Journal articles on the topic 'Vichy's government'
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1
DENTON, CHAD. "‘Récupérez!’ The German Origins of French Wartime Salvage Drives, 1939–1945." Contemporary European History 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2013): 399–430. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777313000210.
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AbstractThis article examines the origins, implementation and results of salvage drives carried out in wartime France from 1939 to 1945. In post-war accounts – including memoirs and local histories of the occupation – these salvage drives were understood simply as wartime frugality, a logical response to wide-spread shortages. Yet a careful study of the records of both the French Ministry of Armaments and Vichy's Service de la Récupération et de l'Utilisation des Déchets et Vieilles Matières combined with municipal and departmental sources reveals that these salvage drives were heavily influenced by Nazi German practices. From 1939 to 1940, even though French propaganda had previously ridiculed Nazi German salvage drives as proof of economic weakness, officials at the Ministry of Armaments emulated Nazi Germany by carrying out salvage drives of scrap iron and paper. After the fall of France, this emulation became collaboration. Vichy's salvage efforts were a conjoint Franco-German initiative, organised at the very highest levels of the occupation administration. Drawing on the experience of Nazi German salvage experts, Vichy officials carried out the salvage drives according to German models. Nevertheless, they carefully hid the German origins of the campaign from the chain of departmental prefects, mayors, Chambers of Commerce and youth leaders who organised the local drives and solicited participation by evoking French patriotic sentiment. After the liberation of France in 1944, the French Provisional Government renamed but otherwise maintained the Vichy-created salvage organisations and continued to oversee the collection of scrap iron, paper, rags, glass and bones until 1946. At that point, the government largely relinquished control of the salvage industry.
2
Thomas, Martin. "Imperial backwater or strategic outpost? The British takeover of Vicky Madagascar, 1942." Historical Journal 39, no. 4 (December 1996): 1049–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00024754.
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ABSTRACTBetween June 1940 and September 1942 the French colony of Madagascar was a part of the Vichy French empire and a life-line for supplies to French Indo-China. Governor Paul Annet's island administration assumed a critical importance to Britain and South Africa after the fall of Singapore in February 1942. Conscious of the precedent of Vichy's two-fold capitulation to Japanese demands upon Indo-China in August 1940 and July 1941, both the British and the American governments feared that Annet might follow suit, conceding to Japan the use of Madagascar's principal ports and air bases. This threat led to the invasion of Madagascar by British empire forces. The attack began in May 1942 and was completed by October. Much to General Charles de Gaulle's lasting annoyance, the Free French movement played no part in these operations, although the British installed a Free French administration at Tananarive in December. This article examines the Madagascar invasion in the light of this exclusion of the Free French. It measures the strategic importance of the island against the political damage caused to Anglo-Free French relations by the British rebuttal of de Gaulle. It is argued that the British government utilized the Madagascar takeover as a means to keep the French national committee in check, disregarding Free French proposals as a result. Albeit temporary, this generated political confusion within Madagascar itself.
3
Karpenko, Konstantin V. "Two Sovereignties for One State: C. de Gaulle and P. Pétain." History of state and law 3 (March 7, 2024): 18–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/1812-3805-2024-3-18-22.
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In 1940-1944, the Vichy government existed in France simultaneously with the government of C. de Gaulle. Contemporaries and successors expressed doubts concerning the legitimacy and legality of both governments. However, this historical and legal dispute was finally resolved with the help of justice.
4
Kates, Stephanie. "Vichy France’s Collaboration with Nazi Germany." Arbutus Review 8, no. 1 (October 30, 2017): 37–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.18357/tar81201716806.
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During the Second World War in France, a fascist government known as the Vichy Government replaced the Third French Republic. In 1995, the French government publicly admitted that shortly after signing an armistice with Nazi Germany in 1940, the Vichy regime was responsible for implementing racist policies and contributing to the deaths of tens of thousands of people. The purpose of this paper is to begin exploring the extent to which the Vichy Government participated and collaborated in the killings, internment, and discrimination of many thousands of people during the Second World War. The following article focuses on three major aspects of the Vichy Government’s collaboration: anti-Semitic legislation, the internment camps in France, and the roundup at the Vélodrome D’Hiver. The case study of the Vélodrome D'Hiver alongside the other aspects of collaboration are illustrative examples that offer new insights suggesting that Vichy France's government operated as an emphatic collaborator with Nazi Germany rather than simply submitting to or passively assisting this adminstration. The article's thesis advances the notion that this emphatic collaboration was implemented mostly without direction or instruction from the authorities of the Nazi occupying forces.
5
박형섭. "Eugène Ionesco and The Vichy Government." Journal of Mediterranean Area Studies 20, no. 3 (August 2018): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.18218/jmas.2018.20.3.1.
6
CAMPBELL, CAROLINE. "Gender and Politics in Interwar and Vichy France." Contemporary European History 27, no. 3 (May 9, 2017): 482–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000108.
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One of the defining paradoxes of interwar France was the coexistence of a deep-rooted belief in national decadence with the development of a wide range of innovative organisations, cumulatively mobilising millions of people, as a means of fighting this supposed decline. While women played a key role in perpetuating the belief that the Republic was deteriorating, created numerous politically-oriented groups and entered into the government as ministers for the first time, these facts have barely entered into scholarly analysis of the state of France's political culture. Beginning in the 1960s a narrative of stagnation tended to dominate scholars’ interpretations of the interwar years. Reflective of the times, gender was absent from such analyses, as scholars defined ‘politics’ in certain ways and assumed that political actors were men. The influential political scientist Stanley Hoffman, for example, insisted that this was a period of stalemate, essentially the consequence of a failure to modernise during the Third Republic (1870–1940). Hoffman argued that peasants, small business and the bourgeoisie coalesced to advocate for protectionist measures and resist social and economic reforms. This conservative agenda was facilitated by governments that sought to limit economic change, which contributed to ministerial instability: during the interwar period, the French government changed forty-seven times, compared to thirty in Poland and Romania, nine in Great Britain and an average of one per year in Weimar Germany, Belgium and Sweden. For Anglophone and Francophone proponents of the idea of a systemic crisis, the Third Republic appears fundamentally flawed, crippled by an intrinsic defect rather than a democratic government that opened spaces for dynamic groups and movements to effect real change.
7
Wexler, Leila Sadat. "Reflections on the Trial of Vichy Collaborator Paul Touvier for Crimes against Humanity in France." Law & Social Inquiry 20, no. 01 (1995): 191–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1995.tb00686.x.
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On 20 April 1994, in Versailles France, Paul Touvier was convicted of complicity to commit crimes against humanity for his role in the killing of seven Jews during World War II. At the time of the crime Touvier was an oficer of the Milice, a special military force established to combat the Resistance and other enemies of the Vichy government. When Touvier's trial was finally held in spring 1994, it was the subject of enormous media attention in France and became the vehicle for a debate on the legitimacy and activities of the Vichy Regime, becoming popularly identified as a trial of the Vichy government. This essay, after tracing the historical and legal background of Touvier's prosecution, concludes that Touvier's conviction some 50 years after his crime, was legally and morally justified. Touvier's evasion of the law was remedied; his victims and their descendants were honored; the Nuremberg principles were resurrected and applied. The author is skeptical, however, about using his trial to reexamine the Vichy period and suggests that its attempted transformation by the media into an event that would produce an authoritative resolution of the various public discourses concerning Vichy France was and could only have been a disappointment.
8
Medvedev, Aleksei Dmitrievich. "Punishment of the collaborationists in Vichy and other French regions (1944 – 1945)." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 4 (April 2021): 86–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.4.35401.
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The goal of this article lies in examination of the process of preventing collaborationism in the former capital of the French state, as well as in determination of whether the process of suppressing cooperation with the German occupier has any peculiarities associated with the special position of Vichy in relation to other departments. The author examines such aspects of the topic as spontaneous and organized violence in Vichy and other French regions during the postwar period (1944 – 1945). Special attention is given to reprisal against the collaborationists in Vichy and the formation of representation on the unity of France during the occupation imbued by the Gaullist state. The main conclusions of this research consists in the two interpretations of the purges that took place in the postwar years in France. The situation in the agglomeration has several similarities with the situation in multiple departments: shaving of women; government branches responsible for repressions; urgent purges. However, the fact that namely Vichy was the seat of the French government has its own peculiarities: weak first phase of the extrajudicial purge due to the presence of law enforcement forces during the occupation and opposition, and on the other hand, the cruelty of spontaneous violence in June of 1945, numerous arrests in the first two weeks after the liberation, excessive city residents representation in the Court and Civil Chamber, as well as severity of the sentences.
9
Atkin, Nicholas. "The challenge to laïcité: church, state and schools in Vichy France, 1940–1944." Historical Journal 35, no. 1 (March 1992): 151–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00025644.
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AbstractThis article examines the role which education played in church/state relations during the Occupation. It begins with an evaluation of catholic reactions to the defeat and explains why so many church leaders were quick to blame military collapse on the laïcité of the republican educational system. It then investigates the policies which the church wanted to see pursued in regard to schools and assesses how these were received by the Vichy government. Analysis of these issues reveals that Vichy was not as pro-clerical as is sometimes believed. Although initially sympathetic to church requests, by 1942 the regime had become reluctant to introduce any measure that might provoke religious division. At the same time, the article illustrates that French Catholicism was not a monolithic bloc. Arguments over education served only to intensify divisions already present within the church and soon led to catholic disenchantment with the Vichy regime.
10
Thomas, M. C. "The Vichy Government and French Colonial Prisoners of War, 1940-1944." French Historical Studies 25, no. 4 (October 1, 2002): 657–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-25-4-657.
11
de Jong, Rosa. "Looking for Agency in Transnational Refugee Trajectories during the Second World War." Itinerario 45, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 174–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115321000085.
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AbstractThe authors of three recent monographs, The Escape Line, Escape from Vichy, and Nearly the New World, highlight in particular the relevance of transnational refugee and resistance networks. These books shed new light on the trajectories of refugees through war-torn Europe and their routes out of it. Megan Koreman displays in The Escape Line the relevance of researching one line of resistance functioning in several countries and thereby shifts from the common nationalistic approach in resistance research. In Escape from Vichy Eric Jennings researches the government-endorsed flight route between Marseille and Martinique and explores the lasting impact of encounters between refugees and Caribbean Negritude thinkers. Joanna Newman explores the mainly Jewish refugees who found shelter in the British West Indies, with a focus on the role of aid organisations in this flight.
12
DERBASOV, MIKHAIL. "THE COUP D’ETAT IN FRANCE AND PETAIN’S RISE TO POWER." History and modern perspectives 5, no. 1 (March 28, 2023): 113–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2023-5-1-113-119.
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The defeat of France in 1940 led to the fall of the Third Republic and the creation of the Petain (or Vichy) regime. It is generally believed that the coup took place on July 10, but in fact it happened on June 16, when Petain replaced Reynaud as head of the French government. Moreover, the first steps towards the coup were taken a month earlier, in the second half of May, after the appointment of Petain as deputy head of government, and several of his supporters to other key posts. This article is written in order to prove this on the basis of factual material. The content of the article also shows that, in addition to the generally recognized reasons (the country's unreadiness for a «new type of war», the strong positions of defeatists of different political orientations, etc.), the position of Britain and the United States towards France also played a role in the coup: the former, after Dunkirk, actually left France to its fate, the public opinion of the latter has not yet matured before joining the war. At the same time, the results of the work allow us to reconsider some of the existing points of view on the Vichy government: despite a number of analogies with the Nazi coup of 1933. In Germany, the Petain regime was not completely totalitarian, although it was a kind of «conservative revolution».
13
Olivier, Laurent. "L'archélolgie française et le Régime de Vichy (1940–1944)." European Journal of Archaeology 1, no. 2 (1998): 241–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/eja.1998.1.2.241.
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For four years (1940–1944) after its defeat by the Third Reich, France was ruled by an anti-republican government whose active collaboration with the Nazis made a major contribution to the persecution and extermination of the Jews. Through the ‘National Revolution’, the Vichy regime developed an ideology opposed to democracy and republican roots and sought to re-invent its national origins as a justification for Pétainism. Thus, the Gallic past and archaeology in general played an important role in this new ideology by assimilating the defeat of the Gauls by Caesar to that of the French by the Nazis and by then comparing the successful incorporation of Gaul into the Roman Empire with that of France into a ‘new Europe’ dominated by Nazi Germany. At the same time, the Vichy regime provided French archaeology with its first legal and administrative structure, which allowed the development of the discipline. This legislative and administrative framework was preserved intact not only until the liberation but right up to the present day. It is the permanence of this structure which creates the problem of the relationship between current French archaeology and the Vichy regime.
14
Alves, Ana M. "We Also Round Up the Children: Memoir of a Kidnapping Offence by the Vichy Government. Cloé Korman’s "The Almost Sisters"." Lublin Studies in Modern Languages and Literature 47, no. 4 (January 30, 2024): 73–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/lsmll.2023.47.4.73-82.
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Our purpose is to show how much the contemporary novel can carry war stories in the form of a family investigation, but also a historical one. To do this, and without wanting to upset our readers, we have chosen Cloé Korman’s The Almost Sisters, which behind a backdrop that dates back to the Second World War, revisits the horrors that the Jewish children of France experienced between 1942 and 1944. Evoking the most despicable infamy of the 20th century committed by the Vichy government, the deportation to Auschwitz of 11,400 children, Korman proposes to return to the story of these little ones orphaned by the deportation of their parents. In this sense, it presents the story of six little girls who are tossed from one institution to another, from one camp to another. Three of them survive, and the other three take the road to Auschwitz in convoy 77.
15
Oosterlinck, Kim. "French Stock exchanges and regulation during World War II." Financial History Review 17, no. 2 (July 14, 2010): 211–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565010000181.
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Based on archives of the French brokers, the French finance ministry and the occupying forces, this article analyses the motivations of the legal changes imposed on the French exchanges during the war. Most of the measures taken by the Vichy government were meant to stimulate the demand for French state bonds. Three main tools were used to render stocks as unattractive as possible: forced registration, imposition of a maximum threshold for stock prices and taxation. The article suggests that forced registration and the cap on maximum prices were the most efficient tools.
16
Batten, Alicia J. "Reading the Bible in Occupied France: André Trocmé and Le Chambon." Harvard Theological Review 103, no. 3 (July 2010): 309–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816010000659.
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Since the publication of Philip Hallie's book, Lest Innocent Blood Be Shed,1 and the release of Pierre Sauvage's documentary, Weapons of the Spirit,2 many North Americans have become familiar with the rescue efforts carried out in the French Vivarais-Lignon plateau during World War II. It is difficult to know the exact number of persons sheltered, and indeed this statistic has become a point of contention among historians, with some arguing that 700–1000 Jews were rescued, while a few of those who experienced and contributed to the effort estimate 3500 (in addition to approximately 1500 others).3 It is true that during the war a variety of individuals and groups in France assisted people at tremendous risk, but the number saved in the plateau, even if it does hover around 1000, is nonetheless striking.4 The residents of this region welcomed individuals and families from throughout France and Europe, providing food, housing, and assisting many over the border into Switzerland, some 300 kilometers away. Moreover, some local residents participated in the manufacture and distribution of false papers, a crime under Vichy law, but the provision of which aided in the survival of hundreds of persons during the period.5 Although not all of the inhabitants of the plateau were active in the armed Resistance, they resisted nonetheless by resolutely disobeying the Vichy authorities as well as the Germans. These people were the minority throughout France, for while some citizens actively collaborated with the Germans, the vast majority simply waited out the war, neither collaborating nor particularly opposing the changes brought by the Vichy government and the subsequent German occupying forces.6
17
Stamler, Hannah M. "Decorating Mothers, Defining Maternity." French Politics, Culture & Society 40, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 83–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2022.400104.
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This article offers a detailed analysis of the symbolism and early operation of the Family Medal, a maternity award created by the French government in 1920. Launched at a time when the women’s rights were fiercely debated and when politicians feared for the longevity of the “French race,” this article claims the medal as a revealing tool of state efforts at gender and racial retrenchment. Honoring mothers who were moral and metropolitan, the medal represented an early attempt at institutionalizing a conservative and racialized vision of motherhood that would find fuller expression in the 1939 Family Code, itself a blueprint of Vichy family law.
18
Chathuant, Dominique. "Dans le sillage de la marine de guerre, pouvoir et Eglise en Guadeloupe (1940-1943)." Bulletin de la Société d'Histoire de la Guadeloupe, no. 103 (February 15, 2018): 40–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1043290ar.
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Genoud, bishop in Guadeloupe from 1912 to 1945, became an unquestioning partisan of the new regime when, in 1940, Marshal Pétain established the government of the National Revolution. Bishop Gay become Genoud's coadjutor in 1943 ; he eventually succeeded him at the head of the diocese. He arrived in Guadeloupe a little after the joining of the island to De Gaulle ’s France. Because of Genoud's well-known unquestioning petainism one may wonder if Jean Gay did not owe his position to a religious purge. According to documents issued by the Minister’s office in charge of the colonies at that time, such a conclusion has to be disproved. In fact, Bishop Genoud was surrounded by government officials that the Vichy regime in Guadeloupe quickly got rid of. The latter opened negotiations with the highest religious authorities to flank Genoud with a coadjutor sympathetic to the National Revolution : Jean Gay. At the same time the regime continued to assure the bishops of its official aid. But the war delayed the new coadjutor’s trip. Ready to leave in the early months of 1943, the German and later the Italian authorities gave him permission to leave for Rome. He was then taken to Spain and Portugal. It is at that time that Admiral Robert, high commissioner to the French Caribbean, realized he had no alternative but to give up to obey Vichy. It appears that Gay was contacted in Lisbon by the Free French whose government was in Algiers. He had to continue his journey with the Allied Forces. Portuguese Guinea, Liberia, Brazil, the Guianas and Trinidad followed one another until the plane landed in Martinique. After a few hesitations, the Gaullist authorities accepted to let him go to Guadeloupe where he landed on August 10, 1943. But what were the real reasons for such an interest in a religious leader by the colonial authorities ? This was probably linked to the picture the ruling circles had of the Church, circles that considered the latter, rightly or wrongly, as a way to maintain power at a time when theology of liberation was unheard of.
19
Guzzi, Diego. "L'affaire Papon. Crimini contro l'umanitŕ nella Francia di Vichy." TEORIA POLITICA, no. 1 (May 2009): 77–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/tp2009-001004.
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- The trail of prominent functionary Maurice Papon, that played out in Bordeaux between October 1997 and April 1998, gave rise to a wide-ranging political, legal and historical debate that this article intends to examine. They were the first criminal proceedings where a French citizen was accused of complicity in crimes against humanity and were an occasion for public reflection on the guilt of the Vichy government. It was actually only in the Eighties and Nineties after decades in which the phenomenon of collaborationism had been removed from official debate that France started to investigate the responsibilities prefectures and the police had had in the deportation of the Jews. Through a re-examination of the events in the Papon affair, it is therefore possible to reconstruct the steps in a complex path along which the past was revised albeit with the reticence and silence of the Fourth and Fifth Republics often slowing down the procedure. At the same time, the process represents a stimulating starting point for us to meditate once again on the intricate question of the relationships existing between memory, history and law.
20
Trojanowski, Krzysztof. "Francuskie homobiografie w cieniu swastyki." Białostockie Studia Literaturoznawcze, no. 23 (2023): 81–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/bsl.2023.23.06.
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The article presents the plight of homosexuals in the Nazi occupied France. The provision discriminating against homosexual people was introduced into French penal code in 1942. It was put forward by the collaborative Vichy government promoting moral improvement and the cult of procreation. However, as the article claims, homosexuality was not a considerable obstacle in the professional career or politics, which applied both to the collaborators as well as members of the resistance. Such writers as Jean Genet, Henry de Montherlant or Jean Cocteau would hide their sexuality behind literary fiction. The most known French victim of that discriminating law was Pierre Seel, a prisoner of concentration camp who was from Alsace incorporated into German territory. The anti-homosexual discriminatory provision was annulled as late as in 1982.
21
Bennassar, Laure. "Histoire des services d'orientation sous l'occupation allemande." L’Orientation scolaire et professionnelle 19, no. 1 (1990): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/binop.1990.1315.
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The 1938 ordinance that marked a decisive step in the development of streaming in vocational guidance was actually enforced during World War II during which about sixty centres were created throughout the country. Some centres not only provided a follow-up of the professional training of young people (mostly apprentices) but they collaborated with the Commission for the Employment of Young People (“Commissariat au Travail des Jeunes”). They selected the Commission's managerial staff and inspected the working sites it had set up, especially those of the youth organization created and supported by the Vichy government, “les Compagnons de France” ; The Commission for the Employment of Young People chose to train its own professionnal counsellors and for that purpose set up a training centre in Clermont-Ferrand. Nevertheless, many a counsellor joined the underground movement, the “Resistance”, in occupied France as well as in southern France.
22
Bartrop, Paul R. "Genocide and the Defeat of Memory." Genocide Studies International 14, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/gsi.2021.12.13.03.
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Where genocide is concerned, the uses of memory and time are many. Time is encoded in memories, and the persistence of memory is one of the hallmarks of our humanity. Memory relative to the study of genocide is fraught with divisions. The term is often misunderstood, such that any example of human rights abuse can often become “genocide” in popular discourse. It can be abused and applied for political, ideological, or dogmatic ends. France in the aftermath of World War II provides a case in point, when both genocide perpetration and genocide victimhood took place simultaneously through the collaborationist French government at Vichy. This presents us with an illustration of the uses of memory in a situation of genocide. This essay considers those who shape memory, where any discussion relating to the use of memory needs to consider what happens when parochial actors seek to exploit historical memory (or historical amnesia) for reasons other than a quest for scholarly truth.
23
Nevin, Barry. "Pays des brumes." Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 48, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 65–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2022.480104.
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Whereas the aesthetics and politics of poetic realism in French prewar cinema have been analyzed in depth, the extent to which poetic realism persisted in French cinema of the Occupation and the textual space that it created for spectators within this cultural context remain comparatively neglected. Responding to this critical oversight, this article analyzes Christian-Jaque’s Voyage sans espoir (1943) and Jean Grémillon’s Lumiére d’été from three perspectives: first, it evinces iconography in each that was central to the 1930s poetic realist films directed by figures such as Marcel Carné, Jean Renoir, and Jacques Feyder; second, it illustrates how poetic realism’s characteristic focus on gender was reconfigured during the Occupation; third, it determines how these aesthetic and social aspects spoke to French society under occupation. This article ultimately argues that poetic realist praxis persisted during the war years and constituted a major vector of resistance against German rule and the Vichy government.
24
Birot, Ludovic, Christophe Pecout, and Coyte Cooper. "Cinema Sports News (1940–1944): Between Factual Information and Propaganda." International Journal of Sport Communication 1, no. 2 (June 2008): 219–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ijsc.1.2.219.
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The aim of this study was to analyze the cinema news produced during the German occupation of France (1940–1944) to better understand how information and news about sports were used to disseminate propaganda. Sports held a much bigger place in the cinema news of that time than in today’s televised news. Given the keen interest in sports information shown by the Nazi propagandists, the authors sought to determine how competitive sports and, more broadly, athletic practices were used by the German Reich and the Vichy government to advance propagandist goals. They found that sports information was presented in 2 manners. For spectator sports, a strategy of news “screening” was used to prevent unwanted images from national and international competitive matches from being seen. For the sports practiced by the French population, films dealing with these sports were made. Both types of documentary film were found to have propagandist goals, with images manipulated to change the population’s lifestyles to better serve the political regime in place.
25
Kocher, Matthew A., and Nuno P. Monteiro. "Lines of Demarcation: Causation, Design-Based Inference, and Historical Research." Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 4 (December 2016): 952–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716002863.
Abstract:
Qualitative historical knowledge is essential for validating natural experiments. Specifically, the validity of a natural experiment depends on the historical processes of treatment assignment and administration, including broader macro-historical dynamics. But if validating a natural experiment requires trust in the ability of qualitative evidence to establish the causal processes through which the data were generated, there is no good reason for natural experiments to be considered epistemically superior to historical research. To the contrary, the epistemic status of natural experiments is on a par with that of the historical research on which their validation depends. They are two modes of social-scientific explanation, each with its own pros and cons; neither is privileged. We illustrate this argument by re-examining an important recent contribution to the literature on violent conflict: Ferwerda and Miller’s 2014 natural experiment estimating the causal effect of the German decision to devolve authority to the Vichy French government on violent resistance during World War II.
26
Mabon, Armelle. "Solidarité nationale et captivité coloniale." French Colonial History 12 (May 1, 2011): 193–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41938216.
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Abstract After the debacle of June 1940, many French soldiers were imprisoned. While the combatants from metropolitan France left for Germany, those from the colonies were sent to frontstalags throughout occupied France. Welfare services and support organizations were solicited to assist this group materially and to give them moral support. This captivity in metropolitan regions led to an unexpected rapprochement with the French population, especially since the actions of the Resistance managed to intensify under the cover of these organizations, facilitating the escape and transfer to the Maquis of these prisoners from the colonies. This is perfectly illustrated by the commitment of the great ethnologist Germaine Tillion. Even the Vichy government recognized all the benefits they could derive from these privileged contacts and sought to use this collective solidarity to spread a colonialist propaganda about the "subjects" of the empire fallen into the hands of enemies whose nationalistic positions they especially feared.
27
FREEMAN, KIRRILY. "Incident in Arles: Regionalism, Resistance and the Case of the Statue of Frédéric Mistral." Contemporary European History 16, no. 1 (February 2007): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777306003614.
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AbstractOn 11 October 1941 the Vichy government passed legislation mandating the dismantling and smelting of French bronze statues and monuments in the public domain. Crippled by copper shortages and bound by the terms of the Franco-German armistice, the etat français sought to ‘mobilise’ all potential sources of non-ferrous metals, including public statuary. The statue of Mistral in Arles was one of the monuments that were dismantled. The destruction of this tribute to the Provençal poet and founder of the Félibrige sparked considerable protest and opposition, but from an unusual quarter – supporters of Pétain's National Revolution. The case of the destruction of the statue of Mistral in Arles reveals the intersection of regionalism and resistance in wartime France and challenges many of our perceptions about both these movements.Ame de Mon PaysAme éternellement renaissanteAme joyeuse, fière et viveQui hennis dans le bruit du Rhône et de son vent!Ame des bois pleins d'harmonieEt des calanques pleines de soleilDe la patrie, âme pieuseJe t'appelle! Incarne-toi dans mes vers provençaux!1
28
Caroff, André. "Le Secrétariat Général de la Jeunesse et l'orientation professionnelle sous le régime de Vichy." L’Orientation scolaire et professionnelle 19, no. 1 (1990): 25–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/binop.1990.1314.
Abstract:
From 1940 to 1944, apprenticeship, vocational training and vocational guidance were a bone of contention between the Direction of Technical Training and the General Secretariat for Youth - a new administration created by the Vichy government. The balance of influence being as it is, both vocational guidance and the vocational training of qualified workers seem to fall under the responsibility of the Secretariat. After a period of cooperation ending in a crisis, a partition intervened. The Secretariat received the responsibility of the vocational training and guidance of young people in “Vocational Training Centers”. Meanwhile, the implementation of the Labour Charter called in question the responsibility of the Ministry of Education over technical schools and apprenticeship. A transfer of competencies towards professional corporations was considered, implying overall control by other ministries. In this context, the problem of vocational guidance would necessarily have been reviewed. These ups and downs explain the stand taken by the vocational guidance services after the Liberation, which led to a much closer integration within the ministry of Education.
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Cooper, Olivia. "Within the Confines of Legality." Undergraduate Research Journal for the Humanities 2, no. 1 (April 1, 2017): 32–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17161/1808.23871.
Abstract:
The Œuvre de secours aux enfants (the “Society for Children’s Aid”, or OSE) was one of several humanitarian organizations working within the confines of the Rivesaltes transit camp in southern France during the Second World War. The OSE, a Jewish humanitarian aid organization, was particularly concerned with Jewish child prisoners in transit and internment camps like Rivesaltes. Members of the OSE entered Rivesaltes camp on a daily basis throughout the war in order to distribute food and offer supplementary educational opportunities to the young children interred there. Its primary objective, however, was to oversee the safe removal of as many Jewish children as possible from Rivesaltes. To do this, the OSE relied on its established children’s homes throughout the country, as well as new ones that were instituted during the war, to petition the Vichy government for the liberation of Jewish children from Rivesaltes. These procedures were expensive, bureaucratic, and lengthy; however, they allowed the OSE to secure the release of many Jewish children from Rivesaltes and other camps. Throughout the course of the Second World War, the OSE—operating legally and transparently—succeeded in liberating hundreds of Rivesaltes’s youngest prisoners.
30
Yagil, Limore. "Rescue of Jews in France 1940–44: The Jesuit Contribution." Journal of Jesuit Studies 5, no. 2 (April 26, 2018): 199–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00502002.
Abstract:
Until recently, most Holocaust historians have devoted little attention to the topic of Jesuit priests who gave Jews shelter and helped them, in defiance of the orders of Vichy Government or the Germans authorities. In order to understand how it was possible for about 250,000 Jews in France, not to be deported, and to find help among the population, it is important also to take into account the activities of Jesuits providing hiding places for several hundred children and also adults. Most of them were able to obey their conscience, and disobey orders, and to act illegally in order to rescue Jews. Rescuers were not working alone, but generally they developed networks including also non-religious people. Above all, this study reveals us how much it was important to accomplish rescue in a collaborative group of rescuers: the network. This study also reveals much about the modalities of rescuing Jews in France in different regions. Most Catholic rescuers had been engaged before the war in a spiritual and theological way with anti-Nazi activities, especially in helping refugees, and in resistance to anti-Semitism and racism. It was indeed the Catholics, and especially the Jesuits and Dominicans, who raised the most attention regarding the Nazi danger, and this prepared them to act in rescuing Jews after 1940 in France.
31
Gudzevich, A. "FEATURES OF THE ORGANIZATION OF THE ADMINISTRATIVE- TERRITORIAL ORGANIZATION OF THE EASTERN PODILS REGION." Ukrainian Journal of Natural Sciences, no. 1 (January 28, 2023): 71–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/naturaljournal.1.2023.71-88.
Abstract:
The article examines the historical and geographical aspects of the experience organization of the administrative-territorial system of the southeastern part of Podilsk Transnistria, which still does not have a synthetic expression of this problem, in order to identify the possibilities of its application to improve functioning in conditions of decentralization. In particular, attention is focused on the establishment of transformation processes of the administrative-territorial system at the sub- regional level of the national territorial structure, taking into account its historical and geographical features throughout the entire time period, in unison with the formation of Ukraine (from ancient times to the present). The research is based on the complex use of general scientific and special scientific methods, which made it possible to cover all aspects of the scientific problem. On the basis of the basic territorial-temporal dimension, the diversity of the administrative-territorial organization of the subregional level is characterized, which is the result of the influence of various factors (historical, geographical, military-political, ethno-cultural) and reflects its main forms in the conditions of statehood (public self-government, the Vichy of Kyiv Rus, Galicia -Volyn Principality, Hetmanship, UNR, Ukraine), occupation regimes (Golden Horde, Lithuanian Principality, Polish and Romanian Kingdoms, Commonwealth of Independent States, Ottoman, Russian and German (Third Reich) Empires, Soviet Union). The study of the realities of the transformation of the administrative- territorial system of the southeastern part of Podilskyi Transnistria over a period of more than a thousand years allows us to holistically trace the peculiarities of the creation and functioning of local self-government at the sub-regional meso level, which is valuable in view of the decentralization of executive authorities and the state's strategic European integration course. The results of the research can be used in further historical-geographical studies of the administrative- territorial system of Transnistria and neighboring regions, in particular, to solve urgent problems of the territorial organization of the district-level administrative unit; for the preparation of lecture courses on general or thematic regional studies, primarily geographical and historical.
32
Duroux, Rose. "Help of neutral countries in the return to life of the Women deportees from Ravensbrück camp. The Spanish Women case." Culture & History Digital Journal 8, no. 2 (December 30, 2019): 024. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2019.024.
Abstract:
Nothing more usual than to find Spanish refugees of 1939 in the French Resistance as they continued their fight against fascism. Therefore, hundreds of Spaniards where caught in the nets of the Vichy Government and the Gestapo. They are imprisoned in the French jails (Toulouse, Montluc, Fresnes, Compiègne, etc.) alongside the French Resistant women. Both will be piled up in wagons to the camps of the Third Reich. Many ended at the women’s camp in Ravensbrück. Usually, the Spaniards were labelled “F”, “French”, because they were arrested in France. This “F” was part of the “red triangle” of the “political prisoners”. Some were even classified NN (Nacht und Nebel), i.e. called to disappear without a trace. As they were recognized by nobody (neither the French nor the Spaniards), this means: no mail, no parcels. They held on for life thanks to the links they forged randomly across blocks, satellite camps, languages, affinities... However, many died. For some of them, the release arrived in April 1944, thanks to “neutral” countries initiatives: in fact, a few Spanish women were able to slip into the Red Cross convoys transiting through Switzerland, which were initially reserved for French women. Others returned by Sweden. Others, finally, faced the apocalyptic evacuation of the camps of 1945 and the “marches of death”. We propose to study “the return to life” helps through some cases – obviously return to France since there could be no possible repatriation for these Spanish anti-fascist survivors, as the victory of the Allies did not affect General Franco’s power. After returning to France, this help continued for two or three years, in particular thanks to convalescent stays in Switzerland, Sweden and somewhere else, and thanks to one-off material contributions from the Swiss Grant (“Don suisse”) or from various organizations.
33
Federman, Sarah. "Rewriting Institutional Narratives to Make Amends: The French National Railroads (SNCF)." Narrative and Conflict: Explorations in Theory and Practice 3, no. 1 (May 26, 2016): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.13021/g87s3v.
Abstract:
In 1940, France, threatened with total annexation by Nazi Germany, signed an armistice agreement with Germany that placed the French government in Vichy France and divided the country into an occupied and unoccupied zone. The Armistice also requisitioned the rolling stock of the SNCF—French National Railways—which became a significant arm in the German effort, transporting soldiers, goods, and over 75,000 deportees crammed into merchandise wagons toward Nazi extermination camps. Between 3,000-5,000 survived. Of the roughly 400,000 SNCF employees, Nazis murdered a couple of thousand for resistance or alleged in subordination. Railway men who resisted the Germans also often has to resist their employer as well. After the liberation of French at the end of WWII, the company—not simply the brave individuals -- received France’s Medal of Honor for its alleged role in the ultimate defeat of the Germans. This medal, along with other postwar propaganda in the form of films and books, instilled a singular narrative about the company’s heroic wartime role. This narrative continued uninterrupted until the 1980s. Those who returned, along with the relatives of many who did not, increasingly challenge the company’s simplified wartime narrative. In the 1990s, lawsuits against the company began in France and continue through 2016 in the United States. In response, the SNCF made efforts to intertwine story of deportation with the company narrative of resistance. One key forum for this attempt was a colloquium held in 2000 at the Assemblée Nationale in Paris.That colloquium is examined here through the lenses of three forms of narrative analysis: structural, functional, and post-structural. Each analytic frame illuminates different challenges to that colloquium’s attempts at revising history through altering a mystified institutional narrative. Through the analysis of this case, the author establishes the power of these analytic frameworks when examining problematic discursive spaces that hold in place master narratives and limit moral work.
34
Koybaev, Boris G. "Iran in the Military-Political Situation of the Near and Middle East on the Eve and During the Great Patriotic War." Vestnik of North Ossetian State University, no. 4 (December 25, 2022): 69–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2022-4-69-74.
Abstract:
The outbreak of the Second World War and the direct preparation of fascist Germany for an attack on the Soviet Union to the limit aggravated the military-political situation in the Middle East region. This was expressed in the increasingly noticeable crystallization of liberation ideals, the growing struggle for the independence of peoples under foreign oppression. In many countries of the Near and Middle East, a democratic, anti-fascist movement was spreading. So, in response to the actions of the “Vichy government” after the surrender in July 1940. France, which put the territory of Syria under the control of the German-Italian authorities, began anti-fascist demonstrations. The anti-fascist movement was also growing in Iraq. Iraq provided the British military command with the opportunity to use the country’s territory to deploy its military units, as well as the infrastructure for the transit of military equipment and food, mainly to Iran for the needs of allied forces. Saudi Arabia has provided an opportunity for the United States, as an ally in the anti-Hitler coalition, to build the largest military air base in the Middle East in Dhahran. The military-political situation in Turkey, Iran and Afghanistan, neighboring with the Soviet Union, developed especially intensively. These countries occupied an important place in the strategic plans of the Hitlerite command. As a result of the active and large-scale agent activity of fascist Germany in Turkey, the Turkish-German pact “On Friendship and Non-aggression” was signed, which secured the Balkan flank of the fascist troops and was the last link in the preparation of the war against the USSR. For Turkey, it meant openly joining the anti-Soviet policy of fascist Germany.
35
Jones, Ellen Carol. "James Joyce, Displacement, Human Rights: Introduction." James Joyce Quarterly 60, no. 3 (March 2023): 261–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jjq.2023.a905379.
Abstract:
ABSTRACT: Joyce—as a "voluntary exile" and at times a forcibly displaced person—wrote at a time of colonialism, rebellions against imperialism, civil wars, world wars, genocidal persecutions, and the global movements of people. Migrants, refugees, asylum-seekers: these are the people fated to survive—if they survive—in what Hannah Arendt in The Origins of Totalitarianism calls the "barbed-wire labyrinth" of degrees of statelessness. Although Joyce was never forced into conditions of absolute statelessness as Jews in territories controlled by Nazis and Fascists were forced, his family and he were subjected to displacements from Austro-Hungarian Trieste during World War I and from Vichy France during World War II. This essay reconsiders these displacements, as well as Joyce's assistance to Jews to escape Nazi control, in relation to current global displacements and concerns about human rights. To write the history of the future—albeit a "future conditional"—Joyce explores the structural social injustices and power asymmetries of the past that still haunt and control the present. Of the over 103 million forcibly displaced people throughout the globe (approximately 1 of every 77 people worldwide), the majority will remain stateless for more than 15 years—or permanently—because no state acknowledges political or moral responsibility for them. By seldom admitting any but de jure refugees, governments refuse obligations to others who are stateless, rendering them politically, legally, and ontologically invisible. Belonging "to no internationally recognizable community whatever," they are thus, Arendt suggests in Responsibility and Judgment , outside "of mankind as a whole." The "future conditional" Joyce envisions, especially in Ulysses , stems from an ethics of commitment to those whose humanity others devalue.
36
Fomin, A. M. "British Policy and Strategy in the Middle East in 1941: Three Wars ‘East of Suez’." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, no. 3 (November 20, 2020): 191–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-3-191-221.
Abstract:
After the defeat of France in the summer of 1940, Great Britain was left face to face with the Nazi Germany. It managed to endure the first act of the ‘Battle of Britain’, but could not wage a full-scale war on the continent. Under these conditions, the defense of the British positions in the Mediterranean and in the Middle East became a top priority for W. Churchill’s cabinet. The author examines three episodes of Great Britain’s struggle for the Middle East in 1941 (Iraq, Syria, Iran), framing them into the general logic of the German-British confrontation during this period.The author emphasizes that potential assertion of German hegemony in the Middle East could have made the defense of Suez almost impossible, as well as the communication with India, and would have provided the Reich with an access to almost inexhaustible supplies of fuel. Widespread antiBritish sentiments on the part of the local political and military elites could contribute greatly to the realization of such, catastrophic for Britain, scenario. Under these circumstances, the British government decided to capture the initiative. The paper examines the British military operations in Iraq and Syria. Special attention is paid to the complex dynamics of relations of the British cabinet with the Vichy regime and the Free France movement. As the author notes, the sharpest disagreements aroused on the future of Syria and Lebanon, and the prospects of granting them independence. In the Iran’s case, the necessity of harmonizing policies with the Soviet Union came to the fore. The growing German influence in the region, as well as the need to establish a new route for Lend-Lease aid to the USSR, fostered mutual understanding. After the joint Anglo-Soviet military operation in August-September 1941, Iran was divided into occupation zones. Finally, the paper examines the UK position with regard to the neutrality of Turkey. The author concludes that all these military operations led to the creation of a ‘temporary regime’ of the British domination in the Middle East. However, the Anglo-French and Anglo-Soviet rivalries had not disappeared and, compounded by the growing US presence in the region, laid basis for new conflicts in the post-war period.
37
Ujazdowski, Kazimierz M. "Ocalenie Republiki. Charles de Gaulle wobec tradycji republikańskiej (1940-1946)." Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne 64, no. 2 (October 31, 2018): 211–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/cph.2012.64.2.09.
Abstract:
Contrary to the common belief, the Fifth Republic could not be established as a Republican monarchy. In France the idea of a republic was created by the French Revolution and its values were shaped in the fundamental confrontation with the monarchist tradition. The specifically understood idea of a nation’s sovereignty the formation of which was influenced by Rousseau’s though, as well as the ideas of the indivisibility and lay character of the republic, constituted a completely new model of statehood. In such a situation, the synthesis of antagonistic traditions was not possible. Although de Gaulle had been brought up in a family of pro-monarchist attitudes, he followed the state patriotism idea and was a supporter of the Republic as a durable basis for France’s existence. His views matured under the influence of French Republican nationalists Charles a Peguy and Maurice Barres, who inspired young de Gaulle and shaped his state patriotism. Later in his life de Gaulle’s idea was not so much to reconcile the monarchist and the republican tradition, but to create a republic that would integrate different families of ideas. This concept was also induced by manner of understanding the role of Christian obligations due to the public sphere. Following the spirit of the Catholic-liberal “Correspondent” de Gaulle believed that in the world shaped by the Revolution’s heritage Christian ideas do not need to be deemed to be defeated. During World War II, de Gaulle, then the leader of Free France, consistently strengthened the French Republican tradition in the Vichy dispute. In the years 1944-1946, as head of the temporary government, he made sure that Republican principles constituted the foundations of the post-war France. De Gaulle developed the state model of economy and the social character of the French republic. His decisions laid the Republican principles in the French Constitution and refer clearly to the Declaration of Human and Civil Rights of 1989 in both French post war constitutions. That is why the 5th Republic could only be established as an institutional variation within the framework of the Republican axiology.
38
Brossard, Baptiste, and Gary Alan Fine. "The Problem of Pétain: The State Politics of Difficult Reputations." Sociological Perspectives, March 15, 2021, 073112142199750. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0731121421997501.
Abstract:
How do governments commemorate salient national figures with contested reputations? The case of Marshal Philippe Pétain, whose fame followed World War I (WWI), but was later stigmatized for having led the Nazi-affiliated Vichy regime during World War II (WWII), suggests that political leaders consider the interests of competing groups. In the case of Pétain, these include veterans’ organizations, Jewish heritage groups, leftists, and, eventually, the rightist National Front. State leaders attempt to reconcile these pressures in the hope of avoiding politically damaging conflicts. Successful commemorations reinforce the legitimacy of the State as the guardian of symbolic compatibility between visions of history and morality. Recognizing memorialization as political process, we describe how Presidents of France attempt to distinguish an honorable Pétain from a dishonorable one. We describe four strategies by which states address difficult reputations: erasing, selecting, reconciling, and differentiating. Competing groups may create ambiguous meanings, attacking the State, while keeping distant from those with difficult reputations.
39
Adams, Jacqueline. "Why Jewish Refugees Were Imprisoned in a Spanish Detention Camp While Fleeing Europe (1940–1945)." Journal of Modern European History, December 8, 2022, 161189442211304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/16118944221130464.
Abstract:
One route out of continental Europe for Jewish refugees seeking to escape Nazi and Vichy persecution was via Franco’s Spain. Yet hundreds of these refugees were imprisoned soon after arriving in the country. From prison, men of military age tended to be sent to a detention camp for weeks, months or up to three years. This camp was known as the ‘Campo de Concentración de Miranda de Ebro’, and conditions in it were harsh. Why were Jewish men sent there? They were interned in the camp because senior Spanish officials created a series of policies that spelt out what officials and officers should do with different categories of foreigners who had entered the country without all the necessary documents. These policies did not target Jews. They were influenced by large population movements within France and from France into Spain; by the pro-Axis and pro-Allies leanings of senior officials; and by pressure that the British, American and German ambassadors in Madrid put on the Spanish government. Between September 1940 and January 1943, the policy determined that provincial governors were responsible for deciding what to do with newly arrived foreigners. Provincial governors’ membership in the Falange, a Germanophile party, may have influenced their decisions. While interned in the camp, many Jewish refugees saw their visas to their final destinations and boat tickets out of Europe expire, and they endured hunger, illness, separation from their family and other conditions that were detrimental to their health.