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Journal articles on the topic 'Vaudeville'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Harmon, Jenna. "“It Is No Longer in Fashion—More's the Pity”." French Historical Studies 45, no. 2 (April 1, 2022): 219–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-9531968.

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Abstract In a collected edition of his works, Charles Collé declared that “the vaudeville is thoroughly dead,” “killed off” by the latest fad on Parisian stages, the ariette. However, this narrative is in tension with the appearance of vaudevilles across many forms of print media to the end of the eighteenth century. As a result, the print record presents a narrative different from the long-standing trope of the moribund vaudeville in the latter half of the eighteenth century. This article proposes that the story of the vaudeville's demise is actually the effect of a simple but crucial conflation of two distinct song practices, both referred to as “vaudevilles,” and traces this conflation to eighteenth-century musical dictionaries. Finally, it examines extratheatrical vaudevilles in novels, newspapers, and political songbooks, showing that the genre maintained relevancy in spite of narratives to the contrary. Au XVIIIe siècle, Charles Collé a déclaré que « le vaudeville est aujourd'hui totalement tombé », « tué » par le genre musical actuellement à la mode à Paris, l'ariette. Pourtant, cette affirmation est démentie par la présence des vaudevilles dans la culture de l'imprimé pendant la deuxième moitié du XVIIIe, et même les premières années du XIXe siècle. Les sources imprimées nous proposent donc une histoire différente de celle qui décrit un vaudeville moribond au milieu du XVIIIe siècle. Cet article affirme que l'histoire de la mort prématurée du vaudeville est l'effet d'une confusion simple mais cruciale entre deux pratiques chansonnières distinctes, mais également appelées « vaudeville ». Les origines de cette confusion remontent aux dictionnaires musicaux du XVIIIe siècle. Finalement, cet article examine le rôle des vaudevilles extra-théâtraux dans les romans, les journaux, et les chansonniers politiques pour démontrer que le vaudeville a conservé son intérêt malgré les rumeurs de sa mort.

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2

Best, Janice. "Le vaudeville sous la Deuxième République : une arène ouverte aux passions politiques ?" Voix Plurielles 14, no. 2 (December 9, 2017): 35–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/vp.v14i2.1639.

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Lorsqu’on supprima la censure en 1848, on assista à un foisonnement de pièces à sujet politique, notamment au théâtre du Vaudeville. Ces satires politiques connurent d’importants succès, soulignant le rôle du vaudeville comme miroir parodique de la société. Les commentaires politiques ne disparurent pas lorsque la censure fut restaurée en 1850, mais furent l’objet d’une attention accrue de la part des autorités. Dans cet article, je compare trois vaudevilles joués pendant la période de liberté d’expression avec trois autres pièces jouées après 1850 afin de souligner le rôle de contestation politique qui est propre au vaudeville.

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3

Prou, Fanny. "Le vaudeville dans les nouvelles formes théâtrales foraines : privilège et censure." Voix Plurielles 14, no. 2 (December 9, 2017): 4–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/vp.v14i2.1637.

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Dans cet article, nous proposons de réfléchir aux raisons de l’émergence du vaudeville sur les scènes foraines au dix-huitième siècle. Le vaudeville, et plus largement les pièces résultant de leur utilisation (opéra-comique ; pièce par écriteaux, etc.) naissent d’abord en réaction à une politique théâtrale ne laissant la place qu’aux grands théâtres, c’est-à-dire à l’Opéra, la Comédie-Française et la Comédie Italienne. Nous réfléchirons dans un premier temps à une définition du vaudeville tel qu’il est utilisé sur les théâtres de la Foire dans la première moitié du siècle, puis nous nous intéresserons de façon plus concrète à leur utilisation dans des pièces du répertoire forain : nous proposerons pour cela une analyse de deux pièces en vaudevilles : Momus censeur des théâtres, pièce métathéâtrale de Bailly et La Rose de Piron, censurée pour sa grivoiserie.

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4

Romey, John. "Songs That Run in the Streets." Journal of Musicology 37, no. 4 (2020): 415–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2020.37.4.415.

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In the second decade of the eighteenth century, the Parisian théâtres de la foire (fairground theaters) gave birth to French comic opera with the inception of the genre known as comédie en vaudevilles (sung vaudevilles interspersed between spoken dialogue). Vaudevilles were popular songs that “ran in the streets” and served as vessels for new texts that transmitted the latest news, scandals, and gossip around the city. Already in the seventeenth century, however, the Comédie-Italienne, the royally funded troupe charged with performing commedia dell’arte, began to create spectacles that incorporated street songs from the urban soundscape. In the late seventeenth century all three official theaters—the Comédie-Italienne, the Comédie-Française, and the Opéra—also infused the streets with new tunes that transformed into vaudevilles. This article explores the contribution of the nonoperatic theaters—the Comédie-Française and the Comédie-Italienne—to the vaudeville repertoire to show the ways in which theatrical spectacle shaped a thriving popular song tradition. I argue that because most theatrical finales were structured around many repetitions of a catchy strophic tune to which each actor or actress sang one or more verses, a newly composed tune used as a finale had an increased probability of transforming into a vaudeville. Some of the vaudevilles used in early eighteenth-century comic operas therefore originated in newly composed divertissements for the late seventeenth-century plays presented at the nonoperatic theaters. Other vaudevilles began as airs from operas that were also absorbed into the tradition of street song. By the early eighteenth century, fairground spectacles drew from a dynamic repertory of vaudevilles amalgamated from the most voguish tunes circulating in the city. The intertwined relationship of the popular song tradition and theatrical spectacle suggests that the theaters helped to mold the corpus of vaudevilles available to street singers, composers, and playwrights.

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5

Woods, Leigh. "Two-a-Day Redemptions and Truncated Camilles: the Vaudeville Repertoire of Sarah Bernhardt." New Theatre Quarterly 10, no. 37 (February 1994): 11–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x0000004x.

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American vaudeville welcomed a host of important stage actors into its midst during the generation between the mid-1890s and the end of the First World War, and in 1912, following appearances in British music halls, Sarah Bernhardt became vaudeville's centrepiece in its own war with the legitimate theatre for audience and status. By way of exchange, she received the highest salary ever paid to a ‘headlined’ vaudeville act, while performing a repertoire from which she was able to exclude the sort of light entertainment which had previously typified the medium. Both vaudeville and Bernhardt profited, in very different ways, from this wedding of high culture to low – and in the process a cultural standing seems to have attached itself to exhibitions of pain which legitimised the lot of the morally deviant women she both portrayed and exemplified. Leigh Woods, Head of Theatre Studies at the University of Michigan, explores the ways in which the great actress thus maintained a demand for her services well after the eclipse of her legendary beauty and matchless movement.

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6

Milchina, Vera A. "1817: Parisian Everyday Life in Vaudeville and in the Novel." LITERARY FACT, no. 1 (27) (2023): 131–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2541-8297-2023-27-131-156.

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The article deals with two reflections of the everyday life of Paris in 1817: in the vaudevilles “Living Calendar” and “Battle of the Mountains,” composed and staged exactly in this year, and in Victor Hugo’s novel Les Misérables, which was published in 1862. The whole chapter of the novel is devoted to listing the heterogeneous and petty facts of the daily life of Paris in 1817. It turns out that the optics of direct observers (half-forgotten vaudeville artists) and the famous novelist, who described events after four decades, differ very much. The everyday life of vaudeville and the everyday life of the novel present two different images, although they are dated by the same 1817. Hugo tries to simulate everyday trivia of 1817, but in fact he paints an extremely subjective and biased picture by increasing dates and facts blunders and diligently looking for such details that can compromise the Bourbon Restoration era as much as possible. We can hardly judge what trivia really interested the people of 1817 from the chapter “1817.” We could learn much more about it from the ephemeral vaudevilles, since they had captured a picture of everyday life in 1817 on fresh tracks. Hugo does not say a word about the clever dog Munito, the opening of the special storage chambers for canes in theatres, the appearing of new social type clerks-“calicos” etc., but forgotten vaudevilles remind of that.

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7

Johnston, Joyce Carlton. "Taking Humour Seriously: Women and the Theatre of Virginie Ancelot." Nottingham French Studies 53, no. 3 (December 2014): 267–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nfs.2014.0092.

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With twenty-one single-authored plays staged at Paris’ premier theatres during the 1830s and 1840s, Virgine Ancelot produced more theatrical works than any other French woman dramatist of the period. Despite her success, Ancelot's comedies and vaudevilles have received little critical attention. Contrary to the light façade common throughout much of her theatrical work, Ancelot's plays underscore the inequality and injustices experienced by women of her time. Her use of humour to simultaneously conceal and accentuate her attacks within the most public of literary genres indicates that a reconsideration of Ancelot's theatre is overdue. This study illuminates the simultaneous evolution of Ancelot's humour and her desire to pinpoint inequities surrounding the feminine condition through an examination of some of her most successful theatrical works: Le Château de ma nièce (1837 – Théâtre français), L'Hôtel de Rambouillet (1842 – Théâtre du Vaudeville) and Follette (1844 – Théâtre du Vaudeville).

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8

Woodside, Mary S. "Reflections in an Eastern Mirror, or Performance of a French Vaudeville in Russia." Canadian University Music Review 23, no. 1-2 (March 6, 2013): 84–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1014519ar.

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Exceedingly popular in their day, Russian vaudevilles and opera-vaudevilles of the first third of the nineteenth century are not available in modern orchestral scores. Although many of these musical comedies are known to be adapted from French works, for the most part the original French titles are unknown, as are the differences in French and Russian treatments of musical numbers. Focussing primarily on Pisarev's Babushkiny popugai [Grandma's Parrots] (St. Petersburg, 1819), this article compares the original French vaudeville with its Russian adaptation on several points: libretto, performance venues, and musical treatment, the latter based in part on manuscript sources of Alexei N. Verstovsky's orchestral scores.

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9

Woods, Leigh. "Blue Vaudeville: Sex, Morals and the Mass Marketing of Amusement, 1895–1915. By Andrew L. Erdman. Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 2004; pp. 198. $39.95 cloth." Theatre Survey 46, no. 1 (May 2005): 132–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557405240097.

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Vaudeville makes a sprawling subject. Under the social and commercial shocks that swirled around it, vaudeville could scarcely afford to be more innocent than it needed to be. In Blue Vaudeville, Andrew Erdman follows a single, generally naughty-but-nice strand within the huge volume of vaudeville performance.

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10

Hodin, Mark. "Class, Consumption, and Ethnic Performance in Vaudeville." Prospects 22 (October 1997): 193–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300000107.

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During the last decade of the 19th century, vaudeville became the nation's most popular entertainment form, drawing unprecedented numbers of spectators and appealing to members of diverse socioeconomic groups by staging a rapid succession of acrobats, comedians, legitimate theater stars, pet-tricks, and dramatic sketches. In a cultural scene that Lawrence Levine and others tell us was marked by the historical separation between legitimate and mass cultural practices, critical observers (then and since) have greeted the diversity of vaudeville's audience and the range of its performance with a mixture of surprise and liberal enthusiasm.

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11

Rainer, Yvonne. "Pedagogical Vaudeville 3." PAJ: A Journal of Performance and Art 23, no. 1 (January 2001): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3246489.

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12

Berlatsky, Noah, Lydia Millet, and Mike Newirth. "The Literary Vaudeville." Baffler 12 (March 1999): 85–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/bflr.1999.12.85.

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13

Mohler, Elkin. "Christine Bold. “Vaudeville Indians” on Global Circuits, 1880s–1930s." Modern Drama 66, no. 3 (September 1, 2023): 433–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/md-66-3-rev02.

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“Vaudeville Indians” on Global Circuits, 1880s– 1930s recovers five decades of vaudeville performers portraying “Indian” characters on North American and international stages. Drawing from archival research, Christine Bold focuses on the lives of eight vaudevillians, including Indigenous actors as well as non-Indigenous performers committing ethnic fraud to perform as “Indian” on popular stages.

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14

Mallison, Françoise. "Charlotte Vaudeville (1918-2006)." École pratique des hautes études. Section des sciences historiques et philologiques. Livret-Annuaire 138, no. 21 (2007): 43–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ephe.2007.13135.

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15

Berman, Ron. "Vaudeville Philosophers: "The Killers"." Twentieth Century Literature 45, no. 1 (1999): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/441665.

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16

Wilkie, Ian. "Vaudeville comedy and art." Comedy Studies 4, no. 2 (January 2013): 215–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/cost.4.2.215_1.

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17

Callicles, Pepper, Owen Hatteras, and Tom Vanderbilt. "The Literary Vaudeville: Reissues." Baffler 10 (September 1997): 100–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/bflr.1997.10.100.

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18

Woods, Leigh. "Sarah Bernhardt and the Refining of American Vaudeville." Theatre Research International 18, no. 1 (1993): 16–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883300017545.

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None of Sarah Barnhardt's many biographers has treated her American vaudeville tours as anything more than a footnote to a career remarkable in so many other ways. Examined more closely, Bernhardt's encounter with vaudeville suggests a not always tranquil marriage between high art and popular culture, and it serves as an index to the evolution of a distinctively American form.

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19

Levenson, Erica P. "‘Theatre as a Nursery of Language’: Learning French through Vaudeville Tunes in Eighteenth-Century England." Eighteenth Century Music 20, no. 1 (February 8, 2023): 13–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478570622000343.

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AbstractThis article examines how French vaudeville tunes circulated in England through both theatrical performances and French-language textbooks (or ‘grammars’). My central concern is to consider how audiences in London – who had little exposure to the rich satirical and cultural connotations that these tunes had acquired over years of performance in Paris – might have been able to grasp their significance within staged works performed by visiting Parisian troupes between the years 1718 and 1735. I suggest that in tracing the transmission of tunes from France to England, scholars should consider a wider range of print sources, since vaudevilles had a social life extending beyond the plays in which they were performed. To this end, I focus on analysing vaudevilles found in French ‘grammars’. The pedagogical nature of these sources explicitly puts on display how French culture was translated for an English readership. By comparing the tunes found in grammars with plays that used the same tunes, I reveal both how Londoners could have become acquainted with the Parisian understanding of French tunes and how the grammar books could have shifted the meanings of these tunes for English readers and audiences. Ultimately, the circulation of French tunes abroad through grammars directs our attention to the material and cultural practices undergirding the mobility of eighteenth-century musical culture.

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20

Vysokovich, Kseniya Olegovna. "Light Comedy and vaudeville: specificity of the genre." Litera, no. 1 (January 2022): 91–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8698.2022.1.37247.

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The subject of this research is the light (salon, secular, noble) comedy "One's Own Family, or a Married Bride", co-authored by A. A. Shakhovsky, N. I. Khmelnitsky amd A. S. Griboyedov, as well as the vaudeville by A. S. Griboyedov and P. A. Vyazemsky "Who is a Brother, Who is Sister, or Deception after Deception". The goal lies in the analysis of similar genre models: light comedy and vaudeville – a variety of salon comedy. The key method of research is the motif-imagery analysis, which reveals a number of common a number of motifs and allowed examining the images of heroes. The comparative method is used for establishing the common and different between the indicated genre models. The novelty of this article consists in the comparison of two cognate genre models, as well as determine universals and particulars within their structure. The conclusion is drawn that vaudeville and light comedy are closely interrelated with a wide variety of genres: anecdote, fable, comic opera, interact, melodrama, and often serve as a means for conducting literary polemics. The external distinguishing characteristic of vaudeville is the presence of a verse. Despite the similarity of the fabula. it is worth noting that the light comedy rather tends towards high literary tradition; the external actable comism is reduced, and expressed through the speech manner of the heroes, witty dialogues, and aphoristic speech. The heroes are usually secular young people. The scene is also limited to secular living rooms and manor estates. Vaudeville in turn, is not restricted by the framework of secularism; its heroes can be officers, actors, servants, serfs, etc. Moreover, comism of the status of heroes is enhanced by external effects: buffoonery, multiple outfit changes, rapid and unpredictable narrative arc.

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21

Best, Janice, and Johanna Danciu. "Le vaudeville à travers les âges." Voix Plurielles 14, no. 2 (December 9, 2017): 2–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/vp.v14i2.1636.

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22

DE SIMONE, MARIA. "Sophie Tucker, Racial Hybridity and Interracial Relations in American Vaudeville." Theatre Research International 44, no. 2 (July 2019): 153–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883319000038.

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This article discusses Sophie Tucker's racialized performance in the context of early twentieth-century American vaudeville and black–Jewish interracial relations. Tucker's vaudeville musical acts involved mixed racial referents: ‘black-style’ music and dance, Jewish themes, Yiddish language and the collaboration of both African American and Jewish artists. I show how these racial combinations were a studied tactic to succeed in white vaudeville, a corporate entertainment industry that capitalized on racialized images and fast changes in characters. From historical records it is clear that Tucker's black signifiers also fostered connections with the African American artists who inspired her work or were employed by her. How these interracial relations contended with Tucker's brand of racialized performance is the focus of the latter part of the article. Here I analyse Tucker's autobiography as a performative act, in order to reveal a reparative effort toward some of her exploitative approaches to black labour and creativity.

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23

Emelina, Jean. "Labiche : le comique de vaudeville." Romantisme 21, no. 74 (1991): 83–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/roman.1991.5819.

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24

Edelman, Rob. "Baseball, Vaudeville, and Mike Donlin." Base Ball: A Journal of the Early Game 2, no. 1 (April 1, 2008): 44–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3172/bb.2.1.44.

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25

Mérigeau, Pascal. "«Tout craché ! », les années vaudeville." 1895 Mille huit cent quatre-vingt-quinze 28, no. 1 (1999): 61–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/1895.1999.1411.

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Saul, Scott. "Shlammer: A Gangster-Vaudeville (review)." Theatre Journal 54, no. 2 (2002): 293–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tj.2002.0060.

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27

Edney, Kathryn. "Tony Pastor: Father of Vaudeville." Journal of Popular Culture 41, no. 2 (April 2008): 343–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5931.2008.00510.x.

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28

Bold, Christine, Monique Mojica, Gloria Miguel, and Muriel Miguel. "Outbreak from the Vaudeville Archive." Western American Literature 53, no. 1 (2018): 113–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wal.2018.0032.

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29

Skene, Reg. "Vaudeville for the Television Generation." Canadian Theatre Review 44 (September 1985): 22–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ctr.44.005.

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After an absence of 50 years, commercial theatre returned to Winnipeg five years ago when a local investment group headed by Tom Denton and Ben Haskin remodelled the dying Town and Country Cabaret on Kennedy Street and brought in a Stage West franchise. This October the operation is scheduled to move to larger and more luxurious quarters in the Hudson’s Bay Company’s Georgian Room restaurant, a location which will give Stage West a favoured position on the edge of Winnipeg’s new downtown shopping complex. Once again, dinner theatre is an established habit with enough Winnipeggers to support two-month runs and yet, surprisingly, the Denton-Haskin group still has a monopoly on the form here. Why?

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30

Backer, Samuel E. "The Informational Economy of Vaudeville and the Business of American Entertainment." Business History Review 95, no. 3 (2021): 423–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007680521000489.

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In the early twentieth century, vaudeville was the most popular theatrical form in the United States. Operating before the rise of mechanically reproduced entertainment, its centralized booking offices moved tens of thousands of performers across hundreds of stages to an audience of millions. Designed to gather and analyze data about both audiences and performers, these offices created a complex informational economy that defined the genre—an internal market that sought to transform culture into a commodity. By reconstructing the concrete details of these business practices, it is possible to develop a new understanding of both the success of the vaudeville industry and its influence on the evolution of American mass culture.

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Thomas, Jade. "Remediating the culture industry." English Text Construction 14, no. 1 (September 15, 2021): 94–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/etc.21012.tho.

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Abstract This article examines to what dramaturgical effect Sam Shepard’s political play States of Shock (1991) remediates strategies associated with the culture industry. In plays, spectators forge an interpretation from a medium that is considered ‘hypermedial’ or capable of combining discrete signifying systems such as dialogue, costumes, acting style and scenography at the same time. In States of Shock, genre remediation implicates its audience in the spectacle of war by juxtaposing American war heroism and military ideology with entertaining vaudeville. By examining Shepard’s appropriation of the vaudeville genre in relation to other dramatic signifying systems, the article offers a new and more layered reading of the play’s supposedly ‘blatant’ political message.

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32

Ezawa, Kota. "Screening Rooms—or Return to Vaudeville." American Art 22, no. 2 (June 2008): 11–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/591164.

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Long, Richard A. "VAUDEVILLE AND THE POLITICS OF RACE." Dance Chronicle 24, no. 1 (April 30, 2001): 127–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1081/dnc-100103147.

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34

Ballantine, Christopher. "Concert and Dance: the foundations of black jazz in South Africa between the twenties and the early forties." Popular Music 10, no. 2 (May 1991): 121–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143000004475.

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The explosive development of a jazz-band tradition in South African cities from the 1920s – closely allied to the equally rapid maturation of a vaudeville tradition which has been in existence at least since the First World War – is one of the most astonishing features of urban-black culture in that country in the first half of the century. Surrounded by myriad other musics – styles forged by migrant workers; traditional styles transplanted from the countryside to the mines; petty bourgeois choral song; music of the church and of western-classical provenance – jazz and vaudeville quickly established themselves as the music which represented and articulated the hopes and aspirations of the most deeply urbanised sectors of the African working class.

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35

Shulman, Max. "Anatomy of an Addict: Junie McCree and the Vaudeville Dope Fiend." Theatre Survey 60, no. 2 (April 10, 2019): 261–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557419000073.

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In 1900, performer Junie McCree debuted a new character on the stage of vaudeville theatres in New York City. In a short playlet written by McCree entitled The Dope Fiend; or, Sappho in Chinatown, the actor took to the stage in a black suit, fedora, and thick mustache to perform a comic version of an opium-smoking addict from the West of the United States. McCree's addict was marked by his slumped posture, his wisecracks and chicanery, and a broad assortment of inventive slang that was intended as a sign of the character's frontier roots. Undermining expectations regarding addicts as vicious or subhuman, this vaudeville dope fiend was charming in his insouciance and playfully eccentric in behavior. McCree's interpretation was distinct from the already established stage drunk or tramp clown; he was not sloppy or bedraggled, but more the figure of a slow-moving but cunning saloon poet. McCree quickly became famous for the portrayal, spawning numerous imitators who helped make the vaudeville dope fiend a standard character convention, recognizable to Progressive Era audiences of variety entertainment, but almost entirely ignored by modern scholarship. Dissecting the anatomy of McCree's characterization, including its sources and cultural impact, this article argues for the inclusion of the comic dope fiend in the pantheon of stage characters from the period and calls attention to popular entertainment's contribution to the national debate over drug addiction.

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Funk, Clayton. "An upswing to something better: Social space and the upward climb in vaudeville theatre." Visual Inquiry 12, no. 1 (May 1, 2023): 73–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/vi_00088_1.

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Vaudeville theatre was an important visual form of popular culture and entertainment that featured such specialty acts as comedy and song and dance, as well as lectures, lantern slide shows and motion pictures with subject matter from faraway lands, and themes of American patriotism. American vaudeville began in nineteenth-century saloons as floorshows and burlesque, but it was eventually upgraded to family entertainment, which appealed to middle- and upper-class audiences, before individual theatres were subsumed by franchised theatre chains. Vaudeville theatre directors, who were known as impresarios, programmed an innovative spectrum of acts that ranged from classical music and art to folk songs, and to acrobats, which appealed to a wide range of social classes. Following the theories of Henri Lefebvre, the social space of the theatre became a conceptually dynamic space, where class distinctions blurred and audience members could then dream of life in a higher social station, or what American Mid Victorians knew as ‘self-improvement’. A conundrum emerges, however, when we see that most of the programmes were plentiful with racial, ethnic and gender stereotypes, which were entertaining to White audience members. The vertical social climb of the gilded age in the 1900s was complicated with the social relations of uneasy, decadent consumerism. Individuals driven by desire thought their ‘un-comfort’ might be remedied by entertainment, as they looked for an upswing to something better.

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Courtis, Sarah. "Imitation Artist: Gertrude Hoffmann’s Life in Vaudeville and Dance, Sunny Stalter-Pace (2020)." Studies in Musical Theatre 14, no. 2 (July 1, 2020): 227–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/smt_00036_5.

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Nakayama, Tomoko. "Le vaudeville des chants patriotiques dans La fille soldat de Desfontaines." Voix Plurielles 14, no. 2 (December 9, 2017): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/vp.v14i2.1638.

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Dans la première moitié du dix-huitième siècle, les vaudevilles servaient surtout à un effet comique. Mais l’époque révolutionnaire donne un nouvel essor aux spectacles à vaudevilles. On peut s’interroger dès lors sur les raisons de cette affinité entre le contexte révolutionnaire et les vaudevilles qui revient au goût du jour. Nous allons, pour ce faire, tenter d’analyser les effets produits par des vaudevilles tirés de La fille soldat (1794) de Desfontaines (1733-1825). La particularité des vaudevilles de cette pièce réside dans l’emploi des chants révolutionnaires. La musique et les paroles de ces chants font directement écho à la guerre appartenant à la réalité des spectateurs ou bien, à la scène détachée du contexte de l’air original et employés de manière autonome. Les vaudevilles tirés des chants révolutionnaires attestent de la pénétration des musiques patriotiques dans tous les secteurs de la vie culturelle, même sur les tréteaux dévolus au pur divertissement.

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Huff, Stephen. "The Impresarios of Beale Street: African American and Italian American Theatre Managers in Memphis, 1900–1915." Theatre Survey 55, no. 1 (December 16, 2013): 22–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557413000525.

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Music scholars Lynn Abbott and Doug Seroff have researched what they call “a deep African American vaudeville theater tradition” in Memphis during the first decade of the twentieth century that helped lead the way to the commercialization of the blues. Their body of work provides a very useful and fascinating historical overview of the black vaudeville scene of the time on the national level. This article seeks to broaden that overview, using a much more focused, microhistorical perspective on the history of theatre management on one particular street in one particular, midsized southern city. It argues that in Memphis, the story of African American and Italian American theatre managers shows that realities were often much more complex than histories that portray a rigid and heavily drawn color line have suggested.

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Bold, Christine. "Indigenous Presence in Vaudeville and Early Cinema." JCMS: Journal of Cinema and Media Studies 60, no. 2 (2021): 157–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cj.2021.0008.

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Weintraub, Laural. "Vaudeville in American Art: Two Case Studies." Prospects 24 (October 1999): 339–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300000417.

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In 1891, the influential literary realist William Dean Howells stated that “the arts must become democratic” in order to have “the expression of America in art.” This vision of a democratic culture, though modified, continued to inspire American writers and artists well after the turn of the century. The idea of democracy in American culture remained an important touchstone for conservative as well as progressive-minded writers on art and literature even as modernism took hold in the second decade of the century. For James Oppenheim, for example, editor of the eclectic little magazine The Seven Arts, which published some of the most significant cultural criticism of the day, the role of democracy in American art was an unresolved yet still vital issue. “Our moderns slap democracy on the back,” he wrote in 1916, “but what are they giving it in art?” “Yes,” he goes on to state, “we have magazines that circulate in the millions: we have cities sown thick with theaters: we have ragtime and the movies.” These manifestations are signs of cultural democracy, he implies, albeit devoid of art.

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Shansky, Carol Rena. "‘She’s an expert on the harmonica’: Women, stage shows and harmonica playing." Journal of Popular Music Education 6, no. 2 (July 1, 2022): 217–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jpme_00086_1.

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Female solo harmonica players began to be more commonly heard on stages and radio in the United States in the 1920s–30s. While still a male-dominated arena, several women soloists, male–female duos or women’s groups were featured performers in vaudeville, but also the ‘variety’ or ‘stage shows’ entertainment that emerged as vaudeville declined. Stage shows as well as acts that appeared as a prelude to movies at movie houses took on the air of a more ‘middle-class-friendly’ source of entertainment where women began to find a foothold and developed a reputation as solid performers. This article profiles three of these: The Ingenues, ‘Babe’ Didrickson and Mildred Mulcay. This article begins to fill in the gap of our understanding of the activities and impact of female performers of popular music in the decades before the Second World War.

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Gils, Bieke. "Flying, Flirting, and Flexing: Charmion’s Trapeze Act, Sexuality, and Physical Culture at the Turn of the Twentieth Century." Journal of Sport History 41, no. 2 (July 1, 2014): 251–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jsporthistory.41.2.251.

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Abstract On December 25, 1897, Laverie Vallée, better known by her stage name Charmion, made her debut in Koster and Bial’s vaudeville theater in New York City with a provocative undressing act on the trapeze and demonstrations of her upper-body muscularity. Though part of a wave of female aerialists at the turn of the twentieth century whose performances quite literally “flew” in the face of Victorian values, Charmion was among the first to take advantage of the developing photography, cinema, and print industries to promote her act and was one of Thomas Edison’s first female silent movie subjects. The carnivalesque atmosphere generally associated with vaudeville performers made provocative acts like Charmion’s not only permissible but also very popular. Her performances certainly embodied both desires and fears of a society that was forced to revisit Victorian ideals about women’s sexuality, physical prowess, and the female body more generally.

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Gjerden, Jorunn. "Voix, silences et colonialisme." Bergen Language and Linguistics Studies 10, no. 1 (November 11, 2019): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.15845/bells.v10i1.1462.

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Asking whether silence necessarily equals oppression, and (giving) voice necessarily assures agency, Jorunn Svensen Gjerden’s paper examines voices and silences related to colonial power structures in three francophone literary texts belonging to different historical periods and geographies. In her seminal essay “Can the subaltern speak?”, Gayatri Spivak shows that the pitfalls of colonial and/or gendered epistemic violence are difficult to avoid when speaking on behalf of others. In a similar vein, Édouard Glissant paradoxically suggests that dilemmas of invisibilisation may best be resolved by way of other forms of silence, arguing that the right to psycho-cultural opacity ensures the integrity of individuals through the formation of non-assimilative relationships. Against this backdrop, Gjerden analyses La Vénus Hottentote, ou Haine aux Françaises, a Parisian vaudeville from 1814, which thematises the Khoisan woman Sara Baartman’s performances as the ‘Hottentot Venus’ in Paris the same year. The play constitutes an extreme case of colonial silencing and stereotypical othering that comes across as purely instrumental and therapeutic for its French audience at a moment of national humiliation and division. However, when read alongside J.M.G. Le Clézio’s Le Chercheur d’or (1985) and Kamel Daoud’s Meursault, contre-enquête (2014), two postcolonial novels that in different ways focus on the role of silence for allowing every voice to be heard in a globalised world, the silencing of the vaudeville lends itself to new interpretations. Arguing that the claimed silence of postcolonial theory and literature may thus offer insights into hidden subversive dynamics of silence in colonial literary texts such as the Hottentot Venus vaudeville, Gjerden calls attention to the play’s latent surprising modernity with regard to issues of identity and multiculturalism.

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Razzhivin (Klyuchevsky), A. I. "COMIC FOLK OPERA BY G.R. DERZHAVIN: GENESIS OF THE GENRE." Izvestiya of the Samara Science Centre of the Russian Academy of Sciences. Social, Humanitarian, Medicobiological Sciences 23, no. 79(1) (2021): 136–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.37313/2413-9645-2021-23-79(1)-136-140.

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The article analyzes Derzhavin’s play “A fool is smarter than the clever”. The study of the plot, the typology of characters, poetics, and the musical scale allows discovering an opera-buff and early Russian vaudeville of the early 19th century in the genesis of the play.

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Mason, Jeffrey D. "Performing the American Right: The Bakersfield Business Conference." TDR/The Drama Review 45, no. 2 (June 2001): 109–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/105420402760157718.

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Each year since 1985, the American Right has celebrated itself at the Bakersfield Business Conference. This political vaudeville, a latter-day Chautauqua, is theatre on a grand scale, a well-rehearsed extravaganza featuring former U.S. presidents, former heads of state, athletes, movie stars, and present-day CEOs.

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III, William Howland Kenney. "The Influence of Black Vaudeville on Early Jazz." Black Perspective in Music 14, no. 3 (1986): 233. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1215064.

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Goodeve, Thyrza Nichols. "Houdini's Premonition: Virtuality and Vaudeville on the Internet." Leonardo 30, no. 5 (1997): 365. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1576496.

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Buis, Johann S., and Christopher Ballantine. "Marabi Nights: Early South African Jazz and Vaudeville." Notes 52, no. 4 (June 1996): 1149. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/898382.

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Ermolaeva, Nina L. "The Vaudeville Plot in I.A. Goncharov's Novel “Precipice”." New Philological Bulletin, no. 3 (2021): 124–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.54770/20729316_2021_3_124.

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