Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Viceregno'

Il lavoro parte dalla volonta' di approfondire le ricerche su Francesco Potenzano pittore, poeta e oratore palermitano della seconda meta' del XVI secolo. La sua figura e' stata messa in relazione con la situazione politica, culturale e sociale del tempo focalizzando l'attenzione sulla cultura letteraria e figurativa della Sicilia nel secondo Cinquecento. E' stato tracciato il profilo biografico attraverso le fonti e ricostruito il percorso artistico attraverso la fortuna critica e l'analisi delle opere pittoriche e grafiche. Infine e' stata approntata una edizione critica del testo Rime di diversi eccel. autori in lingua siciliana al illustre pittore e poeta S. Francesco Potenzano palermitano con le risposte maravigliose del medesmo nella istessa lingua siciliana.

George Curzon was post-Mutiny India's most imperialist, zealous and youngest Viceroy. From 1899-1905, he attempted to single-handedly implement a 12 point reform programme designed to optimise the efficiency of administration, eliciting fierce opposition and support from the divers other constituents of the Government of India. This thesis examines two basic, intersecting themes that defined the course of George Curzon's Viceroyalty of India: executive power and the checks upon it. It analyses the degree to which the major constituent components of the Government of India successfully delineated and fenced in the boundaries of Viceregal power by their own, and the extent to which they collaborated with each other to do so, with reference to internal administration. The clashes over polity in the seats of power had roots in the past intimacies of the dramatis personae; impressions gained at Eton were carried over, and influenced relationships in Whitehall. Cross-disciplinary theories of power are used to explain Curzon's relations with his provincial governors in Madras and Bombay Presidencies, the United Provinces and Punjab, and the Indian Army, the senior Indian Civil Service, the Viceroy's Council, the nascent Indian National Congress and public opinion in India, the British Cabinet, the India Office, the Secretary of State and the Council of India in London. The factors that helped and hindered Curzon in his quest to integrate these disparate elements into an efficient administrative framework run along the lines he wished provide clarity to the ambiguities present in official motives and actions. Underpinning the thesis as a secondary theme are Curzon's relations with Lord Ampthill, his longest serving Governor (in Madras) and locum in 1904, which illustrate the evolution of a relationship that started off in expected acrimony, but evolved into a partnership of mutual respect and administrative collaboration.

This thesis presents a life geography of Mary Curzon during the time she occupied the position of Vicereine of India, 1898-1905. Informed by gender and post-colonial theory I contextualise Mary Curzon within the culture of empire in India and at home. This thesis adopts the framework of the incorporated wife to address the imperial and domestic subjectivity of Mary Curzon and stresses the importance of reading her life situated within a fluid understanding of her negotiation of 'home' and 'empire'. This thesis has been shaped around the thematic reading of Mary's life divided into three parts that reflect Mary's negotiation of viceregal life; her corporeal concerns and her direct negotiation of'India'. I address Mary's position as an incorporated wife drawing attention to her roles as hostess, philanthropist and political companion. I address the extent to which Mary was able to exert agency within these roles and thus negotiate the boundaries of the incorporated framework. I develop the framework of the incorporated wife by analysing the nature of 'home' to Mary. I argue that the material homes of Mary in India were 'incorporated residences' which acted as 'contact zones'. I argue that despite the intense mobility of imperial life in India Mary found mechanisms through which she found stability. I address Mary's negotiation of the 'conceptual' space of home within the colonial metropolis. The framework of the incorporated wife has prioritised women's 'public' roles at the expense of their corporeal concerns. To address this problem I present the illness narratives of Mary Curzon contextualised within the discourses of imperial health in India. This thesis charts the way in which Mary conceptualised disease and how she responded to the disease environment of India in terms of her physical response and her representations of illness to those at 'home'. I develop an intimate history of the body by drawing on Mary's reproductive concerns and seek to integrate Imperial motherhood within the framework of incorporation. I argue that Mary's imperial subjectivity cannot be separated from her domestic subjectivity. Mary's negotiation of motherhood occurs across the spaces of empire, this reiterates the need to see 'home' and empire' as contiguous spaces. Mary negotiated the space of India most directly during the viceregal tours of India. I address the production of her tour journals and the audience for whom she was writing. The organization of the Viceroy's tours of India encouraged Mary to view India in a specific way. I address this 'frame' in terms of Mary's audience and her own periods of transgression. The space of the hunt within the tour is addressed. I follow the argument that the British sought to adopt the mantle of the Mughuls through sporting activities. However I question the extent to which the Viceroy exhibited 'mastery over nature' as Mary's diaries reveal the way in which representations of the Viceroy's hunting prowess through photographs and trophies were often illusions, which mask the reliance placed on the Indian host by the Viceroy. Finally I address the bodily space of the hunt, and highlight the gendered positioning of Mary's body within this space. I conclude by drawing together the themes of Mary's life through the lens of the 1903 Coronation Durbar held in Delhi.

This thesis explores the changes introduced in the Spanish system of viceregal rule, both in Peninsular Spain and the Spanish America, during the reigns of Philip V (1700-1724 and 1724-1746). It argues that these changes reflect broader transformations in Spain's politics and political culture accelerated by the arrival of the Bourbon dynasty. In particular, the thesis documents the gradual emergence of three characteristics associated with the transition from a judicial to an administrative monarchy: the introduction of new decision making and implementation procedures which prioritise executive government and limited consultation; the consolidation of a new understanding of the role of monarchical government which places less emphasis on the provision of justice and more on the king's responsibilty for matters of economic government and development; and a reshuffling of the elites which make up governmental institutions in favour of individuals with direct connections to the new royal household, distinguished more for their loyalty, administrative efficiency or military merit than for their social status and distinctions. The thesis studies the suppression of viceregal rule in the Crown of Aragon, the initially failed but later successful attempts to establish a third viceroyalty in Spanish America, and the changing social origins, and career paths of the men appointed as viceroys through the period as well as the changing expectations placed on them. The thesis highlights important parallels between the reforms introduced in Peninsular Spain and Spanish America, both in their aims and the personnel chosen to implement them. It thus suggests that Spanish ministers during the first half of the eighteenth century often espoused the opinion that the Crown should look at the Indies, in the words of José del Campillo, 'as a sizeable portion of the Monarchy in which it is possible to implement the same improvements as in Spain'.

The economy of favor was an essential mechanism in the construction of monarchical and colonial power, encouraging the loyalty of subjects and a more effective control of the territory. Through an analysis of the residencia of don Pedro Osores de Ulloa, this article aims to examine the role of Charcas’s second visita and land composition judge in the exercise of colonial favor. The research suggests that land and the assignment of its property, mediated by Osores de Ulloa, formed the basis of loyalty and patronage relationships that strengthened viceregal power in Charcas and articulated different layers of power.
La economía de la gracia era un mecanismo esencial en la construcción del poder monárquico y virreinal, al fomentar la lealtad de los súbditos y el control efectivo del territorio. A partir de la residencia de don Pedro Osores de Ulloa, este artículo examina el rol del segundo juez de visita y composición de tierras charqueñas en el ejercicio de la dádiva virreinal. En ese sentido, se postula que la tierra y la cesión de los derechos a su propiedad, mediatizadas por Osores de Ulloa, constituyeron la base de relaciones de lealtad y patronazgo que afianzaron el dominio virreinal sobre los vecinos charqueños al tiempo que articularon las distintas esferas jurisdiccionales del poder.

La tesi si propone di indagare la produzione in bronzo a Napoli, in rapporto alla scultura di grande formato, in un arco cronologico che va dagli anni novanta del Cinquecento fino agli anni settanta del Seicento. Lo studio mira a dimostrare come nella capitale del Viceregno, a cavallo tra i due secoli, si assista alla nascita e sviluppo di una tradizione fusoria locale al pari di altri centri dell'industria del bronzo della Penisola come Firenze, Milano, Roma e il Veneto. Il primo capitolo circoscrive i ''contesti del bronzo'' a Napoli, nello specifico l'Arsenale e le corporazioni dedite alla lavorazione dei metalli. La macchina della committenza, oggetto del secondo capitolo, funge da osservatorio privilegiato per misurare il mutamento del gusto condizionato dai dettami tridentini. Gli Ordini degli Oratoriani, dei Gesuiti e dei Teatini furono i principali interpreti delle istanze postconciliari e veicolo per l'arrivo nel Viceregno di artisti e architetti provenienti da Roma. La seconda parte del lavoro intende tracciare una storia della scultura in bronzo napoletana, che tenga conto della collaborazione con i fusores quali co-autori delle opere in metallo. Il terzo capitolo si apre con Michelangelo Naccherino (1550-1622), la cui attività viene riletta alla luce di una nuova documentazione e di un possibile viaggio a Roma. L'analisi dell'attività di comprimari come Andrea Bolgi (1605-1656), Christophe Cochet (1606-1634), Camillo Mariani (1567-1611), Tommaso Montani (doc. 1593-1622), Cristoforo (doc. 1583-1622) e Giovan Domenico Monterosso (doc. 1603-1630) contribuisce a tracciare un quadro più articolato. L'avvio verso il barocco (1635-1669), il quarto e ultimo capitolo della tesi, è incentrato sulla decorazione del Tesoro di San Gennaro, dalla serie bronzea dei Santi Protettori di Giuliano Finelli (1601-1653) alla travagliata gestazione della Cancellata di ottone di Cosimo Fanzago (1591-1678). In parallelo, il caso del convento dei Santi Apostoli offre l'occasione per fare un bilancio sull'arrivo e diffusione a Napoli di modelli romani attraverso il legame con la Casa madre di Sant'Andrea della Valle. La tesi è corredata da un Repertorio degli scultori e fonditori attivi a Napoli dal 1596 al 1669, in cui sono raccolte le notizie edite e inedite su questi artefici, e da un apparato illustrativo, in gran parte inedito, condotto attraverso un'apposita campagna fotografica.

La presente tesi ha come oggetto privilegiato di studio la famiglia del Riccio, mercanti fiorentini a Roma e a Napoli, tra la metà del Cinquecento e i primi anni del Seicento. La ricchezza dell’Archivio Naldini del Riccio di Firenze ne ha permesso uno studio sistematico ed approfondito, basato, principalmente, su materiale documentario inedito. Le vicende dei del Riccio Baldi sono prese in esame dalla fine del Quattrocento, quando alcuni di loro si trasferirono a Firenze da Tavarnelle, fino alla metà del Seicento, quando, cioè, potrà dirsi compiuta la loro trasformazione da mercanti in cortigiani. L’interruzione della narrazione si spiegherà con il radicamento in città dei membri della famiglia, non con la sua estinzione, avvenuta nel 1772. Dopo un capitolo introduttivo, sarà illustrata la personalità di Luigi del Riccio, cruciale per la costruzione dell’identità dell’intero “clan”. Impiegato presso il banco romano degli Strozzi, agente del duca Cosimo nel 1540, egli fu anche e soprattutto amico di Michelangelo, che gli disegnò la sepoltura di suo nipote, “Cecchino” Bracci. Resosi conto dell’uso identitario e del prestigio dell’amicizia con l’artista e della fiera rivendicazione di repubblicanesimo che l’esposizione di una copia michelangiolesca rappresentava, egli commissionò a Nanni di Baccio Bigio una copia della Pietà vaticana per la cappella di famiglia in Santo Spirito. Alla morte di Luigi, suo fratello Antonio, completò la cappella fiorentina, tentando, al contempo, di vendere alcune colonne di porfido a Cosimo I, così da assicurarsene il favore. In questi anni, avvenne il passaggio da una posizione di ambiguità nei confronti del neonato ducato ad una sua più convinta e –soprattutto- necessaria accettazione. Emulando la famiglia Olivieri, con la quale erano imparentati, alcuni del Riccio, cugini di Luigi, erano presenti anche a Napoli nel secondo Cinquecento. Tra il sesto e il settimo decennio del secolo, infatti, la comunità fiorentina locale fondò una nuova chiesa “nazionale” anche grazie al contributo dei fratelli Guglielmo e Pierantonio di Giulio, che dotarono una propria cappella e acquisirono poi alcune case. La commissione al pittore senese Marco Pino per la pala d’altare della loro cappella napoletana mostrava chiaramente l’uso che s’intendeva fare dell’amicizia con Michelangelo. Fu probabilmente il rientro a Firenze di Guglielmo a riattivare il desiderio di manifestare la trascorsa amicizia. Dal 1568 in poi, le attenzioni di “visibilità” di Guglielmo si spostarono, quindi, su di una cappella fiorentina che sarebbe stata decorata nel 1579 con una copia del Cristo della Minerva, realizzata da Taddeo Landini. Il passaggio dal ‘500 al ‘600 segnò anche, almeno per alcuni del Riccio, quello da mercanti a patrizi. Se già Guglielmo aveva acquistato, nel 1575, un piccolo feudo nel vice-regno, solo il figlio Francesco sviluppò le nuove prerogative nobiliari, attraverso commissioni e acquisti artistici mirati. Suo cugino Luigi, d’altra parte, fu l’ultimo a risiedere con una certa continuità a Napoli. Qui, nel 1596, commissionò una lastra terragna a Giovanni Antonio Dosio, mentre, rientrato a Firenze, trasferì la casa familiare in un palazzo in via Tornabuoni. Alcuni dei suoi figli, Francesco Maria e Giulio, risiedettero poi a Roma e il primogenito fu anche impiegato presso la famiglia Barberini, un’esperienza determinante per le ultime commissioni prese in esame. In generale, però, già dal rientro a Firenze di Luigi, commissioni e acquisti artistici si erano fatti meno originali e ne era scaturita una certa omologazione al gusto del patriziato fiorentino. Nell’epilogo, si tratteggerà la storia della famiglia nella sua fase finale. Le due generazioni di del Riccio vissute tra Sei e Settecento riuscirono a raggiungere importanti riconoscimenti da parte dei Granduchi, tuttavia, quando nel 1772 morì Leonardo Maria, ultimo del suo ramo, la sua eredità passò ai Naldini, figli di sua sorella Caterina. Nell’Appendice A, infine, alcune tracce documentarie assicureranno, almeno dal tardo Seicento, la permanenza nella collezione del Riccio della “piccola Madonna Cowper” di Raffaello, oggi alla National Gallery of Art di Washington D.C.

This study examines the place of the Inca elites in the Peruvian viceroyalty through the analysis of extant material culture and the documentary record from the mid-seventeenth to the late-eighteenth century. Inca history and genealogy appear as disputed fields in which Spaniards, Creoles, Mestizos, and Indians continually reassessed history and their place in it in light of changing political and social circumstances. Privileging a broad notion of 'text,' visual and written documents are read as integral parts of highly charged debates between various constituencies, all of whom were fighting for social and political standing in a shifting Spanish colonial order Chapter One provides formal analyses and functional contexts for colonial Inca-style tunics, demonstrating that these objects, produced according to Inca aesthetics, functioned as indexes of the Indian elites' participation in the colonial order and their claims of legitimacy derived from their genealogical connections to the ancient Incas. Chapter Two provides an iconological interpretation of the presence of Incas in canvases commissioned to adorn churches, convents, and colleges in Cuzco. All these paintings participated in competing programs about the legitimacy of the Spanish conquest, the legal fiction of a peaceful cession from Inca to Spanish sovereignty, and the place of the Indians and their elites in the colonial symbolic regime. Chapter Three studies the institution of the electoral college of the Alferez Real de los Incas. The institution's charter highlights the ambiguous social position of the Inca elite as a subjected but privileged sector of colonial society. Chapter Four analyses the courtly career of Juan de Bustamante Carlos Ynga, a Mestizo from Cuzco of Inca descent whose successes and failures in Madrid had a powerful impact among the aspiring but discontented Indian elites in Peru, as evidenced in their copious epistolary exchanges Finally, Chapter Five discusses the subversion of the colonial symbolic order, delineated in the previous chapters, by the Spanish authorities themselves, interested, at the end of the eighteenth century, in formulating a new colonial paradigm that minimized the symbolic construction of colonial legitimacy and undermined the place of the Indian elites in the revamped order
acase@tulane.edu

The political significance of portraits of Charlotte of Saxe Coburg Gotha (1840- 1927) has been obscured by her historical liminality and by romantic myths that have prevailed since the late nineteenth century and influenced interpretations of her visual representations. This thesis reassembles a wide range of images of Charlotte and analyzes these as sequential representations of an individual participating, across diverse cultures, in defining episodes of the nineteenth century. Strategies of allegory, programmatic intertextuality, and revisionism are revealed when these images are read within their political circumstances of production and complicate the dominance of a few late, iconic portraits of Charlotte and their entrenched associations. The use of costume, essential in certain portraits commissioned during Charlotte’s childhood in Belgium, is revisited in images depicting her during a brief position as Vicereine of Lombardy- Venetia and in another dating from her role - of equal brevity but indelible historical resonance - as Empress of Mexico. The significance of dress is explored in relation to agency and political influence and as demonstrating compliance with, or negotiation of, gender conventions. Charlotte’s public life was abruptly terminated upon her 1866 return to Europe by a diagnosis of ‘madness.’ Napoleon III was withdrawing troops supporting the Mexican Empire and her journey was made seeking to reverse this decision. I speculate a painting by French artist Edouard Manet allegorically records this episode of Charlotte’s life and that other factors relating to this episode subsequently influenced the erasure of her imperial images until their reappearance in the twentieth century.
Thesis (Ph.D, Art History) -- Queen's University, 2008-11-28

Pour respecter les droits d’auteur, la version électronique de cette thèse a été dépouillée des documents visuels. La version intégrale de la thèse a été déposée au Service de la gestion des documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.
Pendant la période coloniale, le grand sujet de la nature fut différemment instrumentalisé selon les intérêts particuliers des secteurs distincts de la société coloniale péruvienne. Fondamentale comme outil d'évangélisation, mais surtout comme espace de canalisation de la religiosité et de la spiritualité coloniale, la nature a su se manifester de manière diverse dans la production artistique de la vice-royauté du Pérou. Dans cette thèse, nous nous penchons sur le phénomène de la représentation de la nature dans la peinture andine coloniale, en nous concentrant en particulier sur la région occupée actuellement par le Pérou et la Bolivie, et sur une périodisation qui comprend principalement les XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles. Ce travail cherche à approfondir une problématique qui a été majoritairement oubliée ou sous-estimée par le discours critique de l’histoire de l’art de la période coloniale. Nous aborderons cette problématique à partir de différentes perspectives. Cependant, l'aspect religieux semble l’élément fondamental pour expliquer les principaux enjeux derrière ce geste pictural. La peinture de la nature et de l'espace fut représentative des valeurs et des fondements spirituels de la religiosité coloniale. Les andins ont pensé la nature comme un moyen de visualiser des expériences métaphysiques profondes, de repenser les identités religieuses et d’accorder aux images des pouvoirs magico-religieux qui s’avéraient essentiels pour le bien-être de différentes communautés. Bien que l’étude des rapports religieux soit indispensable pour élucider cette structure symbolique complexe, tant pour la peinture de paysage (comme unité organique), que pour la représentation des éléments individuels, la représentation de la nature a révélé, dans bien d'autres cas, des préoccupations concrètes directement liées aux circonstances, autant politique qu’ historique, de la société coloniale, en s’adaptant aux changements constants d’un espace et d’une société en transformation. Loin d'être uniquement soumis à l'exercice décoratif, ou dans le cas de la peinture religieuse, de remplir la fonction de contexte pictural, les peintres coloniaux ont valorisé cet élément en l'abordant comme un objet individuel, chargé de pouvoir symbolique et capable de transmettre des messages et de produire des discours, toujours en lien avec les préoccupations des différents secteurs de la société coloniale.
In the colonial period, the great subject matter of nature was instrumentalized by different sectors of Peruvian vice regal society. Essentially as an evangelization tool, but also as a space where colonial religiosity was manifested, the representation of nature was interpreted in different ways by artists and consumers of vice regal paintings. In this dissertation, we analyze the representation of nature in colonial Andean painting, focusing especially on the Central Andean region (currently covered by Peru and Bolivia) in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. This work seeks to move forward on an issue that has been largely underestimated by critical discourse of art history regarding the Latin American colonial period. We will discuss this problem from different perspectives. However, the religious aspect seems to be above all a fundamental element to explain the key issues behind this pictorial manner. The representation of nature was consistent with spiritual values that forged colonial religiosity. Andean people considered nature as a way to visualize deep metaphysical experiences by rethinking religious identities and granting to the images magical-religious powers essential for the well-being of communities. Beyond the religious aspect, we focus on the analysis of other consequences and interests that are related to the different forms of representation of territories and elements of nature, allowing different social groups to assert their ideological, political and cultural positions. The representation of nature and space in colonial painting was never a simple decorative object, nor, in the case of religious painting, did it fulfil the role of scenographic framework and background to pictorial stories. The colonial painters treated this element with particular concern, conceding it special value and narrative powers, according to different preoccupations in colonial society.