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1

Carrier, Peter. "Vichy France." Modern & Contemporary France 2, no. 3 (January 1994): 321–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489408456192.

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2

Keith, Charles. "Vietnamese Collaborationism in Vichy France." Journal of Asian Studies 76, no. 4 (September 20, 2017): 987–1008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911817000791.

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During the Second World War, a small group of Vietnamese émigrés in Vichy France drew powerful inspiration from the ideological and material possibilities of the Nazi occupation. Their history reveals the colonial dimensions of a process of collaboration too often cast as solely European. It also sheds light on the transnational migrations and intellectual circulations that made European experiences an important part of Asian wartime political choices. Finally, their myriad trajectories after the war are a powerful example of the ideological reconfigurations and reversals of Asian politics during decolonization.
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3

Shields, James G. "Antisemitism in France: The spectre of vichy." Patterns of Prejudice 24, no. 2-4 (December 1990): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.1990.9970048.

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4

Nahum, Henri. "L'éviction des médecins juifs dans la France de Vichy." Archives Juives 41, no. 1 (2008): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/aj.411.0041.

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5

Nord, P. "Pierre Schaeffer and Jeune France: Cultural Politics in the Vichy Years." French Historical Studies 30, no. 4 (October 1, 2007): 685–709. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-2007-012.

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6

Norton, Mason. "From Victory to Vichy: Veterans in Inter-War France." Modern & Contemporary France 21, no. 3 (August 2013): 404–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2013.803047.

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7

Hellman, John. "Monasteries, Miliciens, War Criminals: Vichy France/Quebec, 1940-50." Journal of Contemporary History 32, no. 4 (October 1997): 539–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200949703200408.

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8

McDonnell, Hugh. "FRANÇOIS MITTERRAND AND THE GRAY ZONE OF VICHY." French Politics, Culture & Society 37, no. 2 (July 1, 2019): 87–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2019.370204.

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This article examines the 1994–1995 controversy surrounding President François Mitterrand’s past involvement with Vichy France through the concept of “the gray zone.” Differing from Primo Levi’s gray zone, it refers here to the language that emerged in France to account for the previously neglected complicity of bystanders and beneficiaries and the indirect facilitation of the injustices of the Vichy regime. The affair serves as a site for exploring the nuances and inflections of this concept of the gray zone—both in the way it was used to indict those accused of complicity with Vichy, and as a means for those, like Mitterrand, who defended themselves by using the language of grayness. Paying attention to these invocations of the gray zone at this historical conjuncture allows us to understand the logic and stakes of both the criticisms of Mitterrand and his responses to them, particularly in terms of contemporaneous understandings of republicanism and human rights.
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9

Andrews, Naomi J., Simon Jackson, Jessica Wardhaugh, Shannon Fogg, Jessica Lynne Pearson, Elizabeth Campbell, Laura Levine Frader, Joshua Cole, Elizabeth A. Foster, and Owen White. "Book Reviews." French Politics, Culture & Society 37, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 123–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2019.370307.

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Silyane Larcher, L’Autre Citoyen: L’idéal républicain et les Antilles après l’esclavage (Paris: Armand Colin, 2014).Elizabeth Heath, Wine, Sugar, and the Making of Modern France: Global Economic Crisis and the Racialization of French Citizenship, 1870–1910 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014).Rebecca Scales, Radio and the Politics of Sound in Interwar France, 1921–1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016).Claire Zalc, Dénaturalisés: Les retraits de nationalité sous Vichy (Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 2016).Bertram M. Gordon, War Tourism: Second World War France from Defeat and Occupation to the Creation of Heritage (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2018).Shannon L. Fogg, Stealing Home: Looting, Restitution, and Reconstructing Jewish Lives in France, 1942–1947 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017).Sarah Fishman, From Vichy to the Sexual Revolution: Gender and Family Life in Postwar France (New York: Oxford University Press, 2017).Frederick Cooper, Citizenship between Empire and Nation: Remaking France and French Africa, 1945–1960 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2014).Jessica Lynne Pearson, The Colonial Politics of Global Health: France and the United Nations in Postwar Africa (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2018). Darcie Fontaine, Decolonizing Christianity: Religion and the End of Empire in France and Algeria (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016).
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10

Campbell, Caroline. "National Regeneration in Vichy France: Ideas and Policies, 1930–1944." Modern & Contemporary France 21, no. 2 (May 2013): 250–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2013.776318.

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11

Diamond, Hanna. "Report on the Second Vichy Conference: Current research into Vichy France and the Resistance: Liberation ‐ Image and Event." Modern & Contemporary France 3, no. 2 (January 1995): 181–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489508456234.

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12

Shurts, Sarah. "Kevin Passmore, The Right in France from the Third Republic to Vichy." European History Quarterly 44, no. 3 (June 18, 2014): 563–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691414537193ah.

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13

Wilkin, Bernard, and Maude Williams. "German Wartime Anglophobic Propaganda in France, 1914–1945." War in History 24, no. 1 (January 2017): 28–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344515602916.

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This article explores Anglophobia as a topic in German wartime propaganda aimed at military and civilian communities of France. Anti-British topics were at the centre of a large campaign of propaganda designed to undermine French morale during the two world wars. This study will investigate the goals, the content, and the effects of Anglophobia in France to determine the relation between these two campaigns of psychological warfare. It will be argued that the Nazis and the Vichy regime almost entirely replicated the original production of Anglophobic propaganda in the occupied territories of France during the First World War. This article will also show that Anglophobia almost invariably failed to convince the French population.
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14

Drake, David. "Du Rutabaga et Encore du Rutabaga: Daily Life in Vichy France." Modern & Contemporary France 15, no. 3 (August 2007): 351–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639480701464327.

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15

Freeman, Kirrily. "The Battle for Bronze: Conflict and Contradiction in Vichy Cultural Policy." Nottingham French Studies 44, no. 1 (March 2005): 50–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nfs.2005.005.

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16

Bonneui, Christophe, and Frederic Thomas. "Purifying Landscapes: The Vichy Regime and The Genetic Modernization of France." Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 40, no. 4 (2010): 532–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsns.2010.40.4.532.

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This article argues that "genetic modernism" in seeds was simultaneously a technoscientific and a political project that materialized under wartime Vichy's proto-fascist regime and that contributed to shaping and legitimizing Vichy as a "planner state." The constitution of the genetically homogeneous cultivar as a scientific object, a market commodity, and a state policy object went hand in hand during the Vichy regime. A new biopolitical connection between state and seeds emerged, in which seeds were considered a priority target for state intervention because they were seen as the easiest path toward transforming agricultural practices so as to meet pressing needs for a sufficient and autonomous food supply (autarky). The state acquired the power of life and death over plant genomes in the nation's landscapes and enacted a phytoeugenics that was both positive (aiming to encourage the diffusion of varieties deemed healthy or higher yielding) and negative (aiming to suppress varieties deemed obsolete). The ontology of "genetic modernism" considered living beings as having an intrinsic genetic identity, sealed off from the vagaries of the environment, and favored serial and stable forms of life, which were achieved materially through the production of plant populations composed of isogenotypic individuals (clones, pure lines, F1 hybrids). Such pure line ontology, planned seed-economy practices, and metrological arrangements articulated a biopolitics geared towards superseding a nexus of biocultural crop evolutionary processes under farmers' management with centralized planning of genetic progress. This turned Vichy France into a huge biopolitical laboratory. It also left major legacies in the post––World War II decades.
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17

Millington, Chris. "Léon Werth, Deposition 1940–1944: A Secret Diary of Life in Vichy France." European History Quarterly 49, no. 2 (April 2019): 359–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691419839585af.

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18

Zdatny, Steven M. "The Corporatist Word and the Modernist Deed: Artisans and Political Economy in Vichy France." European History Quarterly 16, no. 2 (April 1986): 155–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569148601600202.

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19

Lees, David. "Ego-histories of France and the Second World War: writing Vichy." Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 19, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 111–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725886.2019.1706324.

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20

KELLY, M. "Review. Politics, Society and Christianity in Vichy France. Halls, W. D." French Studies 51, no. 1 (January 1, 1997): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/51.1.113.

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21

Bowles, B. "Review: A Rescuer's Story: Pastor Pierre-Charles Toureille in Vichy France." French Studies 59, no. 1 (January 1, 2005): 123–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/kni049.

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22

Freadman, Anne. "From assimilation to Jewish identity: The dilemmas of French Jewry under the Occupation." French Cultural Studies 28, no. 1 (January 30, 2017): 54–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957155816678595.

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Following the Napoleonic edict granting citizenship to the Jews, and the implementation of laws consolidating the secularism of the Third Republic, France seemed to have confirmed its status as a land of freedom for European Jews. This changed with the collaboration of Vichy France with the Nazi Occupation. This article studies personal writings, principally diaries, in order to discover the forms of experience of the crisis of identity that beset the Jews of France in the ‘Dark Years’ following this. It shows that under the secularist model of assimilation, this resolved into a series of dilemmas: israélite ou juif, French or Jewish, secular or religiously observant, nationalist, communist or Zionist. The article ends with the key figure of Wladimir Rabinovitch, bringing the account into the second half of the twentieth century. Notwithstanding some key international changes, the terms of these dilemmas has not changed.1
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23

Caron, Vicki. "Prelude to Vichy: France and the Jewish Refugees in the Era of Appeasement." Journal of Contemporary History 20, no. 1 (January 1985): 157–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200948502000107.

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24

KELLY, M. "Review. The Knight-Monks of Vichy France: Uriage, 1940-45. Hellman, John." French Studies 51, no. 1 (January 1, 1997): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/51.1.114.

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25

Schoonover, Thomas D., and Denis Rolland. "Vichy et la France libre au Mexique: Guerre, cultures, et propagande pendant la Deuxieme Guerre mondiale." Hispanic American Historical Review 73, no. 4 (November 1993): 726. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2516890.

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26

Schoonover, Thomas D. "Vichy et la France libre au Mexique: guerre, cultures, et propagande pendant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale." Hispanic American Historical Review 73, no. 4 (November 1, 1993): 726–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-73.4.726.

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27

Hewitt, Nicholas. "Giono and Melville: A ‘voyage imaginaire’ through nineteenth-century England." French Cultural Studies 29, no. 4 (October 28, 2018): 308–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957155818790145.

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Giono’s novel of 1941, Pour saluer Melville, was initially conceived as a biographical essay to accompany the author’s translation of Moby Dick, which appeared the same year, but, in its final version, it is a complex work of fiction which evokes Giono’s own passionate affair with Blanche Meyer, his native Provence, the nature of artistic vocation and, political issues of injustice, imprisonment, democracy and freedom, embodied in France in the Revolution of 1848 and in England by Chartism. This article explores how Giono uses the techniques of the ‘voyage imaginaire’ to follow Melville on a fictitious journey through nineteenth-century England, with references to the Irish famine, and to reflect on his own pacifism and pursuit of justice in the climate of German occupation and Vichy France. Finally, the novel asserts its own autonomy by providing a Borgesian invention of alternative sources for the creation of Moby Dick.
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28

Varley, Karine. "Defending sovereignty without collaboration: Vichy and the Italian Fascist threats of 1940–1942." French History 33, no. 3 (September 2019): 422–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/crz064.

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Abstract This article asks how Vichy sought to defend French sovereignty against Italian threats across those unoccupied areas of France and its colonial empire which were covered by the Italian armistice between June 1940 and November 1942. It suggests that, while Vichy’s response to German violations of French sovereignty was limited by its policy of collaboration, no such constraints were in place when it came to Italian interventions. Despite this, however, the defence of French sovereignty against Italian threats was not a straightforward story of defiance. Opposing Italian actions in one policy domain in one territory had to be weighed against the potential repercussions in another policy domain in another territory. It also had to be calibrated with the implications for French relations with Berlin. The Italian dimension to Vichy’s actions therefore suggests that the biggest challenge in negotiations was not Vichy’s desire to defend its sovereign status so much as the lure of collaboration.
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29

ZOX-WEAVER, ANNALISA. "THE ORDER OF THINGS: SYMPATHIES AND COLLABORATIONS IN 1930S FRANCE AND THE VICHY REGIME." Modern Intellectual History 12, no. 2 (December 29, 2014): 497–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000729.

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Sandrine Sanos has taken on a thorny topic inThe Aesthetics of Hate: Far-Right Intellectuals, Antisemitism, and Gender in 1930s France. Sanos opens this compelling study of 1930s far-right French intellectuals by briefly discussing a scene in Jonathan's Littell'sThe Kindly Ones(Les bienveillantes). Greeted with praise and controversy on publication, Littell's highly charged 2006 novel was steeped in sinister perversions and vicious physical perpetrations straight out of Klaus Theweleit's encyclopedic two-volumeMale Fantasies, dedicated to analyzing German anti-Semitic, anti-Bolshevist, and misogynist belligerence. In Sanos's description, the fictional protagonist ofThe Kindly Ones, an SS officer named Maximilien Aue, visits occupied Paris in 1943, where he enjoys the company of two now-infamous and very real French fascists—Robert Brasillach and Lucien Rabatet. Aue muses with the two anti-Semites on the possibilities of a uniquely fascist literature, enacts homosocial bonds over mutual hatred for Jews and communists, and exploits the abject sexual availability of men at a “faggot bar.” The pathology-filled narrative illuminates the mind of the protagonist even as it speaks to contemporary conceptions of the era's fanatical concern with self-regulation and masculinity.
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30

Parent, Sabrina. "L’exception « tsigane »1 dans la France de Vichy : littérature et devoir de mémoire." Contemporary French and Francophone Studies 12, no. 3 (August 2008): 331–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17409290802284917.

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31

Ahearne, Jeremy. "PUBLIC INTELLECTUALS AND CULTURAL POLICY IN FRANCE." International Journal of Cultural Policy 12, no. 3 (November 2006): 323–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10286630601020603.

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32

McDonnell, Hugh. "Complicity and memory in soldiers’ testimonies of the Algerian war of decolonisation in Esprit and Les Temps modernes." Memory Studies 13, no. 6 (July 16, 2018): 952–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698018784130.

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In the closing phase of the Algerian War in March 1962, Jean-Marie Domenach, director of the journal Esprit, upbraided his counterpart at Les Temps modernes, Jean-Paul Sartre, for failing to understand the greyness of most human actions and the pervasiveness of knots of complicity. Concern for the complexity of complicity was also apparent in Les Temps modernes circles, however, and it was precisely complicity, both in the form of violence of French troops and of the habituation or indifference of the broader French public, that editor Simone de Beauvoir termed a ‘tetanus of the imagination’. Strikingly, she suggested that a means of countering this affliction of getting used to the unconscionable were testimonies of soldiers returning from Algeria in both Les Temps modernes and Esprit. This article examines this mutual concern for the complexities of complicity and investigates its relationship to memory through the curious importance de Beauvoir placed on such testimonies in these two journals. The discussion looks at the mobilisation of the memory of the Second World War in these testimonies, including analogies with fascism and Nazism, and argues that, rather than merely fashionable hyperbole, they powerfully depicted a multifaceted crisis: in Algeria, of French youth, and of France itself. The second part of the article investigates the testimonies’ representation of military institutionalisation – including its detrimental effects on imagination and the facilitation of violence. These representations of systemic or institutional complicity are contextualised alongside scholarly claims that the Algerian war involved a renegotiation of the memory of Vichy France. I argue that the example of these testimonies calls for a qualification of such claims; though they prefigured later conceptions of a complicity memory trope, or ‘the grey zone’ of Vichy France, they did not override the dominant Second World War memory characterised by heroes and victims.
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33

Sibalis, M. D. "HOMOPHOBIA, VICHY FRANCE, AND THE "CRIME OF HOMOSEXUALITY": The Origins of the Ordinance of 6 August 1942." GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 8, no. 3 (January 1, 2002): 301–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10642684-8-3-301.

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34

Bracher, Nathan. "Deposition 1940–1944: A Secret Diary of Life in Vichy France. By Léon Werth." French Studies 73, no. 2 (February 4, 2019): 337–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/knz033.

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35

Ahearne, Jeremy. "Questions of religion and cultural policy in France." International Journal of Cultural Policy 17, no. 2 (March 2011): 153–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10286632.2010.528837.

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36

Ahearne, Jeremy. "Questions of religion and cultural policy in France." International Journal of Cultural Policy 18, no. 2 (March 2012): 260. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10286632.2012.664952.

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37

SMITH, TIMOTHY B. "THE SOCIAL TRANSFORMATION OF HOSPITALS AND THE RISE OF MEDICAL INSURANCE IN FRANCE, 1914–1943." Historical Journal 41, no. 4 (December 1998): 1055–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x98008164.

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This article explores the impact of the First World War on the social reform movement in France, emphasizing hospital policy and medical insurance. I argue that the war gave birth to a concerted reform movement which succeeded in bringing about fundamental changes to health care policy. During the inter-war years, the French embarked on a mission to replace the traditional hospital, the maison des pauvres, with modern facilities designed to cater to the middle class as well as to the poor. In 1928, a landmark law was passed which extended medical insurance to workers and the lower middle class. By 1940, over one half of the population was covered by medical insurance, and dozens of modern hospitals had been constructed. The impetuses to this national reform legislation were the numerous local experiments, whose stories I examine in some detail. Despite the image of Third Republic ‘decadence’, the success of health policy reform during the 1920s and 1930s shows that France was indeed capable of important domestic reforms. Under Vichy, these reforms were consolidated and after the Liberation, Vichy's efforts were saluted and affirmed by French politicians.
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38

Capdevila, Luc. "The Quest for Masculinity in a Defeated France, 1940–1945." Contemporary European History 10, no. 3 (October 26, 2001): 423–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301003058.

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This article provides a detailed analysis of the individuals who enrolled in Vichy fighting units at the end of the German occupation. Those groups were mostly created in late 1943 and early 1944, and acted as effective subsidiaries to German troops, treating civilians and partisans with extreme violence. The enrolment of those men was a consequence of their political beliefs, notably strong anti-communism. But the fact that their behaviour seems born of desperation (some were recruited after D-Day) is a hint that it was shaped according to other cultural patterns, especially an image of masculinity rooted in the memory of the First World War and developed, among others, according to fascist and Nazi ideologies: a manhood based on strength, the violence of warfare and the image of the soldier. This article provides an analysis based on judiciary documents from the time of the purge, with a careful reconstruction of personal trajectories and self discourse in order to understand the masculine identity these sometimes very young men tried to realise through political engagement in the guise of warriors.
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39

Windebank, J. "France in the Age of Organization: Factory, Home and Nation from the 1920s to Vichy." French Studies 67, no. 2 (March 29, 2013): 296–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/knt013.

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40

Tounta, Despoina. "Cultural Diplomacy: The Case of France." HAPSc Policy Briefs Series 3, no. 1 (June 29, 2022): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hapscpbs.31003.

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Cultural diplomacy has been evolved as a powerful and effective tool in order to ameliorate a country’s image to the international audience. Consequently, it gives the opportunity for countries to promote foreign policy’s goals and to achieve a standing in the international system. The present paper, after attempting to define the notion of cultural diplomacy, focuses on the case of France. In fact, some important actors that are part of the French cultural network are mentioned. In particular, actors related to the fields of language, education, cinema and media are explored in this policy brief. It is concluded that France has followed a successful cultural diplomacy policy that can inspire other countries.
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41

Ahearne, Jeremy. "Cultural policy in the old europe: France and Germany." International Journal of Cultural Policy 9, no. 2 (July 2003): 127–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1028663032000119189.

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42

Perrin, Nigel. "Léon Werth (trans. and ed. David Ball), Deposition 1940–1944: A Secret Diary of Life in Vichy France." Journal of Contemporary History 54, no. 2 (April 2019): 478–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009418824807g.

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43

Cupers, Kenny. "The Cultural Center." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 74, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 464–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2015.74.4.464.

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The Cultural Center: Architecture as Cultural Policy in Postwar Europe examines how culture became an explicit domain of state policy in postwar Europe and why the modern architecture of cultural centers and culture halls became central to such policy. Kenny Cupers uses a variety of archival and primary sources to analyze maisons de la culture in France and Kulturpaläste or Kulturhäuser in the German Democratic Republic during the 1960s and 1970s. Focusing on the roles of bureaucrats, policy makers, and designers, he reveals how architecture articulated cultural politics in which participation was harnessed to bolster the intervention of the state in everyday life—whether through unqualified support, as in France, or through often-oppressive regulation, as in the GDR. This premise is what shaped the design approaches of programmatic integration, polyvalence, and communication for new cultural institutions across the Cold War divide.
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44

Diamond, Hanna. "Reviews : W.D. Halls, Politics, Society and Christianity in Vichy France, Oxford, Berg, ISBN 1-85973-071-X, 1995; 450 pp.; £17.95." European History Quarterly 27, no. 2 (April 1997): 264–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569149702700209.

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45

Fette, Julie. "From Casablanca to Houston." French Politics, Culture & Society 36, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 32–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2018.360303.

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This article melds family history with History, tracing the lives of my daughter’s grandparents, Marcelle Libraty and Pinhas Cohen. Products of the social mobility and integration offered by the Alliance israélite universelle, they became schoolteachers in Morocco and opted for France after independence. Currently in their eighties, Marcelle and Pinhas’s lives are connected to sweeping events in history: French colonialism, Vichy anti- Semitism, Moroccan independence, Jewish emigration. Inspired by Ivan Jablonka’s L’Histoire des grandparents que je n’ai pas eus, I experiment as both narrator of the past and participant in the family story, and demonstrate new ways of writing history. This auto-historiographical project shows how a family succeeds in preserving identities of origin and maintaining relationships despite socio-political upheaval and global mobility.
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46

Ager, D. E. "Immigration and language policy in France." Journal of Intercultural Studies 15, no. 2 (January 1994): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07256868.1994.9963415.

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47

White, Ralph. "Reviews : Roderick Kedward and Roger Austin, eds, Vichy France and the Resistance: Culture and Ideology, London, Croom Helm, 1985; 293 pp.; £22.50." European History Quarterly 18, no. 4 (October 1988): 504–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569148801800420.

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48

Porch, Douglas. "Book Review: When France Fell. The Vichy Crisis and the Fate of the Anglo-American Alliance by Michael S. Neiberg." War in History 30, no. 1 (January 2023): 87–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09683445221142270a.

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49

Durand, Sébastien. "LES ENTREPRISES FRANÇAISES FACE AUX OCCUPANTS (1940–1944)." French Politics, Culture & Society 37, no. 2 (July 1, 2019): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2019.370201.

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Abstract:
Amid severe shortages of raw materials, labor, and transportation, companies in occupied France (1940–1944) sought alternative paths to what is commonly called “economic collaboration.” They worked to find substitute supplies, convert to new product lines, alter their manufacturing methods, and even adapt to the black market. But few businesses could avoid the question of whether to provide goods and services to the occupier. The opportunities to do so were widespread, though they varied according to occupation, economic branch, and the passage of time during the Occupation. The German occupiers thus benefited from the French economy. With decisive help from the Vichy regime, the occupiers managed to force, induce, or entice French enterprises into their war economy—be they large industries formerly mobilized for French national defense, small and medium-sized firms, or agricultural producers.
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50

Tynan, Avril. "Demythologizing de Gaulle: History as Myth and Myth as Hermeneutic in France after Vichy and Algerian Independence." Nottingham French Studies 61, no. 1 (March 2022): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nfs.2022.0335.

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Abstract:
History, like fiction, is a narrative interpretation of events, and its writing or telling of the past is always mediated from a present position. The narratological turn in historical discourse from the 1960s challenged the assumption that accounts of the past were the objective accumulation of documented facts and emphasized the ideological mediation of historiography. With a focus on Roland Barthes’s poststructuralist theory of myth as a hermeneutic structure for historical interpretation, this article argues that demythologization is less an elimination of ideological structures than an illumination; a counter- or re-mythologization that perpetuates interpretative work. As a demythologizing critique of Charles de Gaulle’s myth of post-Occupation resistancialism, Michel Déon’s Les Poneys sauvages (1970/2010) undermines the myth of a unanimous and united France and opens up spaces of ambiguity and subjectivity that reveal interpretative conflicts over the historical narratives of the Second World War and the Algerian War of Independence.
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