admiral William S. Benson and the American Tradition of Sea Power." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1258055271.
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Martin, Hugh J. "On Leave." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1615464229027344.
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Powell, Charles R. H. "Addressing Global Threat: Exploring the Relationship between Common Purpose and Leadership." Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1416412672.
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Keith, Kelly M. "More Than Just A Pretty Face: The Women of the SOE and the OSS During World War II." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1362774570.
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Monteiro, Thomas Machado. "\'Verás que um filho teu não foge à luta\': histórias de emigrados brasileiros nas Forças Armadas dos EUA." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-12062015-112343/.
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O presente trabalho tem como objetivo investigar e registrar a participação de brasileiros nas Forças Armadas dos EUA desde a Guerra do Vietnã até o presente momento. O fenômeno do alistamento militar de estrangeiros nas forças de batalha estadunidenses remonta aos tempos da Guerra de Secessão e compõe parte importante da história de diversas comunidades imigrantes no país. Desde a Guerra do Vietnã, há relatos de brasileiros lutando pelos EUA. No entanto, o fenômeno vira uma tendência mais numerosa a partir do momento que a imigração brasileira ganha maior expressão, na década de 1980. O trabalho busca, portanto, quantificar e discutir esta participação tanto a partir do ponto de vista da comunidade emigrada, quanto do ponto de vista individual dos emigrados entrevistados.The present essay aims to investigate and register the participation of Brazilian immigrants on the US Armed Forces since the War of Vietnam till the present. The phenomenon of military enlistment of foreign-born in the different branches of the Armed Forces recalls to the Civil War period, thus being an important part of the history of many immigrant communities in USA. Since the War of Vietnam, there are reports of Brazilian-born personnel in the US military. The enlistment of Brazilians becomes a tendency as Brazilian immigration to the US becomes a phenomenon, in the mid 1980´s. This essay targets to quantify and discuss this participation simultaneously from the point of view of the Brazilian community and from the personal views of those who enlisted.
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Tolliver, Joan Lee. "Veteran Reintegration." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1591382620327355.
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Shackelford, Philip Clayton. "On the Wings of the Wind: The United States Air Force Security Service and Its Impact on Signals Intelligence in the Cold War." Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1399284818.
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Givens, Seth A. "Bringing Back Memories: GIs, Souvenir Hunting, and Looting in Germany, 1945." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1275450120.
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Givens, Seth. "Cold War Capital: The United States, the Western Allies, and the Fight for Berlin, 1945-1994." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1515507541865131.
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Spahr, Thomas W. "Occupying for Peace, The U.S. Army in Mexico, 1846-1848." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1297512936.
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Agbedahin, Komlan. "Young veterans, not always social misfits: a sociological discourse of Liberian transmogrification experiences." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003104.
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This thesis examines the phenomenon of child-soldiering from a different perspective. It seeks to challenge, using a novel approach, earlier studies on the roles of former child-soldiers in post-war societies. It focuses on the subjectivity of young veterans, that is war veterans formerly associated with armed forces and groups as children during the 14-year gruesome civil war which bedevilled Liberia between 1989 and 2003. This civil war claimed roughly 250,000 lives, and saw the active participation of approximately 21,000 child-soldiers. This thesis departs from previous works which mostly painted an apocalyptic picture of young veterans, and explores the nexus between their self-agency, Foucauldian technologies of the self and their transformation in the post-war society. The majority of previous scholarly works which have dominated the field of child-soldiering dwelt on the impact of armed conflict on the child-soldiers, the negative consequences, the causes of child-soldiering, and the rehabilitation and reintegration of the young veterans after their disarmament and demobilization. What this thesis seeks to do however, is to establish that, rather than considering the young veterans simply as social misfits, distraught and dispirited human beings, it should be noted that young veterans through their agency, are capable of ensuring their reintegration into their war-ravaged societies. Sadly, these young former fighters’ self-agency and technologies of the self in defining their civilian trajectories have often been overshadowed by vaunted humanitarian aid and multilayered war-profiteering. This study is underpinned by interpretive constructivism, symbolic interactionism, social identity theory, sociometer theory and expectancy theory, and sheds light on how young veterans’ self-agency, instrumental coalitions, and decision-making processes, synergistically shifted the negative identities foisted on them as a result of their participation in the war.
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Boulter, Roger Stephen. "F C Erasmus and the politics of South African defence, 1948-1959." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002386.
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FC Erasmus became South Africa's defence minister in 1948 after two decades as a leading political organiser for the National Party. Although an architect of the Nationalists' post-war election victory he was not considered a minister of the first rank. Erasmus initiated a process of ridding the defence force of officers who he believed were associated with the Smuts government and replacing them with party supporters. As a result the military often lost experienced and talented officers. Erasmus felt that the armed services had been too British in ethos and appearance. He inaugurated tighter regulations on bi-lingualism, reintroduced boer rank titles, launched new uniforms and original medals and decorations, to the acclaim of the volk. His purpose was to have a defence force which was uniquely South African. Many of his policies came under attack not only from the United Party but also groups such as the Torch Commando and the veterans organisations. With the apparent lack of an imminent military threat to the apartheid government Erasmus never received substantial budgetary allocations from finance ministers. The defence force, one without conscription, remained small with largely antiquated equipment for the important air and land forces. However by the decade's end the navy was gradually receiving modern ships under the terms of the Simonstown agreement, which Erasmus had negotiated with Britain. The events of the Sharpeville crisis, just after Erasmus left defence, demonstrated that the armed forces as moulded by the minister were in poor condition to assist the civil power in suppressing disturbances. Overseas Erasmus hoped to increase the acceptability of the Union as a defence partner among Western countries by providing personnel for the Berlin Air Lift and the Korean conflict and promising a contingent for the Middle East. He attempted unsuccessfully to instigate anti-communist alliances for the land and maritime defence of Africa when the European powers were leaving the continent. These actions were primarily to obtain political support for the Union, whose prestige was rapidly decreasing as apartheid became better known. The external initiatives with the exception of the Simonstown naval agreements were not lasting.
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Bauman, Lindsey M. ""A Bitter Wet-Dry Fight:" How an Infantry Regiment Influenced the Nebraska Prohibition Vote of 1944." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu149753203369463.
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Samerdyke, Olivia Kathleen. "Information vs. Propaganda:An Analysis of the Washington Post's Reporting of the Islamic State." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1459512198.
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Nguyen, Triet M. ""Little Consideration... to Preparing Vietnamese Forces for Counterinsurgency Warfare"? History, Organization, Training, and Combat Capability of the RVNAF, 1955-1963." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/23126.
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This dissertation is a focused analysis of the origins, organization, training, politics, and combat capability of the Army of the Republic of Viet Nam (ARVN) from 1954 to 1963, the leading military instrument in the national counterinsurgency plan of the government of the Republic of Viet Nam (RVN). Other military and paramilitary forces that complemented the army in the ground war included the Viet Nam Marine Corps (VNMC), the Civil Guard (CG), the Self-Defense Corps (SDC) and the Civil Irregular Defense Groups (CIDG) which was composed mainly of the indigenous populations in the Central Highlands of South Vietnam. At sea and in the air, the Viet Nam Air Force (VNAF) and the Viet Nam Navy (VNN) provided additional layers of tactical, strategic and logistical support to the military and paramilitary forces. Together, these forces formed the Republic of Viet Nam Armed Forces (RVNAF) designed to counter the communist insurgency plaguing the RVN. This thesis argues the following. First, the origin of the ARVN was rooted in the French Indochina War (1946-1954). Second, the ARVN was an amalgamation of political and military forces born from a revolution that encompassed three overlapping wars: a war of independence between the Vietnamese and the French; a civil war between the Vietnamese of diverse social and political backgrounds; and a proxy war as global superpowers and regional powers backed their own Vietnamese allies who, in turn, exploited their foreign supporters for their own purposes. Lastly, the ARVN failed not because it was organized, equipped, and trained for conventional instead of counterinsurgency warfare. Rather, it failed to assess, adjust, and adapt its strategy and tactics quickly enough to meet the war’s changing circumstances. The ARVN’s slowness to react resulted from its own institutional weaknesses, military and political problems that were beyond its control, and the powerful and dangerous enemies it faced. The People’s Army of Viet Nam (PAVN) and the People’s Liberation Armed Forces (PLAF) were formidable adversaries. Not duplicated in any other post-colonial Third World country and led by an experienced and politically tested leadership, the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam (DRVN) and the National Front for the Liberation of Southern Viet Nam (NFLSVN) exploited RVN failures effectively. Hypothetically, there was no guarantee that had the US dispatched land forces into Cambodia and Laos or invaded North Vietnam that the DRVN and NFLSVN would have quit attacking the RVN. The French Far East Expeditionary Corps (FFEEC)’ occupation of the Red River Delta did not bring peace to Cochinchina, only a military stalemate between it and the Vietnamese Liberation Army (VLA). Worse yet, a US invasion potentially would have unnerved the People’s Republic of China (PRC) which might have sent the PLAF to fight the US in Vietnam as it had in Korea. Inevitably, such unilateral military action would certainly provoke fierce criticism and opposition amongst the American public at home and allies abroad. At best, the war’s expansion might have bought a little more time for the RVN but it could never guarantee South Vietnam’s survival. Ultimately, RVN’s seemingly endless political, military, and social problems had to be resolved by South Vietnam’s political leaders, military commanders, and people but only in the absence of constant PAVN and PLAF attempts to destroy whatever minimal progress RVN made politically, militarily, and socially. The RVN was plagued by many problems and the DRVN and NFLSVN, unquestionably, were amongst those problems.
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Locke, Samuel A. III. "Multiplying an Army: Prussian and German Military Planning and the Concept of Force Multiplication in Three Conflicts." Youngstown State University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1588694697384848.
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Haime, Kyla. "The soldier's perspective in A rumor of war." Cleveland, Ohio : Cleveland State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=csu1261351164.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Cleveland State University, 2009.Abstract. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Jan. 13, 2010). Includes bibliographical references (p. 36-37). Available online via the OhioLINK ETD Center and also available in print.
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Bentz, Gustav. "Fighting Springboks : C Company, Royal Natal carbineers : from Premier Mine to Po Valley, 1939 - 1945." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85636.
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Thesis (MMil)-- Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Germany’s declaration of war on Poland on 1 September 1939 and the consequent war in Europe not only found the Union of South Africa politically divided but militarily unprepared to fight a modern war let alone make any worthwhile contribution toward its European allies’ war effort. The task of getting South Africa into the fight fell to newly appointed Prime Minister J.C. Smuts who cleverly outmanoeuvred J.B.M. Hertzog as leader of the nation. Not only was the Union Defence Force (UDF) severely ravaged by several budget cuts during and after the depression but it seemed to have no inclination of embracing the kind of mechanisation that was the hallmark of most European armies. Within the space of a year Smuts managed to transform the UDF and on 17 July 1940 the 1st South African Infantry Brigade set sail for East Africa where Mussolini’s Italians reigned supreme after brushing aside a couple of British border guards and laying claim to a few miles of British territory. One of the units dispatched by Smuts was the 1st Royal Natal Carbineers from Pietermaritzburg in Natal. Throughout the campaign the Regiment’s C Company fought with distinction but had the dubious honour of being the South African unit that suffered the most casualties during the whole campaign. Several of C Company’s men then become the vehicles through which the remainder of the war is experienced as the men were moved from one theatre of battle to another. Through their eyes the hunting trips into the East African bush and the death of their Commanding Officer, among other things, are relived. The victorious Springboks are then sent to Egypt where they were needed in an effort to break the deadlock that existed between the British 8th Army and the German Afrika Korps. Amidst the ebb and flow of the battle the men of C Company still found time to experience the sights and sounds of Africa’s most populous cities, Cairo and Alexandria. Here many young soldiers were exposed to pleasures and pastimes not to be had back in the Union. In spite of the eventual defeat of the German forces North Africa C Company witnessed the destruction of the 5th South African Brigade at Sidi Rezegh and suffered the loss of a combined platoon when Tobruk capitulated on 21 June 1942. After a brief period on home leave in 1943 C Company was back in action, this time in Italy as part of the 6th South African Armoured Division. Here they faced mountains, heavy snow and an enemy desperately fighting for every hill, stream and building. In the months which followed C Company were often in the midst of the action and many men lost close friends on the slopes of the Italian mountains. As final victory became apparent during the first months of 1945, C Company’s men began preparing for their post-war lives and when the first planes and ships left for the union at the end of April 1945 the men felt that they have served their country well and did their regiment proud.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Ten tyde van Duitsland se oorlogsverklaring Pole op 1 September 1939 wat die weg gebaan het het vir die gevolglike oorlog in Europa was die Unie van Suid-Afrika nie net polities verdeel nie maar ook militêr onvoorbereid op 'n moderne oorlog. Die kans dat Suid Afrika n beduidende bydrae tot sy Europese bondgenote se oorlogspoging sou kon maak was ook skraal. Die taak om Suid-Afrika voor te berei vir die komende stryd het op die skouers van die nuutaangestelde premier J.C. Smuts gerus wat deur middel van politieke manuvrering vir J.B.M. Hertzog uitoorlê het as leier van die volk. Nie net was die Unie Verdedigings Mag (UVM) erg uitgemergel deur verskeie besnoeings in sy begroting tydens en ná die depressie nie, maar daar was klaarblyklik geen begrip vir die proses van meganisasie gehad waarmee die meeste Europese weermagte doenig was nie. Binne die bestek van 'n jaar het Smuts daarin geslaag om die UVM te transformeer en op 17 Julie 1940 seil die 1ste Suid-Afrikaanse Infanterie Brigade Oos-Afrika toe waar Mussolini se magte die kruin van die golf ry nadat hulle ‘n paar Britse grensposte eenkant toe gevee het en 'n paar myl Britse grondgebied beset het. Die 1st Royal Natal Carbineers van Pietermaritzburg was een van die eenhede wat in Oos Afrika teen die Italianers sou veg. Tydens die veldtog veg die Regiment met onderskeiding, maar verwerf ook die twyfelagtige eer om die Suid-Afrikaanse eenheid te wees wat die meeste ongevalle gely het gedurende die hele veldtog. Verskeie van C Kompanie se manne word gebruik as ‘n lens waardeur die res van die oorlog ervaar word soos die troepe van een front na die ander verskuif word. Deur middel van hul wedervaringe word, onder andere, die jagtogte in die Oos-Afrikaanse bos en die dood van hul bevelvoerder herleef. Na Oos-Afrika word die seëvierende Springbokke na Egipte gestuur waar hulle benodig word om die Britse 8ste Leër by te staan in in die stryd teen die Duitse Afrika Korps. Te midde van die stryd kom die manne van C Kompanie nog tyd vind om Afrika se mees digbevolkte stede, Kaïro en Alexandrië te besoek waar baie jong soldate blootgestel is aan genot en tydverdryf wat nie beskikbaar was in die Unie nie. Ten spyte van die uiteindelike nederlaag van die Duitse magte in Noord-Afrika was C Kompanie teenwoordig tydens die vernietiging van die 5de Suid-Afrikaanse Brigade by Sidi Rezegh en ervaar ook die verlies van 'n gekombineerde peloton toe Tobruk oorgegee op 21 Junie 1942. Na 'n kort tydperk in Suid Afrika is C Kompanie terug in aksie, hierdie keer in Italië as deel van die 6de Suid-Afrikaanse Pantserdivisie. Hier word hulle gekonfronteer deur berge, swaar sneeu en 'n vyand wat desperaat veg vir elke heuwel, stroom en bouval. In die daaropvolgende maande bevind C Kompanie hom dikwels te midde van die aksie sterf vele goeie vriende teen die hange van die Italiaanse bergreekse. Namate dit duidelik begin raak dat die Duitsers die oorlog gaan verloor begin C Kompanie se manne hulself voorberei vir hul na-oorlogse lewens. Met die vertrek van die eerste vliegtuie en skepe na die Unie teen die einde van April 1945 was die manne van Natal oortuig daarvan dat hulle hul land na die beste van hulle vermoë gedien het en dat hulle die goeie naam van hulle regiment gestand gedoen het.