Academic literature on the topic 'Vichr (Firm)'
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Journal articles on the topic "Vichr (Firm)"
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Houbre, Gabrielle. "Rééduquer la jeunesse délinquante sous Vichy : l'exemple du « Carrefour des enfants perdus » de Léo Joannon." Revue d’histoire de l’enfance « irrégulière » N° 3, no. 1 (October 1, 2000): 159–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhei.003.0159.
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Le problème de la rééducation des délinquants juvéniles a toujours inspiré la fiction cinématographique. Après une courte présentation des oeuvres françaises consacrées à cette question, l'auteur analyse Le carrefour des enfants perdus . Ce film de Léo Joannon présente la position officielle du régime de Vichy. Avec sa rhétorique du chef, c'est une bonne représentation de l'idéologie de la Révolution nationale.
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Durand, Sébastien. "LES ENTREPRISES FRANÇAISES FACE AUX OCCUPANTS (1940–1944)." French Politics, Culture & Society 37, no. 2 (July 1, 2019): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2019.370201.
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Amid severe shortages of raw materials, labor, and transportation, companies in occupied France (1940–1944) sought alternative paths to what is commonly called “economic collaboration.” They worked to find substitute supplies, convert to new product lines, alter their manufacturing methods, and even adapt to the black market. But few businesses could avoid the question of whether to provide goods and services to the occupier. The opportunities to do so were widespread, though they varied according to occupation, economic branch, and the passage of time during the Occupation. The German occupiers thus benefited from the French economy. With decisive help from the Vichy regime, the occupiers managed to force, induce, or entice French enterprises into their war economy—be they large industries formerly mobilized for French national defense, small and medium-sized firms, or agricultural producers.
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Heap, R. B., and R. G. Dyer. "Sir Barry Albert Cross, C. B. E. 17 March 1925–27 April 1994." Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 44 (January 1998): 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsbm.1998.0007.
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Barry Cross was born at Coulsden, Surrey, the second son of Hubert and Elsie Cross (nee Richards). Hubert Cross was a life assurance cashier with Scottish Provident in the City of London. In the First World War he served with the Honorable Artillery Company in Palestine as ‘a private and proud of it’. Untroubled by career ambitions he was content with a routine job, family life, and playing rugby at county level. His sons remembered him as kind, firm and a little distant, while their mother was more indulgent and the provider of puddings. With the possible exception of Penuel Cross, a paternal great–grandfather, who was a bass chorister and lay vicar at Winchester Cathedral for 43 years, there was little trace of a creative or scholarly impulse on either Barry's father's or mother's side. Yet Barry and his younger brother John (who became Professor of Politics at University College Cardiff) had academic ambitions and well thought–out career goals from an early age. As Barry was later to write:
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Bugge, David. "Vi kommer ikke ud af os selv." Dansk Teologisk Tidsskrift 80, no. 2-3 (September 16, 2017): 94–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dtt.v80i2-3.106350.
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Based on the sermons of K. E. Løgstrup as a young vicar, thearticle reflects on a thought-figure that is also characteristic of his laterwritings: man withdraws into himself, and redemption must come fromthe outside. This self-imprisonment is, not least, due to man’s self-important ‘opinions’, whether ethical or religious, that pre-vent a real interpersonal encounter. However, according to Løgstrup, also any ethicsof duty implies a (Pharisaic) ‘self-doubling’. Hence the ethical demand isnot a de-mand for ethics, as is often assumed, but a demand for love. Inthis way, the notion that ‘doing one’s duty’ or ‘standing firm’ is the essenceof life, as suggested by the Løgstrup-inspired psychologist Svend Brinkmann (in his otherwise well-placed cri-tique of the ‘religion of the self’), neglects the very core of Løgstrup’s thinking. Ul-timately this notion implies a self-assertion and, from a Løgstrupian point of view, misses the sense of immediacy, of radical interdependence (i.e., with no dichotomy between self love and neighbour love), and of redemption coming from the outside when somebody else holds my life in his or her hand.
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Birot, Ludovic, Christophe Pecout, and Coyte Cooper. "Cinema Sports News (1940–1944): Between Factual Information and Propaganda." International Journal of Sport Communication 1, no. 2 (June 2008): 219–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ijsc.1.2.219.
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The aim of this study was to analyze the cinema news produced during the German occupation of France (1940–1944) to better understand how information and news about sports were used to disseminate propaganda. Sports held a much bigger place in the cinema news of that time than in today’s televised news. Given the keen interest in sports information shown by the Nazi propagandists, the authors sought to determine how competitive sports and, more broadly, athletic practices were used by the German Reich and the Vichy government to advance propagandist goals. They found that sports information was presented in 2 manners. For spectator sports, a strategy of news “screening” was used to prevent unwanted images from national and international competitive matches from being seen. For the sports practiced by the French population, films dealing with these sports were made. Both types of documentary film were found to have propagandist goals, with images manipulated to change the population’s lifestyles to better serve the political regime in place.
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Landwehr, Margarete J. "Empathy and Community in the Age of Refugees: Petzold’s Radical Translation of Seghers’ Transit." Arts 9, no. 4 (November 19, 2020): 118. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts9040118.
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Petzold’s film constitutes a radical translation of Seghers’ novel by transforming her tale of political refugees in Vichy France into an existential allegory depicting the fluidity of identities and relationships in a globalized world. The transitory existence of Petzold’s war refugee serves as an extreme example of the instability of modern life, which allows spectators to identify and empathize with migrants’ unpredictable journeys. Moreover, the director conveys the universality of his protagonist’s story by portraying him as an Everyman bereft of distinctive personality traits, by intermingling the past (Seghers’ plot) with the present (contemporary settings), and by situating his experiences in non-descript, liminal “non-places.” Both thematically and aesthetically, narrative is portrayed as establishing a community in an unstable contemporary world. Like the anti-hero of many modern Bildungsromane, Petzold’s protagonist fails to develop a stable identity and enduring friendships that anchor him in a community, but he creates his own family of listeners through his storytelling. In a similar vein, the film’s voice-over/narrator that bridges the fictional world with that of the audience underscores the film’s (and the novel’s) central theme: in a world of rapid change and mobility, the individual who may not be able to establish a stable identity or relationships, can create, as a narrator, a community of empathic listeners.
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Walsh, Tim. "‘Signs and Wonders That Lie’: Unlikely Polemical Outbursts Against the Early Pentecostal Movement in Britain." Studies in Church History 41 (2005): 410–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400000358.
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The phenomenon of speaking in tongues was manifested at All Saints’ Parish Church, Monkwearmouth, Sunderland, during the autumn of 1907. This outbreak rapidly became the object of criticism and opposition from a variety of sources, but one of the most vehement, if unexpected, emanated from an organization known as the Pentecostal League of Prayer. This non-denominational body had been established by Reader Harris Q. C. in 1891, and integral to its aims was the promotion of ‘Holiness’ teaching which advocated an experience of sanctification distinct from, and subsequent to, conversion. A network of branches had been established across England, and the Revd Alexander A. Boddy, vicar of All Saints’, had been actively involved in its Sunderland branch prior to 1907. Harris, who was in Sunderland at the time of this new departure in All Saints’, objected to the identification of the ‘gift of tongues’ with what he perceived to be genuine Pentecostal experience. One of the principal ironies of the situation is that his opposition was promulgated in the Pentecostal League’s periodical Tongues of Fire. It is contested that this local controversy represents not only a curious chapter in the history of Protestant polemics against the miraculous, but that it embodied broader ramifications than might first appear, not least in the impetus generated toward the establishment of distinctive Pentecostal identity and orthodoxy.
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Kirkus, M. Geoffrey. "‘Yes, My Lord’: Some Eighteenth and Nineteenth Century Bishops and the Institute of the Blessed Virgin Mary." Recusant History 24, no. 2 (October 1998): 171–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200002466.
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That we may freely and consistently persevere in our intention … we will that … all and each of ours shall make a vow never to seek directly or indirectly nor to allow others to seek … that except the Chief Pontiff to whom alone we humbly beg to be subject, any religious order whatsoever or any person whomsoever or any bishop or any one else appointed by the Pope to visit us, should have us so committed to his charge as to exercise over us authority, power, or jurisdiction.(Memorial of Mary Ward, translated from the Latin original, Archivum Romanum Societatis Jesu, Anglia 31, 11, pp. 675-685).The above are strong words, even from a forthright Yorkshirewoman, and they are almost startling when one considers how submissive, personally, was their author to all authority in the Church. But, in this Memorial, Mary Ward describes the constitution she envisages for her Institute. The firm lines she draws are even more accentuated in her Third Plan of 1622: ‘We most humbly beg that the entire hierarchical structure of this work should depend entirely on the Holy See and not on any other authority’. Another document headed Reasons why we may not alter makes it clear that the proposals admit of no compromise. The genesis of this attitude is not far to seek. Mary Ward considered she had received divine intimation that she was to undertake some new work to the greater glory of God and for this she was to follow St. Ignatius’ Society of Jesus with its direct responsibility to the Holy See. Sr. Immolata Wetter points out that Mary Ward’s ideas were further sharpened by the contemporary situation of the Catholic Church in England: ‘adherence to the primacy of the Pope distinguished the English martyrs and confessors of the faith. For their loyalty to the Vicar of Christ these brave men and women suffered restrictions both in public and private life.
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Borovitskaya, I. V., A. S. Demin, O. A. Komolova, S. V. Latyshev, S. A. Maslyaev, I. S. Monakhov, E. V. Morozov, et al. "Damage of the surface layer of Inconel 718 alloy by pulsed beam-plasma flows." Physics and Chemistry of Materials Treatment 2 (2023): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.30791/0015-3214-2023-2-5-17.
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The damage of the surface layer of the Inconel 718 alloy, prepared by additive technology by selective laser melting with subsequent heat treatment, is studied under the conditions of repeated pulsed exposure to flows of helium ions and helium plasma in two modes of irradiation in the Plasma Focus “Vikhr” facility: in soft mode with energy flux density q0 = 2·108 W/cm2 at pulse duration τ = 50 ns and in hard mode (q0 = 1.5·109 W/cm2, τ = 25 ns). The number of pulsed actions in the experiments was N = 10 and 20. Under the implemented conditions of pulsed irradiation, the processes of sputtering and evaporation of the surface layer of the alloy, as well as its melting and crystallization at a high rate, took place. In this case, the original flat surface of the alloy sample was transformed into a wavy relief containing in some areas a thin film wrinkled in the form of ripples. In the soft irradiation regime, the surface microstructure contained pores, while under more severe energy impacts, surface microcracks and blisters with destroyed shells were also observed. With an increase in the energy flux density q, the intensity of surface erosion (mass loss per pulse) increased. The nature of this phenomenon was influenced by the processes of purification of the alloy surface from elements adsorbed from the external environment before irradiation, as well as deposition of elements of functional materials and impurities of the working gas on the irradiated surface. Features of the formation of the cellular microstructure of the surface layer of the investigated alloy under the realized conditions of beam-plasma impacts were revealed. Using numerical simulation, the redistribution of the fractions of the energy absorbed by the material spent on the evaporation and melting of the irradiated surface layer was established in comparable irradiation modes.
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Paci, Viva. "Quaresima, Leonardo, Alessandra Raengo et Laura Vichi (direction). I Limiti della rappresentazione. The Bounds of Representation. Censorship, the Visible, Modes of Representation in Film. Udine : Forum, 2000, 469 p." Cinémas: Revue d'études cinématographiques 10, no. 2-3 (2000): 235. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/024825ar.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Vichr (Firm)"
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Lees, David William. "Vichy on film : the portrayal in documentary propaganda of life under Occupation, 1940-1944." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2014. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/75487/.
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During four years of Vichy rule and German Occupation, French cinema audiences were exposed to a multiplicity of filmed propaganda. Documentary films formed an important part of the cinema experience in the dark years, and from March 1943 were made obligatory in cinemas across the entire French nation. The documentaries produced, commissioned, funded and sanctioned by the cinema section of the Vichy propaganda ministry, the Secrétariat Général à l’Information (SGI), were, though, distinct from any other propaganda produced by the Vichy authorities. Far from promoting exclusionary and potentially divisive themes like anti-Semitism and collaboration, Vichy documentary films throughout all four years of Occupation projected an image of life under Pétain which was frequently idealised and represented a more moderate approach than that taken in radio or poster propaganda. Drawing on themes which had been the subject of popular support before the Occupation, in particular the family, the Empire and French international standing, along with popular symbols like the tricolore and the Marseillaise, these films ignored the upheavals of the defeat and exode of June 1940 and instead seemed to suggest that life continued as it had done before the creation of the Vichy regime. This thesis examines for the first time the continuity of themes from before the Occupation in Vichy documentary film and investigates why documentaries were so distinct from the content and approach of other Vichy-produced propaganda, especially radio and posters. By examining career trajectories and interests of those responsible for documentary production, the thesis sheds new light on the motivations of Vichy’s functionaries. The close examination of the nature of the themes and values from before the Occupation conveyed in Vichy documentary film therefore advances our knowledge regarding the competing ideas and interests at work in the dark years of Occupation.
Books on the topic "Vichr (Firm)"
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Les documenteurs des années noires: Les documentaires de propagande, France 1940-1944. Paris: Nouveau monde, 2004.
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Williams, Tami. Popular Front Activism and Vichy. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038471.003.0006.
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This chapter details the evolution of Dulac's socialist humanist politics under the Popular Front, from her activism and syndicalism or labor union work within the context of the vast cultural movement of Mai '36, to a rather controversial shift that led to her complex political position under the Vichy regime. During this era, from 1936 to 1938, Dulac's activism for the cinema and by way of the cinema blossomed. She undertook several Socialist film projects, and played a major role in restructuring the French film industry and in cultivating a propitious environment for the future of the medium. Her role was central on several fronts, from the nationalization of the industry to the creation of a French cinematheque and a film directors' union.
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Vicar to "Dad's Army". Canterbury Press Norwich, 2002.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Vichr (Firm)"
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Strebel, Elizabeth. "Vichy Cinema and Propaganda." In Film & Radio Propaganda in World War II, 271–90. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003208457-13.
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Semple, Jeanie. "Ambiguities in the Film Le Ciel Est a Vous." In Vichy France and the Resistance, 123–32. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003190387-10.
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Goldsmith, Oliver. "The happiness of a country fire-side." In The Vicar of Wakefield, edited by Robert L. Mack and Arthur Friedman. Oxford University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/owc/9780199537549.003.0006.
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As we carried on the former dispute with some degree of warmth, in order to accommodate matters, it was universally agreed, that we should have a part of the venison for supper, and the girls undertook the task with alacrity. ‘I am sorry,’ cried I, ‘that we have no neighbour or stranger to take a part in this good cheer: feasts of this kind acquire a double relish from hospitality’—‘Bless me,’ cried my wife, ‘here comes our good friend Mr. Burchell, that saved our Sophia, and that run you down fairly in the argument.’—‘Confute me in argument, child!’ cried I. ‘You mistake there, my dear. I believe there are but few that can do that: I never dispute your abilities at making a goose-pye, and I beg you’ll leave argument to me.’—As I spoke, poor Mr. Burchell entered the house, and was welcomed by the family, who shook him heartily by the hand, while little Dick officiously reached him a chair.
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Brozgal, Lia. "The Entangled Stories of October 17, Vichy, the Jews, and the Holocaust." In Absent the Archive, 265–310. Liverpool University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789622386.003.0007.
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In a significant number of works about October 17, roles for Jews, the Vichy regime, and the Holocaust are articulated or imagined, pointing up networks of association that may be historical, apocryphal, real, or romanced. Chapter 6 takes up the question of whether Vichy and October 17 can or should be compared. Beginning a discussion of scholarship that has engaged this question, and with reflections on how Henry Rousso’s “Vichy syndrome” can be mapped onto the October 17 context, this chapter identifies a comparative discourse present in materials collected in the polices archives. After a survey of archival contents and a longer analysis of one particular case, the chapter turns its attention to the anarchive, not to unravel, but rather to observe the cultural entanglements of October 17, Vichy, Jews, and the Holocaust. In analysing works of theatre, film, novels, and young adult literature, chapter 6 speculates about why representations of a massacre of Algerians remain yoked to images and tropes of WWII, while also investigating how such representations function within their discrete literary worlds, and how we might speculate about the payoffs and pitfalls of such entanglements.
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Guillaumot, Julie. "THE AMBITIONS OF AMATEUR FILM IN VICHY FRANCE." In Global Perspectives on Amateur Film Histories and Cultures, 131–48. Indiana University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1b742mb.11.
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Ingle, H. Larry. "Put Not Fire to Flax." In First Among Friends, 90–106. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195101171.003.0008.
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Abstract While waiting for Farnworth to arrive so they could discuss the movement’s future, Fox wasted no time beginning preaching missions in surrounding villages. His successes were many, he reports, but “rude” ones continued to resist his efforts. Rumors spread that he bewitched people to win them over. The crusade in the north was clearly on, and it had just as clearly struck fire, immediate fire: Ulverston’s vicar, William Lampit, took it upon himself to scout ahead of Fox to warn people about the strange doctrines he preached. Fox headed back to Dent where the tithe revolt smoldered and where he found people still responsive to his message. Preaching at Gdsdale, he received word from Margaret Fell that Nayler and Farnworth had arrived at Swarthmoor, so he temporarily banked the coals and returned to Lancashire.
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Goldsmith, Oliver. "The family endeavours to cope with their betters. The miseries of the poor when they attempt to appear above their circumstances." In The Vicar of Wakefield, edited by Robert L. Mack and Arthur Friedman. Oxford University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/owc/9780199537549.003.0010.
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I now began to find that all my long and painful lectures upon temperance, simplicity, and contentment, were entirely disregarded. The distinctions lately paid us by our betters awaked that pride which I had laid asleep, but not removed. Our windows again, as formerly, were filled with washes for the neck and face. The sun was dreaded as an enemy to the skin without doors, and the fire as a spoiler of the complexion within. My wife observed, that rising too early would hurt her daughters eyes, that working after dinner would redden their noses, and she convinced me that the hands never looked so white as when they did nothing. Instead therefore of finishing George’s shirts, we now had them new modelling their old gauzes, or flourishing upon catgut.* The poor Miss Flamboroughs, their former gay companions, were cast off as mean acquaintance, and the whole conversation ran upon high life and high lived company, with pictures, taste, Shakespear, and the musical glasses.
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Berry, Jason. "The Great Fire and Procession for Carlos III." In City of a Million Dreams, 46–60. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469647142.003.0003.
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After decades as a French outback, New Orleans was reborn in the 1770s as a transhipment point for the American Revolution. Lt. Gen. Bernardo de Gálvez became acting governor in 1777. Gálvez recruited black soldiers and Native Americans to fight against the British in a successful campaign. Black militia leaders were awarded medals for their service and promoted, and New Orleanians of color began playing in a military band. The Cabildo functioned as both town council and judiciary, where members fought for political control. Conflicts arose between philanthropist Andres Almonaster y Roxas, provincial vicar Cirilo Sieni de Barcelona, acting governor Esteban Miró, and Spanish missionary priest (and commissioner of the Inquisition) Antonio de Sedella, ending with Sedella being exiled back to Spain. The Good Friday fire of 1788 destroyed much of the city, killing one and displacing thousands. Illness spread in the aftermath. The Spanish rebuilding efforts, led by Miró, preserved the layout of the original French city. Carlos III died in Madrid in 1788. Cabildo members in New Orleans planned a lavish state funeral that included the first account of musicians parading to honor the dead in New Orleans, a tradition that would eventually grow.
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Perzanowska, Agnieszka. "Peregrynacje kielicha mszalnego do katedry krakowskiej." In Studia z dziejów katedry na Wawelu, 135–48. Ksiegarnia Akademicka Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/9788381389211.07.
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Three noble coats of arms are displayed on the fields of the hexafoil base of a silver,gilded late-Gothic chalice from the Cracow Cathedral: Trąby, engraved along with theplant decoration of the base, and on two added small shields – Abdank and Sulima with the initials “P N S D.” In 1959, Adam Bochnak referred to it as a “chalice with theAbdank coat of arms of Bishop Jan Konarski” from the first quarter of the 15th century.However, this origin is contradicted by the fact that the original coat of arms placedon the chalice base was Trąby with the initials “A I,” attributed by Magdalena Adamskaand Krzysztof Czyżewski to Anna Jordan. However, the initials visible next to Trumpetcoat of arms were actually those of Achacy Jordan, the owner of the town of Bobowa.In 1529, at his request, Bishop Piotr Tomicki established a collegiate church witha chapter in Bobowa, for which Jordan funded rich paraments: 12 chasubles, a bell,and silver items – a monstrance and chalices (a golden one and several silver ones).In the 1560s, Achacy’s son, Mikołaj, converted the church in Bobowa into a Protestanttemple. In 1581, Bobowa was devastated by a fire, and the visitation of the church in1608 merely mentioned the loss of the rich paraments. The fate of the chalice remainedunknown for about 100 years until 1663, as were the owners of the coats of arms fromboth added shields. Only in 1663 the cathedral vicar, Grzegorz Czerwinko, placedan inscription on the inner side of the base, stating that the chalice was made for thealtar of St. Catherine in the Cracow Cathedral, as confirmed by the visitation of 1670.Later inventories of the cathedral treasury and visitations do not mention this chalice,however, they provided summary data on the number of liturgical vessels without anydistinguishing characteristics. A 1940 catalog of artworks considered German andintended to be sent to Germany includes a photograph of the chalice with a brief description,without mentioning the coats of arms on it. From 1949 to 1981, the chalicewas kept in the National Museum in Warsaw. The facts of the chalice’s looting and itsreturn were recorded in Wawel Cathedral Chronicle by Fr. Kazimierz Figlewicz.