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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 25 May 2024

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1

Ładoń, Tomasz. "Between Marius, Cinna and Sulla. The role of the Valerii Flacci in the Roman Republic in the eighties of the 1st century BC." Klio - Czasopismo Poświęcone Dziejom Polski i Powszechnym 58, no. 2 (January 15, 2021): 93–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/klio.2021.014.

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Abstract: Valerii Flacci was one of the most influential families in Rome in the first two decades of the 1st century BC. Cicero called them a nobilissima familia, while they themselves were the apple of the Roman aristocracy and were perceived as the best citizens (optimi cives). During the First Civil War, they were initially associated with the Marian camp. L. Valerius Flaccus (consul of 100 BC) acted as princeps senatus since 86 BC, and his cousin, also L. Valerius Flaccus was consul suffectus in 86 BC, after the death of C. Marius. The brother of L. Valerius Flaccus, Caius, consul of 93 BC, during the reign of Cinna in Rome was the governor of Spain for many years, and later of Transalpine Gaul too. It is known that Valerii Flacci wanted to reach a compromise between Sulla and the Marian camp, and when their efforts failed, they opted for Sulla.Despite the significant role Valerii Flacci played in the Republic, their activities remain overshadowed by other figures of that period. Also, their switch to the Sulla camp in the memory of the ancients was quite poorly recorded, especially when compared with the publicity of the transition of figures such as Metellus Pius, Pompeius or Crassus to Sulla’s side. The author of the presented paper will attempt to coax Valerii Flacci out of the shadows of history, examine the genesis of their defection to the Sulla camp and determine the role they played in this camp in the initial period of Sulla’s dictatorship. Abstrakt: Valerii Flacci byli jednym z bardziej wpływowych rodów w Rzymie w pierwszych dwóch dekadach I wieku przed Chr. Cicero określał ich mianem nobilissima familia, sami zaś stanowili kwiat arystokracji rzymskiej i postrzegani byli jako najlepsi obywatele (optimi cives). W okresie pierwszej wojny domowej początkowo związani byli z obozem mariańskim. L. Valerius Flaccus (konsul 100 roku przed Chr.) od 86 roku przed Chr. występował jako princeps senatus, zaś jego kuzyn, również L. Valerius Flaccus, po śmierci C. Mariusa zastąpił go na stanowisku konsula (jako consul suffectus w 86 roku przed Chr.). Rodzony brat tego ostatniego, C. Valerius Flaccus, konsul 93 roku przed Chr., w okresie rządów Cynny w Rzymie był wieloletnim namiestnikiem Hiszpanii, a później także Galii Zaalpejskiej. Wiadomo, że Valerii Flacci chcieli doprowadzić do kompromisu między Sullą a obozem mariańskim, a gdy ich starania zakończyły się fiaskiem, opowiedzieli się za Sullą.Mimo znaczącej roli, jaką Valerii Flacci odgrywali w Republice, ich działalność pozostaje w cieniu innych postaci owego okresu. Także ich akces do obozu sullańskiego w pamięci starożytnych został odnotowany dość słabo, zwłaszcza jeśli zestawi się go z nagłośnieniem przejścia na stronę Sulli takich postaci jak Metellus Pius, Pompeius czy Crassus. Autor prezentowanego artykułu wydobywa Valerii Flacci z cienia historii, bada genezę ich dołączenia do obozu sullańskiego oraz określa ich znaczenie w tym obozie w początkowym okresie dyktatury Sulli.

2

Toohey, Peter. "VALERIUS FLACCUS." Classical Review 50, no. 1 (April 2000): 54–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/50.1.54.

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3

Taylor-Briggs, P. Ruth. "VALERIUS FLACCUS." Classical Review 48, no. 2 (October 1998): 318–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x98530016.

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4

Ripoll, François. "Mémoire de Valérius Flaccus dans l’Achilléide de Stace." Revue des Études Anciennes 116, no. 1 (2014): 83–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rea.2014.5861.

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The influence of the Argonautica of Valerius Flaccus on the Achilleid of Statius has received little attention from the scholars. A close examination of Statius’ second epic reveals however a deep impregnation by the work of his Flavian predecessor, on many levels : from an occasional reminiscence brought by a contextual similitude to a deliberate allusive strategy. I have tried to classify and study the different types of Valerian reminiscences in the Achilleid from the point of view of its intellectual genesis : incident memory, derived memory, combined memory, diffuse memory, and allusive memory. This inquiry throws light both on Statius’ poetical technique and on Valerius’ literary posterity

5

Manuwald, Gesine. "Valerius Flaccus 1980–2013." Lustrum 56, no. 1 (January 2014): 7–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/lutr.2014.56.1.7.

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6

Liberman, G. "Notes Sur Valerius Flaccus." Mnemosyne 42, no. 1-2 (1989): 111–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852589x00209.

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7

Nagyillés, János. "Gradivus földművesei (Valerius Flaccus 5, 142: ruricolae, Gradive, tui)." Antik Tanulmányok 54, no. 1 (June 1, 2010): 33–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/anttan.54.2010.1.2.

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Valerius Flaccus Argonauticája 5, 142 ruricolae, Gradive, tui kifejezésének értelmezése vitatott: az apollóniosi eredeti mögött valószínűleg egy a görög költő által még ismert, a vasérc mosására vonatkozó forrás állt. Apollónios Rhodios Chalybsökről adott, általa még szó szerint értett információit Valerius Flaccus fordítása a vaskorhoz kapcsolódó római képzetek jegyében romanizálva, metaforikus értelemben adja vissza.

8

Liberman, Gauthier. "Correction ou corruption? La critique du texte de Valerius Flaccus." Mnemosyne 63, no. 2 (2010): 229–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852510x456174.

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AbstractThe author tries to show through close examination of four characteristic passages of Valerius Flaccus’ Argonautica (5.614, 6.709, 7.55-6, 7.162-3) that strained exegesis or quotation of dubious parallels, to be met with in Valerian studies, may be wrong solutions of problems better dealt with if one admits textual corruption.

9

Ripoll, François. "Silius Italicus et Valerius Flaccus." Revue des Études Anciennes 101, no. 3 (1999): 499–521. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rea.1999.4779.

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10

MURGATROYD, P. "AMYCUS' CAVE IN VALERIUS FLACCUS." Classical Quarterly 58, no. 1 (April 18, 2008): 382–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838808000451.

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11

Tatum, W. Jeffrey. "WHY IS VALERIUS FLACCUS A QUINDECIMVIR?" Classical Quarterly 66, no. 1 (April 14, 2016): 239–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838816000227.

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‘Valerius Flaccus knows how to write with elegant precision.’ – R. Syme, Tacitus (Oxford, 1958), 89.Phoebe, mone, si Cumaeae mihi conscia uatis 5stat casta cortina domo, si laurea dignafronte uiret …In these lines, as critics have long recognized, resides evidence for identifying Valerius Flaccus as a quindecimuir sacris faciundis. Emphasis is placed on the tripod emblematic of this sacred office which is here intimately associated with expertise in the oracular communications of the Cumaean Sibyl. The libri Sibyllini, the supervision and interpretation of which were amongst the earliest and most conspicuous of the XVuiri's responsibilities, could be traced to the Sibyl at Cumae (Lactant. Div. inst. 1.6.10-11, citing Varro, even if this connection was less than the entire story from a strictly historical perspective). Wreathes, too, formed part of the XVuir's equipment, and of course during the Imperial period the Sibylline books were deposited in the Temple of Apollo on the Palatine. In little more than two lines, then, one finds an abundance of references that cannot fail to fashion this addressee of Apollo as a quindecimvir.

12

Houghton, L. B. T. "A HIDDEN ANAGRAM IN VALERIUS FLACCUS?" Classical Quarterly 67, no. 1 (March 1, 2017): 329–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838817000015.

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In Virgil's third eclogue, the goatherd Menalcas responds to his challenger Damoetas by offering as his wager in their contest of song a pair of embossed cups, caelatum diuini opus Alcimedontis (Ecl. 3.37), decorated with a pattern of vine and ivy. In the middle of this design, he says, are two figures. One is the astronomer Conon, and the other—at this point Menalcas, afflicted with a sudden loss of memory, professes to have forgotten the name of the second figure, and breaks off into a question (Ecl. 3.40-2): quis fuit alter, | descripsit radio totum qui gentibus orbem, | tempora quae messor, quae curuus arator haberet? Various candidates for the identity of this second astronomer have been suggested, one of the most favoured being Eudoxus of Cnidus, whose Phaenomena had been versified by the Hellenistic poet Aratus. In 1930 it was proposed by Léon Herrmann that Menalcas in fact answers his own question in his reference to curuUS ARATor at Ecl. 3.42: the solution to Virgil's riddle is already written into the question, in the form of the anagram of Aratus concealed within these two words. Strictly speaking, Hermann notes only that ‘Arator au v. 42 évoque le nom d’Aratos’; he and later exponents of the theory tend to ignore the preceding ‘-us’—but there seems no reason to exclude it if an allusion to the Greek poet is to be seen in the two following syllables.

13

Poortvliet, H. M. "Textual Problems in Valerius Flaccus’ Argonautica." Mnemosyne 66, no. 4-5 (2013): 791–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12341241.

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14

Davis, Martha A. "Ratis Avdax: Valerius Flaccus' Bold Ship." Ramus 18, no. 1-2 (1989): 46–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00003039.

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Surprises await the reader who approaches the Argonautica of Valerius Flaccus expecting to find a pleasant but unchallenging version of the content of Apollonius Rhodius' epic retold in Vergilian style. The poem is much more than ‘a thrilling tale that has absorbed and delighted readers and hearers’ and much more than an imitation of the work of two great predecessors. If we consider the matter of story line alone, Valerius differs from Apollonius. He included the rescue of Hesione by Hercules, which was part of the myth of Argo but not used by Apollonius, and he created an entire book (Book 6) full of new material by recounting how Jason and the Argonauts joined Aeetes in a civil war at Colchis. The syntax, long supposed to be Vergilian, on closer examination appears to have departed from Vergil's ways.Valerius made his individuality clear from the beginning of his epic:prima deum magnis canimus freta peruia natis fatidicamque ratem, Scythici quae Phasidis oras ausa sequi mediosque inter iuga concita cursus rumpere flammifero tandem consedit Olympo.(Arg. 1.1-4)I sing the straits first navigable for great sons of gods and the prophetic ship that dared to seek the shores of Scythian Phasis, that dared to burst a course between clashing rocks, that settled down at last on fiery Olympus.

15

Stover, Tim. "Rebuilding Argo: Valerius Flaccus’ Poetic Creed." Mnemosyne 63, no. 4 (January 1, 2010): 640–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852510x456688.

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16

DiLuzio, Joseph. "THE FIRST TRIUMVIRATE AT HOME AND ABROAD IN CICERO'SPRO FLACCO." Greece and Rome 65, no. 2 (September 17, 2018): 175–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001738351800013x.

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In 59bc, in the second half of Caesar's tumultuous year as consul, a certain Decimus Laelius brought a charge of extortion against the former praetor and ally of Cicero – L. Valerius Flaccus. Flaccus had proven instrumental in the suppression of the Catilinarian conspiracy four years earlier. From the beginning of his speechpro Flacco, the orator frames the case in terms of contemporary politics. Though ostensibly about the defendant's alleged misconduct as Governor of Asia, Cicero makes the contest a ‘trial of character’ and argues that the impetus for the prosecution was actually Flaccus’ role in foiling the Catilinarian plot. In contrast with his own heroism as consul and that of his client in preserving the Republic, Cicero portrays the prosecution and its backers as in league with the remnants of Catiline's ill-fated putsch.

17

Davis, P. J. "Jason at Colchis: Technology and Human Progress in Valerius Flaccus." Ramus 39, no. 1 (2010): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00000503.

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For the Argonauts of Valerius Flaccus the Black Sea and its surrounding lands are an alien world. As Argo leaves the Mediterranean behind and enters the Propontis, we are told that the Minyans begin to gain ‘a view into another world’ (alium prospectus in orbem, 2.628). So too when the ship makes its way through the Bosporus, on the point of entering the Black Sea, we are told that the Greeks ‘see all things new’ (noua cuncta uident, 4.424). Clearly this voyage is presented by Valerius as a major event in world history.One question which must confront any reader of Valerius’ poem is whether the effects of this voyage should be viewed negatively or positively. Indeed the poem itself poses that question at the outset, through its inclusion of two versions of Argo's destiny: the negative prophecy of Mopsus (1.211-26) and the more reassuring prediction of Idmon (1.234-38). In this paper I propose to consider aspects of this problem through an examination not of Valerius' treatment of the voyage itself, but of its consequences as they are presented in the second half of the poem.

18

Liberman, Gauthier. "Florian Hurka: Textkritische Studien zu Valerius Flaccus." Gnomon 77, no. 2 (2005): 120–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417_2005_2_120.

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19

Adkin, Neil. "VALERIUS FLACCUS’ LANIABOR-ACROSTIC (ARGONAUTICA 4.177-84)." Classical Quarterly 67, no. 1 (March 13, 2017): 327–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838817000027.

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‘Of course laniabor is not a name.’ Thus very recently Cristiano Castelletti in a discussion of this notorious acrostic, which he associates with Aratean ἄρρητον (Phaen. 2) and Virgilian MA VE PV (G. 1.429-33). If, however, laniabor is itself ‘not a name’, the aim of the present annotatiuncula is to argue that it is an etymological play on a ‘name’. Laniabor spans the description of Amycus’ cave, which is adorned with the dismembered limbs of his victims: Amycus himself will shortly suffer the same fate at Pollux’ hands. The name ‘Amycus’ was etymologized from ἀμύσσω (‘tear’; LSJ s.v. I), which exactly matches lanio (‘tear’; OLD s.v. 1a). Hence by a cutely etymological jeu onomastique ‘Tearer’ says ‘I'll be torn’.

20

Gärtner, Thomas. "Kritische Bemerkungen zu den Argonautica des Valerius Flaccus." Emerita 78, no. 2 (December 30, 2010): 211–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/emerita.2010.v78.i2.496.

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21

Martín, Sandra Romano. "Banqueting Gods in Valerius Flaccus Arg. 5.690-5." Mnemosyne 66, no. 4-5 (2013): 666–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852512x617641.

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Abstract This work offers a new comment and interpretation of Valerius Flaccus Arg. 5.690-5, a passage where the poet describes a banquet of the gods on Olympus with music and dancing. Two elements of the scene have been put under consideration: the Greek and Latin sources for the traditional scene of the dance of the gods (especially in the context of Olympic councils), examined in such a way as to argue that the scene described is unusual within the extant Latin epic tradition; and the traditional content of Apollo’s song, the Gigantomachy. By mentioning the Gigantomachy theme in other parts of the poem, Valerius links this passage with the poem’s overarching theme of the imposition of order according to a divine plan.

22

Heerink, Mark. "Virgil, Lucan, and the Meaning of Civil War in Valerius Flaccus’ Argonautica." Mnemosyne 69, no. 3 (May 7, 2016): 511–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12341977.

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In his recent monograph (2012) Tim Stover has provided the first full-scale study of Valerius Flaccus’ interaction with Lucan’s Bellum Civile, arguing that the Argonautica restores epic after Lucan and optimistically supports Vespasian’s restoration of the Principate after the civil wars of 68-69 ad. Focusing on the ‘civil war’ between the Argonauts and the Doliones in Book 3 of Valerius’ epic, I will propose an alternative reading of the influence of Lucan as well as Virgil’s Aeneid. Although Valerius at first sight seems to set up the Cyzicus episode in Virgilian fashion, he in fact deconstructs this reading, revealing the impossibility of (re)writing an Aeneid in the Flavian age.

23

Davis, P. J. "Remembering Ovid: The Io Episode in Valerius Flaccus' Argonautica." Antichthon 43 (2009): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006647740000191x.

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The insertion of the story of Io into Book 4 of Valerius' narrative of the Argonauts' voyage to Colchis follows a familiar pattern, for here we have an apparently irrelevant digression, delivered by a figure of authority, which experienced readers of Roman epic will expect to encapsulate some of the poem's key issues. Some will think of Evander's tale of Hercules and Cacus in Aeneid 8 or of Adrastus' account of Apollo and Coroebus in Thebaid 1. And then there is Lucan's version of the struggle between Hercules and Antaeus in Pharsalia 4. Theoreticians will invoke the concept of ‘mise-en-abîme’, because Valerius' inclusion of this standard epic device creates semiotic expectations.

24

Cowan, Robert. "Glossing the Georgics: Valerius Flaccus on labor improbus." Classical Philology 115, no. 4 (October 1, 2020): 737–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/710552.

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25

Zissos, Andrew. "The King's Daughter: Medea in Valerius Flaccus' Argonautica." Ramus 41, no. 1-2 (2012): 94–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00000278.

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Medea's awakening love for Jason is the great theme of the third book of Apollonius Rhodius' Argonautica. At the opening of that book—that is to say, at the very centre of the four-book epic—the Hellenistic poet signals a programmatic redirection, invoking the Muse Erato to inspire his tale of Jason's winning of the golden fleece, aided by the love of the Colchian princess (Мηδείηϛ ὑπ' ἔϱωτι, Ap. Rhod. 3.3). This is the first mention of Medea in the poem. Writing a few centuries later, the Flavian poet Valerius Flaccus for the most part adheres closely to Apollonius' narrative outline. As we shall see, however, he manifests comparatively little interest in the love story between Jason and Medea, and takes a different approach to the problem of integrating Medea into the plot. Though, as with the earlier epic, she will not appear as a dramatis persona until the second half of the epic, she is mentioned at the very outset of the narrative (1.61-63), and a number of times thereafter in the early books. Thus by the time the Argonauts reach Colchis and Medea enters the narrative proper, she has already been presented to the reader in a number of ‘previews’.

26

Castelletti, Cristiano. "A ‘Greek’ Acrostic in Valerius Flaccus (3.430-4)." Mnemosyne 65, no. 2 (2012): 319–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852511x548171.

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Kotova, Anastasia V. "Successive Similes in Valerius Flaccus’ Argonautica 4. 682–688." Philologia Classica 14, no. 2 (2019): 318–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu20.2019.211.

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28

Stover, Tim. "Magna Perseis: A Note on Valerius Flaccus, Arg. 7.238." Classical Journal 104, no. 4 (2009): 321–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tcj.2009.0007.

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29

Pucci, Joseph, and Debra Hershkowitz. "Valerius Flaccus' "Argonautica": Abbreviated Voyages in Silver Latin Epic." Classical World 94, no. 1 (2000): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352513.

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30

Hudson-Williams, A. "A Question of Vacuity: Valerius Flaccus I 398-401." Mnemosyne 39, no. 1-2 (1986): 134–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852586x00112.

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31

Galli, Daniela. "De excidio Troiae by Dares Phrygius and Valerius Flaccus." Mnemosyne 66, no. 4-5 (2013): 800–808. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12341096.

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32

Charlet, Jean-Louis. "L’hexamètre de Dracontius dans les Romulea." Vita Latina 191, no. 1 (2015): 143–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/vita.2015.1815.

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The study of the hexameter of Dracontius’ Romulea (proportion of dactyls and spondees, their positions and combinations in the four first feet, elisions, clausules and caesuras) shows that this hexameter, different in some respects from Dracontius’ other hexameters and very purist, is nearer to Statius’ and Valerius Flaccus’ hexameter than to Vergilius’ or Ovidius’, with some specific and personal features.

33

Manuwald, Gesine. "What Do Humans Get to Know about the Gods and Their Plans? On Prophecies and Their Deficiencies in Valerius Flaccus' Argonautica." Mnemosyne 62, no. 4 (2009): 586–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852509x384248.

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AbstractThis article discusses aspects of the communication between gods and humans in Valerius Flaccus' Flavian epic Argonautica by focusing on the situation of Jason and the Argonauts as well as on the Phineus episode in the fourth Book: although the gods in this poem, and Jupiter in particular, have specific plans for the fate of humans and the development of world history, they do not want humans to know those. As humans therefore receive only scattered and unclear information about the future, they remain uncertain and terrified, while retaining their confidence in the gods. The gods at least save humans from unnecessary, excessive suffering and allow them to entertain an unspecific hope of improvement in the future. Hence Valerius Flaccus' depiction of the attitude of the gods to humans and of its consequences for the lives of humans differs, in different ways, from both Apollonius Rhodius and Vergil and indicates how the poet interprets the general human condition. Recipients of the poem do get some idea of the larger framework in which the action is set (in contrast to characters), but the outlook remains gloomy.

34

d’Espèrey, Sylvie Franchet. "Thomas Baier: Valerius Flaccus, Argonautica Buch VI. Einleitung und Kommentar." Gnomon 76, no. 8 (2004): 674–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417_2004_8_674.

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35

Liberman, Gauthier. "A. J. Kleywegt: Valerius Flaccus, Argonautica Book I. A Commentary." Gnomon 79, no. 5 (2007): 416–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417_2007_5_416.

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36

Lewis, Bryna E. "The Significance of the Location of Valerius Flaccus' Second Proem." Mnemosyne 40, no. 3-4 (1987): 420–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852587x00571.

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37

Zissos, Andrew. "Allusion and Narrative Possibility in the Argonautica of Valerius Flaccus." Classical Philology 94, no. 3 (July 1999): 289–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/449443.

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38

Taylor-Briggs, P. Ruth. "Similes in Valerius Flaccus - U. Gärtner: Gehalt und Funktion der Gleichnisse bei Valerius Flaccus. (Hermes Einzelschriften, 67.) Pp. 362. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1994. Paper." Classical Review 45, no. 2 (October 1995): 256–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x0029361x.

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Dewar, Michael. "Valerius Flaccus Book 2 - H. M. Poortvliet: C. Valerius Flaccus, Argonautica, Book II: a Commentary. Pp. 349. Amsterdam VU University Press, 1991. Paper, £33." Classical Review 42, no. 2 (October 1992): 306–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x0028387x.

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Sáenz Preciado, María Pilar. "Avance sobre la excavación del centro alfarero romano de "El Quemao" (Tricio, La Rioja)." Salduie, no. 1 (December 31, 2000): 295–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_salduie/sald.200016428.

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Abstract:

Presentamos un avance de lo que fue la excavación realizada en el termino de "El Quemao" en Tricio. Durante los cinco meses de trabajo localizamos cinco hornos con sus respectivos vertederos, parte del recinto de trabajo con muros de cantos rodados y adobes, áreas porticadas, fustes de columnas, etc, así como la calle que comunicaba este centro de trabajo con la zona urbana de la ciudad.Son catorce los alfareros que trabajaron en este centro: algunos ya conocidos como Cornelius Fuscus, Agilianus, Flaccus Tritiensis, Paternus Marcus, Lapillis, Accunicius, S. Venustus, Ca.Co.Fe, Nas[-] De{-] y otros no constatados hasta el momento en la zona tritiense: Lucius Valerius Paternus, Maximus, L.Aci[-] Sot[-], Lucius Valerius Firmus y Cornelius Paternus. Los materiales de Terra Sigillata Hispánica encontrados dentro de los hornos se datan entre los siglos I y III d.C.

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Martin T. Dinter. "Epic from Epigram: The Poetics of Valerius Flaccus' Argonautica." American Journal of Philology 130, no. 4 (2009): 533–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.0.0082.

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HEERINK, MARK A. J. "GOING A STEP FURTHER: VALERIUS FLACCUS' METAPOETICAL READING OF PROPERTIUS' HYLAS." Classical Quarterly 57, no. 2 (November 7, 2007): 606–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838807000584.

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Coulson, Frank T. "New Evidence for the Circulation of the Text of Valerius Flaccus?" Classical Philology 81, no. 1 (January 1986): 58–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/366959.

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Stover, Tim. "Unexampled Exemplarity: Medea in the Argonautica of Valerius Flaccus." Transactions of the American Philological Association 141, no. 1 (2011): 171–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apa.2011.0001.

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Malamud, Martha. "Valerius Flaccus' "Argonautica": Abbreviated Voyages in Silver Latin Epic. Debra Hershkowitz." Classical Philology 95, no. 3 (July 2000): 366–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/449505.

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Dewar, M. J. "Monologues in Valerius Flaccus - Ulrich Eigler: Monologische Redeformen bei Valerius Flaccus. (Beiträge zur klassischen Philologie, 187.) Pp. ix + 147. Frankfurt am Main: Athenäum, 1988. DM 48." Classical Review 39, no. 1 (April 1989): 34–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x0027025x.

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Davis, P. J. "Valerius Flaccus - (A.) Zissos (ed., trans.) Valerius Flaccus' Argonautica Book 1. Pp. lxx + 450. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008. Cased, £100. ISBN: 978-0-19-921949-0." Classical Review 59, no. 2 (September 15, 2009): 472–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x09000687.

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Blum-Sorensen, Jessica. "The Future is Female: Circe, Augustus, and the Prehistory of Rome." Classical World 117, no. 1 (September 2023): 17–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.2023.a912762.

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ABSTRACT: This paper focuses on one of ancient mythology's most notorious voices, the nymph Circe, daughter of the Sun and witch of Aeaea. Tracing the evolution of Circe's mythology through the works of Vergil, Ovid, and Valerius Flaccus, it shows how these early imperial authors use her presence in Rome's family tree to push back on Augustus' version of Rome's genealogy and his own right to rule. By embedding Circe in the "Italian" side of Rome's antecedents, they demonstrate the fragility of the principate's claim to legitimacy through control of Rome's inheritance.

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Stover. "Confronting Medea: Genre, Gender, and Allusion in the "Argonautica" of Valerius Flaccus." Classical Philology 98, no. 2 (2003): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1215497.

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Heerink, Mark, and Pieter van den Broek. "Foaming Cups: A Textual Note on Valerius Flaccus Argonautica 1.815." Classical Philology 117, no. 4 (October 1, 2022): 745–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/721577.

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