Journal articles on the topic 'Valence Politics'
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Nakada-Amiya, Mizuho. "The Politics of Valence Issues:." Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association 72, no. 2 (2021): 2_57–2_84. http://dx.doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.72.2_57.
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Wu, Jason Y. "A spatial valence model of political participation in China." Journal of Theoretical Politics 31, no. 2 (March 18, 2019): 244–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951629819833190.
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In spatial models of political competition in democracies, citizens vote for the party or candidate that is the closest to their own ideological position, while in valence models, voters decide on the basis of non-policy factors, such as competence. What remains unclear, however, is whether citizens in authoritarian regimes use spatial or valence considerations to guide their decisions to participate in politics. This study uses data from the 2015 Chinese Urban Governance Survey to measure the ideology of Chinese citizens, and estimates an empirical stochastic model to explore how Chinese citizens use ideological distance and valence to determine how they want to participate in politics. The results show that valence issues, such as perceived government competence, play a larger role in political participation than ideology.
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Bleck, Jaimie, and Nicolas van de Walle. "Valence Issues in African Elections." Comparative Political Studies 46, no. 11 (September 5, 2012): 1394–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414012453448.
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Previous analyses of African politics have mistaken parties’ dearth of position taking on issues as an absence of substantive electoral debate. The authors demonstrate that political parties tackle substantive issues during African elections, but generally voice them through valence appeals rather than by staking out distinct positions. The authors theorize that uncertainty, coupled with the single-party heritage and the elite dominance of African electoral politics, leads parties to employ valence discourse in their national election campaigns. With evidence from 950 newspaper articles during seven election cycles in African countries, the authors show that politicians predominantly use valence discourse when discussing political issues in the period approaching elections. They find tentative evidence that opposition actors are more likely to take positions than incumbents, and that civil society is more likely to raise position issues than political parties. This contribution aims to enrich the debate on electoral issues in Africa, but also draw greater attention to the potential impact of valence discourse on party systems in a comparative context.
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Denver, David. "‘Valence Politics’: How Britain Votes Now." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 7, no. 2 (May 2005): 292–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2005.00171.x.
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Whiteley, Paul, Harold Clarke, David Sanders, and Marianne Stuart. "Hunting the Snark: A Reply to “Re-Evaluating Valence Models of Political Choice”." Political Science Research and Methods 4, no. 1 (December 15, 2015): 221–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2015.30.
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This paper responds to Evans and Kat’s critique of the valence politics model of electoral choice. Their critique is deficient in several respects. First, the authors do not test the valence politics model, which is motivated by a theory of voting rather than a claim about the relationship between generalized measures of “party preference” and “party performance.” Second, Evans and Kat do not provide theoretical grounding for partisanship, which they claim is strongly exogenous to other variables of interest. Third, there are several specification and testing problems with their structural equation model. We study the properties of the valence model using a vector error correction model of aggregate monthly survey data gathered throughout the New Labour Era. Consistent with theoretical expectations, key valence politics variables constitute a powerful cointegrated system in which the dynamics of partisanship are endogenous to other variables in the system.
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Schofield, Norman. "Equilibrium in the Spatial ‘Valence’ Model of Politics." Journal of Theoretical Politics 16, no. 4 (October 2004): 447–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951629804046150.
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Clarke, Harold, David Sanders, Marianne Stewart, and Paul Whiteley. "Valence Politics and Electoral Choice in Britain, 2010." Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties 21, no. 2 (May 2011): 237–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2011.562614.
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Oliver, Steven, and Kai Ostwald. "EXPLAINING ELECTIONS IN SINGAPORE: DOMINANT PARTY RESILIENCE AND VALENCE POLITICS." Journal of East Asian Studies 18, no. 2 (July 2018): 129–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2018.15.
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AbstractThe People's Action Party (PAP) of Singapore is one of the world's longest ruling dominant parties, having won every general election since the country's independence in 1965. Why do Singaporeans consistently vote for the PAP, contrary to the expectations of democratization theories? We argue that valence considerations—specifically, perceptions of party credibility—are the main factor in the voting behavior of Singapore's electorate, and are critical to explaining the PAP's resilience. Furthermore, we argue that the primacy of valence politics arose in part by design, as the PAP has used its control of Singapore's high-capacity state to reshape society and thereby reshape voter preferences towards its comparative advantages. We use a multi-methods approach to substantiate this argument, including a comprehensive quantitative analysis of recent elections. Ultimately, our findings suggest that a focus on valence politics can increase the resilience of dominant parties, but that such a strategy also faces natural limits.
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Green, Jane. "When Voters and Parties Agree: Valence Issues and Party Competition." Political Studies 55, no. 3 (October 2007): 629–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2007.00671.x.
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There has been much talk of valence, consensus or competence politics but little theoretical explanation or empirical investigation of how this has arisen. In this article I argue that British political competition has become competence-based because the major parties and the electorate have converged on the dominant left–right dimension of British voting behaviour. As a result, commonly cited core vote explanations for party polarisation have only limited application. The electorate has converged on left–right issues, narrowing the policy space and the available positional strategies of political parties. A different pattern is found for the issue of Europe, and this is interpreted in light of possible causal mechanisms. The article offers a formal model for a rise in valence politics as parties and voters converge, and the implications are discussed for theories of party competition. I argue in favour of competence and salience-based theories of party strategy in place of a reliance on traditional spatial models.
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Di Lonardo, Livio. "Valence uncertainty and the nature of the candidate pool in elections." Journal of Theoretical Politics 29, no. 2 (July 8, 2016): 327–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951629816636486.
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Political parties in US politics are becoming increasingly polarized, with a growing number of extreme candidates entering electoral races. Why would extremists challenge more moderate opponents, since their chances of winning are supposedly very slim? I develop a model of electoral competition and endogenous entry to show that extremists rely on the possibility that the campaign might reveal information about the opponents’ quality that can induce some voters to change their electoral decision. The weight voters place on candidates’ valence determines the incidence of uncontested elections and the degree of asymmetry in polarization of the candidates’ policy positions in contested elections. Finally, I extend the model to consider asymmetric information about individual valence levels. I show that uncontested races are still possible in equilibrium, that in contested races at least one candidate has high valence, and the valence-advantaged candidate can be the one with the more extreme policy stance.
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Oliver, Steven, and Kai Ostwald. "Singapore's Pandemic Election: Opposition Parties and Valence Politics in GE2020." Pacific Affairs 93, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 759–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2020934759.
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Singapore's 2020 general election was held amidst the most serious public health and economic crises in the country's history. Despite expectations that these parallel crises would precipitate a flight to safety and result in a strong performance by the dominant People's Action Party (PAP), the ruling party received its third-lowest popular vote share (61.2 percent) and lowest-ever seat share (89.2 percent) since independence. This article engages explanations for the unexpected results and argues that the vote swing against the PAP was enabled by a hitherto largely overlooked factor: the 2020 election included two opposition parties that could credibly compete with the PAP on the valence considerations that drive voting behaviour in Singapore, giving voters a perceived safe alternative to the PAP at the constituency level. Quantitative tests support the notion that party credibility—rather than demographic factors, incumbency advantages, Group Representation Constituencies, or assessments of the PAP's fourth- generation leaders—best explains variation in the vote swing against the PAP. Ultimately, the results suggest that the PAP's monopoly on party credibility is no longer assured, thus portending greater opposition competitiveness and pressure against the PAP in future elections. Nonetheless, the PAP's dominance remains intact and there is little evidence of a general appetite among the electorate for a non-PAP government, suggesting the likelihood of smaller course corrections rather than major steps towards democratization in the coming years.
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Jiang, Liang. "Valence politics and immigrant voting in the 2013 Australian election." Australian Journal of Political Science 51, no. 3 (July 2, 2016): 418–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2016.1202890.
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Hay, Colin, and Cyril Benoît. "Brexit, Positional Populism, and the Declining Appeal of Valence Politics." Critical Review 31, no. 3-4 (October 2, 2019): 389–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913811.2019.1722531.
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Clarke, Harold D., Thomas J. Scotto, and Allan Kornberg. "Valence politics and economic crisis: Electoral choice in Canada 2008." Electoral Studies 30, no. 3 (September 2011): 438–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2010.11.006.
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Clarke, Harold, Jason Reifler, Thomas J. Scotto, Marianne C. Stewart, and Paul Whiteley. "Valence politics and voting in the 2012 U.S. presidential election." Electoral Studies 40 (December 2015): 462–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2014.09.011.
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McGowan, Todd. "Mainstreaming Fantasy: Politics without Reserve." differences 33, no. 2-3 (December 1, 2022): 177–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10407391-10124746.
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The political problem that we suffer from is not our adherence to ideological fantasies that promise us an enjoyment that is false or unattainable. The political struggle does not involve an effort to escape the pull that fantasy has over us so that we can look at the situation as it really is. Although fantasy is a political trap, it is also the key to emancipation. But in order for fantasy to be emancipatory, we must approach it in the manner of film noir, which allows fantasy to infiltrate every aspect of the filmic world that it depicts. When we take this step, the ideological valence of fantasy undergoes a complete revolution.
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Charquero-Ballester, Marina, Jessica G. Walter, Ida A. Nissen, and Anja Bechmann. "Different types of COVID-19 misinformation have different emotional valence on Twitter." Big Data & Society 8, no. 2 (July 2021): 205395172110412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20539517211041279.
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The spreading of COVID-19 misinformation on social media could have severe consequences on people's behavior. In this paper, we investigated the emotional expression of misinformation related to the COVID-19 crisis on Twitter and whether emotional valence differed depending on the type of misinformation. We collected 17,463,220 English tweets with 76 COVID-19-related hashtags for March 2020. Using Google Fact Check Explorer API we identified 226 unique COVID-19 false stories for March 2020. These were clustered into six types of misinformation (cures, virus, vaccine, politics, conspiracy theories, and other). Applying the 226 classifiers to the Twitter sample we identified 690,004 tweets. Instead of running the sentiment on all tweets we manually coded a random subset of 100 tweets for each classifier to increase the validity, reducing the dataset to 2,097 tweets. We found that only a minor part of the entire dataset was related to misinformation. Also, misinformation in general does not lean towards a certain emotional valence. However, looking at comparisons of emotional valence for different types of misinformation uncovered that misinformation related to “virus” and “conspiracy” had a more negative valence than “cures,” “vaccine,” “politics,” and “other.” Knowing from existing studies that negative misinformation spreads faster, this demonstrates that filtering for misinformation type is fruitful and indicates that a focus on “virus” and “conspiracy” could be one strategy in combating misinformation. As emotional contexts affect misinformation spreading, the knowledge about emotional valence for different types of misinformation will help to better understand the spreading and consequences of misinformation.
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Johns, Robert, James Mitchell, David Denver, and Charles Pattie. "Valence Politics in Scotland: Towards an Explanation of the 2007 Election." Political Studies 57, no. 1 (March 2009): 207–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2008.00762.x.
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Clarke, Harold D., Allan Kornberg, Thomas J. Scotto, Jason Reifler, David Sanders, Marianne C. Stewart, and Paul Whiteley. "Yes we can! Valence politics and electoral choice in America, 2008." Electoral Studies 30, no. 3 (September 2011): 450–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2010.11.013.
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Sullivan, Kelly. "Elizabeth Bowen and the Politics of Consent." Irish University Review 51, no. 1 (May 2021): 24–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/iur.2021.0493.
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As a novelist preoccupied with the sexualized gothic conventions haunting Irish fiction since the eighteenth century, Bowen persistently turns to the fraught concept of British and Irish women's consent during periods of twentieth-century political violence. This article considers Bowen's use of gothic tropes of consent in The Last September (1929) as well as a more sustained engagement with the Irish gothic, citizen-subjecthood, and the political valence of consent in her WWII thriller, The Heat of the Day (1948). It argues that in formulating consent in relation to knowledge, and in articulating the necessarily contractual nature of consent, Bowen seeks to define the ethics of individual rights and responsibility during and after World War Two.
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Macdonald, Stuart Elaine, and George Rabinowitz. "Solving the paradox of nonconvergence: valence, position, and direction in democratic politics." Electoral Studies 17, no. 3 (September 1998): 281–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0261-3794(98)00032-8.
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Donian, Jennalee, and Nicholas Holm. "Trevor Noah and the contingent politics of racial joking." European Journal of Humour Research 9, no. 3 (November 1, 2021): 30–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/ejhr2021.9.3.525.
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This article takes up the transnational comedy career of Trevor Noah as a way to explore how the political work of racial comedy can manifest, circulate and indeed communicate differently across different racial-political contexts. Through the close textual analysis of two key comic performances –“The Daywalker” (2009) and “Son of Patricia” (2018), produced and (initially) circulated in South Africa and the USA, respectively – this article explores the extent to which Noah’s comic treatment of race has shifted between the two contexts. In particular, attention is paid to how Noah incites, navigates and mitigates potential sources of offence surrounding racial anxieties in the two contexts, and how he evokes his own “mixed-race” status in order to open up spaces of permission that allow him to joke about otherwise taboo subjects. Rejecting the claim that the politics of Noah’s comedy is emancipatory or progressive in any straightforward way, by means of formal analyses we argue that his comic treatment of race does not enact any singular politics, but rather that the political work of his racial humour shifts relative to its wider political contexts. Thus, rather than drawing a clear line between light entertainment and politically meaningful humour, this article argues that the political valence of racial joking can be understood as contingent upon wider discourses of race that circulate in national-cultural contexts.
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Ho, Karl, Harold D. Clarke, Li-Khan Chen, and Dennis Lu-Chung Weng. "Valence politics and electoral choice in a new democracy: The case of Taiwan." Electoral Studies 32, no. 3 (September 2013): 476–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2013.05.012.
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Johns, Robert. "Credit Where it’s Due? Valence Politics, Attributions of Responsibility, and Multi-Level Elections." Political Behavior 33, no. 1 (April 13, 2010): 53–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11109-010-9116-y.
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Montcher, Fabien. "Politics, Scholarship, and the Iberian Routes of the Repubic of Letters: The Late Renaissance Itinerary of Vicente Nogueira (1586–1654)." Erudition and the Republic of Letters 2, no. 2 (March 2, 2017): 182–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24055069-00202002.
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The trajectory of Vicente Nogueira (1586–1654) demonstrates how an Iberian intellectual who was well attuned to the composite governmental structure of the Iberian empire (c.1580–c.1640) strengthened the ties between state communication systems and learned communities during the Late Renaissance. This article highlights the political valence of historical knowledge that was gathered and distributed throughout the Republic of Letters with emphasis on the code-switching of a scholar who styled himself differently across learned communities depending on his political circumstances, interests, and interlocutors. The study of Nogueira’s itinerary demonstrates the need for a history of early modern scholarship that takes into account the ways that early modern politics and state communication systems were connected by learned networks.
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Zoorob, Michael. "Going National: Immigration Enforcement and the Politicization of Local Police." PS: Political Science & Politics 53, no. 3 (April 21, 2020): 421–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096520000207.
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ABSTRACTThis article develops a theory of when and how political nationalization increases interest in local elections using evidence from county sheriff elections. A quintessentially local office, the sheriff has long enjoyed buffers from ideological or partisan politics. However, many sheriff elections since 2016 were waged on ideological grounds as progressive challengers—often backed by outside money—linked their campaigns to opposition to President Trump. I argue that this “redirected nationalization” becomes possible when a salient national issue impinges on a local government service, enabling challengers to expand the scope of conflict against valence-advantaged incumbents. In the highly nationalized 2018 midterm election, the question of cooperation with Immigration and Customs Enforcement in the nation’s jails provided a compelling link between local sheriffs and national politics, infusing new interest and energy in these races. Although redirected nationalization can help align local policies with voter preferences, the politicization of local law enforcement also might undermine police professionalism and credibility.
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Clements, Ben. "Salience, Valence, Positions and Voting: International Affairs and British Electoral Politics in the 1960s." International History Review 42, no. 5 (October 20, 2019): 891–912. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2019.1673787.
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Johnston, Ron, and Charles Pattie. "Where Did Labour's Votes Go? Valence Politics and Campaign Effects at the 2010 British General Election." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 13, no. 3 (March 17, 2011): 283–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2011.00454.x.
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Erisen, Cengiz, David P. Redlawsk, and Elif Erisen. "Complex Thinking as a Result of Incongruent Information Exposure." American Politics Research 46, no. 2 (August 30, 2017): 217–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x17725864.
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In this article, we explore whether incongruent information influences what people recall to mind about a presidential candidate’s policy statements. We investigate whether the volume of people’s political thoughts, their ability to produce arguments, the affective valence of these thoughts, and their integrative complexity are influenced by the congruency between new political information and prior political convictions. We conducted an experiment via MTurk manipulating the congruency of information with respect to ideology. Our results show that incongruency significantly alters how people think about politics. Incongruent information increases integrative complexity of the opposing thoughts, becomes more voluminous, and includes more rationales. Moreover, these defensive thoughts are significantly more negative and less positive about the incongruent information. Parallel to what studies on motivated reasoning demonstrated, we also find that politically knowledgeable people in particular seem to strengthen their thoughts’ cognitive structure while defending their priors against information counter to their political views. We further discuss the general effects of these results and the importance of challenges to existing beliefs in generating complex thought systems.
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Lanting, Dorien, and Trineke Palm. "‘Change the Heart, and the Work Will Be Changed’: Pius XII's Papal Blueprints for Europe." Contemporary European History 31, no. 1 (December 6, 2021): 100–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777321000151.
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This article examines the role of emotions in papal discourse about European integration. Expanding on the ‘emotional turn’ in history, it develops an analytic framework to study emotional valence in constructing the past and future. Analysing Pope Pius XII's three major post-war encyclicals (Communium Interpretes Dolorum, Fulgens Radiatur and Summi Maeroris), this article shows how the emotional vocabulary of Pius XII bridges the gap between theology and politics. In particular, it illuminates how Pope Pius XII integrated emotional and religious vocabulary to (re)construct an image of a European past and future.
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Hart, Gavin. "When Bi-nationalism Meets Multiculturalism: Ethnic Politics and Minority Languages in Northern Ireland." Journal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politics 14, no. 1 (July 28, 2020): 28–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jnmlp-2020-0005.
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AbstractDoes increasing immigration change the nature of language politics in a party system underpinned by ethnic valence strategies? This paper utilizes qualitative data to illustrate the manner in which debates on linguistic pluralism have become enmeshed in the politics of ethnic defense in Northern Ireland. It will be shown that language politics in this context is driven by the powerful pull of bi-national considerations. This is despite the fact that migrant languages have become increasingly common in the territory. The research provides insight into the manner in which ethnically defined parties have engaged with multicultural diversity, in the context of increasing immigration. It is shown that Sinn Féin representatives largely ignore discussions about wider language diversity, preferring to focus on narratives related to Gaelic. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) tends to utilize the broadened range of minority languages as a shield to repel nationalist demands for greater state support for Gaelic programs. The analysis of this evidence suggests that ethnically defined parties are ill-suited to the demands of a multicultural society and immigration-generated diversity.
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Pattie, C. J., R. J. Johnston, Mariken Schipper, and Laura Potts. "Are Regions Important in British Elections? Valence Politics and Local Economic Contexts at the 2010 General Election." Regional Studies 49, no. 9 (November 20, 2013): 1561–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00343404.2013.847271.
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Gunnell, John G. "Louis Hartz and the Liberal Metaphor: A Half-Century Later." Studies in American Political Development 19, no. 2 (October 2005): 196–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x0500012x.
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In his introduction to the 1991 edition of Louis Hartz's The Liberal Tradition in America, journalist Tom Wicker noted its relevance for understanding the ambivalent appeal of values that had led both to the downfall of communism and to the “demonization” of Saddam Hussein. Wicker also noted that Hartz's synoptic use of “liberal” as encompassing what is commonly referred to in American political discourse as “liberal” and “conservative” ideologies might “add to some Americans' confusion” about the already “confused and abused” use of the term. As we reach the fiftieth anniversary of the publication of Hartz's book, it is important to reassess the work, especially in light of what might seem an obvious parallel between his concerns in the context of the Cold War and contemporary worries about the relationship between American foreign policy and domestic politics that has evolved since 2001. Whether the valence has been negative or positive, Hartz's image of a liberal consensus in the United States has created a picture that has held the academic mind captive and shaped its approach to both scholarship and political analysis.
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Figueroa, Michael A. "“Behind the Sounds”." Journal of Musicology 38, no. 4 (2021): 401–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2021.38.4.401.
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In this article I explore the aesthetics and political valence of shirei meshorerim (SM), a body of Israeli sung poetry that emerged out of a series of radio programs, festivals, and recording projects beginning in the 1970s and drawing on long-standing local practices in both Palestine/Israel and contemporary Mediterranean sung-poetry movements. I argue that the development of SM was characterized by an aesthetic distinction, wherein the high cultural register of poetry—a value produced by both the domestic discourse on art vis-à-vis politics and the broader global discourse in which the local field was embedded—and an associated move to cosmopolitanize music production contributed to the “cultural accreditation” of post-1967 pop-rock in Israel. This article explores what poetry meant for song, and vice versa, in Israel during the 1970s and 1980s through sociopolitical analysis and close listening to the text-setting practices and stylistic affinities of two musicians strongly identified with SM: Matti Caspi and Shlomo Gronich.
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Haas, Ingrid J., Melissa N. Baker, and Frank J. Gonzalez. "Political uncertainty moderates neural evaluation of incongruent policy positions." Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 376, no. 1822 (February 22, 2021): 20200138. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2020.0138.
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Uncertainty has been shown to impact political evaluation, yet the exact mechanisms by which uncertainty affects the minds of citizens remain unclear. This experiment examines the neural underpinnings of uncertainty in political evaluation using functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI). During fMRI, participants completed an experimental task where they evaluated policy positions attributed to hypothetical political candidates. Policy positions were either congruent or incongruent with candidates' political party affiliation and presented with varying levels of certainty. Neural activity was modelled as a function of uncertainty and incongruence. Analyses suggest that neural activity in brain regions previously implicated in affective and evaluative processing (anterior cingulate cortex, insular cortex) differed as a function of the interaction between uncertainty and incongruence, such that activation in these areas was greatest when information was both certain and incongruent, and uncertainty influenced processing differently as a function of the valence of the attached information. These findings suggest that individuals are attuned to uncertainty in the stated issue positions of politicians, and that the neural processing of this uncertainty is dependent on congruence of these positions with expectations based on political party identification. Implications for the study of emotion and politics and political cognition are discussed. This article is part of the theme issue ‘The political brain: neurocognitive and computational mechanisms’.
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BORDOGNA, FRANCESCA. "Inner division and uncertain contours: William James and the politics of the modern self." British Journal for the History of Science 40, no. 4 (July 11, 2007): 505–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087407009880.
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AbstractThis article revisits the question of the social valence of William James's account of the self. As biographers have long noted, James worried much about the crisis of the autonomous, unitary and well-bounded self. This article suggests that, despite his anxieties, James perceived that those features of the self opened up new possibilities both for the individual and for society. By locating the Jamesian self in the context of period techniques for the cultivation of the self, religious and occult practices, and mystical-cum-political discourse, I argue that for James the crisis of the modern self represented a means both of rooting individuals firmly in the community and of endowing them with a form of agency stronger than those promised by traditional doctrines of the simple, self-directed and well-bounded self. Thus, I argue, James's conception of the self and the techniques of the self that he advocated were part and parcel of an attempt to rethink the relationship between individual and community and to promote a new type of society, one composed of spontaneous pluralistic, open and intimate communities.
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Kwon, K. Hazel, and Daegon Cho. "Swearing Effects on Citizen-to-Citizen Commenting Online." Social Science Computer Review 35, no. 1 (August 3, 2016): 84–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0894439315602664.
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Swearing, the use of taboo languages tagged with a high level of emotional arousal, has become commonplace in contemporary political culture. The current study attempts to understand the ways in which swearing influences citizen-to-citizen news commenting online. Based on a large corpus of the 2-month user comments from 26 news websites in South Korea, the study examines swearing effects as well as its interplay with anonymity on garnering public attention and shaping other users’ perceptions of the comments. Findings suggest that swearing generally has a positive effect on increasing user attention to comments as well as gaining other users’ approvals. Comparisons between political and nonpolitical topics further suggest that swearing effect on gaining public attention is particularly prominent for political discussions. In contrast, the magnitude of change toward positive valence in public perception to comments is much greater for nonpolitical topics than for politics. From the findings, we conclude that an acceptable degree of swearing norms in online discussions vary across news topical arenas. The results also lead to discussions about the possibility of like-minded exposure to political comments as a default condition for online discussions. Finally, the study highlights the role of high-arousal emotions in shaping discursive participation in contemporary networked sociodigital environment.
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Carter, Neil, Robert Ladrech, Conor Little, and Vasiliki Tsagkroni. "Political parties and climate policy." Party Politics 24, no. 6 (March 23, 2017): 731–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817697630.
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This study presents an innovative approach to hand-coding parties’ policy preferences in the relatively new, cross-sectoral field of climate change mitigation policy. It applies this approach to party manifestos in six countries, comparing the preferences of parties in Denmark, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy and the United Kingdom over the past two decades. It probes the data for evidence of validity through content validation and convergent/discriminant validation and engages with the debate on position-taking in environmental policy by developing a positional measure that incorporates ‘pro’ and ‘anti’ climate policy preferences. The analysis provides evidence for the validity of the new measures, shows that they are distinct from comparable measures of environmental policy preferences and argues that they are more comprehensive than existing climate policy measures. The new measures strengthen the basis for answering questions that are central to climate politics and to party politics. The approach developed here has important implications for the study of new, complex or cross-cutting policy issues and issues that include both valence and positional aspects.
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Bale, Tim. "Between a Soft and a Hard Place? The Conservative Party, Valence Politics and the Need for a New ‘Eurorealism’." Parliamentary Affairs 59, no. 3 (May 16, 2006): 385–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsl021.
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Carroll, Royce, and Monika Nalepa. "The personal vote and party cohesion: Modeling the effects of electoral rules on intraparty politics." Journal of Theoretical Politics 32, no. 1 (January 2020): 36–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951629819892336.
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Conventional wisdom suggests that parties in candidate-centered electoral systems should be associated with less cohesive policy preferences among legislators. We model the incentives of party leaders to achieve voting unity accounting for the costs of discipline, showing that candidate-centered systems have the counterintuitive effect of promoting party agreement on policies and preference cohesion. These implications for cohesion derive from the degree of control over list rank held by leaders under open lists (open-list proportional representation, OLPR) and closed lists (closed-list proportional representation, CLPR). Because discipline is costlier in OLPR, owing to leaders’ lack of control over list rank, leaders seeking voting unity propose policies that promote agreement between members and leadership. Under CLPR, however, leaders can more easily achieve voting unity by relying on discipline and therefore lack incentives to promote internal agreement. We then extend the model to allow the party leader to replace members, showing that preference cohesion itself is greater under OLPR. Further, our baseline results hold when allowing legislative behavior to affect vote share and when accounting for candidates’ valence qualities. We interpret our results to suggest that candidate-centered systems result in stronger incentives for developing programmatic parties, compared with party-centered systems.
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Eisenach, Eldon J. "Which Wilson Do We (Dis)Honor?" Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 3 (August 31, 2016): 758–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716001298.
Full textAbstract:
Woodrow Wilson is the only American political scientist to have served as President of the United States. In the time between his political science Ph.D. (from Johns Hopkins, in 1886) and his tenure as president (1913–21), he also served as president of Princeton University (1902–10) and president of the American Political Science Association (1909–10). Wilson is one of the most revered figures in American political thought and in American political science. The Woodrow Wilson Award is perhaps APSA’s most distinguished award, given annually for the best book on government, politics, or international affairs published in the previous year, and sponsored by the Woodrow Wilson Foundation at Princeton University.Wilson has also recently become the subject of controversy, on the campus of Princeton University, and in the political culture more generally, in connection with racist statements that he made and the segregationist practices of his administration. A group of Princeton students associated with the “Black Lives Matter” movement has demanded that Wilson’s name be removed from two campus buildings, one of which is the famous Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs (see Martha A. Sandweiss, “Woodrow Wilson, Princeton, and the Complex Landscape of Race,” http://www.thenation.com/article/woodrow-wilson-princeton-and-the-complex-landscape-of-race/). Many others have resisted this idea, noting that Wilson is indeed an important figure in the history of twentieth-century liberalism and Progressivism in the United States.A number of colleagues have contacted me suggesting that Perspectives ought to organize a symposium on the Wilson controversy. Although we do not regularly organize symposia around current events, given the valence of the controversy and its connection to issues we have featured in our journal (see especially the September 2015 issue on “The American Politics of Policing and Incarceration”), and given Wilson's importance in the history of our discipline, we have decided to make an exception in this case. We have thus invited a wide range of colleagues whose views on this issue will interest our readers to comment on this controversy. —Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor.
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Hochschild, Jennifer. "Should APSA’s Most Prominent Award Continue to be Named after a Racist?" Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 3 (August 31, 2016): 760–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716001304.
Full textAbstract:
Woodrow Wilson is the only American political scientist to have served as President of the United States. In the time between his political science Ph.D. (from Johns Hopkins, in 1886) and his tenure as president (1913–21), he also served as president of Princeton University (1902–10) and president of the American Political Science Association (1909–10). Wilson is one of the most revered figures in American political thought and in American political science. The Woodrow Wilson Award is perhaps APSA’s most distinguished award, given annually for the best book on government, politics, or international affairs published in the previous year, and sponsored by the Woodrow Wilson Foundation at Princeton University.Wilson has also recently become the subject of controversy, on the campus of Princeton University, and in the political culture more generally, in connection with racist statements that he made and the segregationist practices of his administration. A group of Princeton students associated with the “Black Lives Matter” movement has demanded that Wilson’s name be removed from two campus buildings, one of which is the famous Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs (see Martha A. Sandweiss, “Woodrow Wilson, Princeton, and the Complex Landscape of Race,” http://www.thenation.com/article/woodrow-wilson-princeton-and-the-complex-landscape-of-race/). Many others have resisted this idea, noting that Wilson is indeed an important figure in the history of twentieth-century liberalism and Progressivism in the United States.A number of colleagues have contacted me suggesting that Perspectives ought to organize a symposium on the Wilson controversy. Although we do not regularly organize symposia around current events, given the valence of the controversy and its connection to issues we have featured in our journal (see especially the September 2015 issue on “The American Politics of Policing and Incarceration”), and given Wilson's importance in the history of our discipline, we have decided to make an exception in this case. We have thus invited a wide range of colleagues whose views on this issue will interest our readers to comment on this controversy. —Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor.
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Jagmohan, Desmond. "In His Day: Awareness of Wilson’s Duplicity." Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 3 (August 31, 2016): 762–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716001316.
Full textAbstract:
Woodrow Wilson is the only American political scientist to have served as President of the United States. In the time between his political science Ph.D. (from Johns Hopkins, in 1886) and his tenure as president (1913–21), he also served as president of Princeton University (1902–10) and president of the American Political Science Association (1909–10). Wilson is one of the most revered figures in American political thought and in American political science. The Woodrow Wilson Award is perhaps APSA’s most distinguished award, given annually for the best book on government, politics, or international affairs published in the previous year, and sponsored by the Woodrow Wilson Foundation at Princeton University.Wilson has also recently become the subject of controversy, on the campus of Princeton University, and in the political culture more generally, in connection with racist statements that he made and the segregationist practices of his administration. A group of Princeton students associated with the “Black Lives Matter” movement has demanded that Wilson’s name be removed from two campus buildings, one of which is the famous Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs (see Martha A. Sandweiss, “Woodrow Wilson, Princeton, and the Complex Landscape of Race,” http://www.thenation.com/article/woodrow-wilson-princeton-and-the-complex-landscape-of-race/). Many others have resisted this idea, noting that Wilson is indeed an important figure in the history of twentieth-century liberalism and Progressivism in the United States.A number of colleagues have contacted me suggesting that Perspectives ought to organize a symposium on the Wilson controversy. Although we do not regularly organize symposia around current events, given the valence of the controversy and its connection to issues we have featured in our journal (see especially the September 2015 issue on “The American Politics of Policing and Incarceration”), and given Wilson's importance in the history of our discipline, we have decided to make an exception in this case. We have thus invited a wide range of colleagues whose views on this issue will interest our readers to comment on this controversy. —Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor.
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Nunnally, Shayla C. "How We Remember (and Forget) in Our Public History." Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 3 (August 31, 2016): 764–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716001328.
Full textAbstract:
Woodrow Wilson is the only American political scientist to have served as President of the United States. In the time between his political science Ph.D. (from Johns Hopkins, in 1886) and his tenure as president (1913–21), he also served as president of Princeton University (1902–10) and president of the American Political Science Association (1909–10). Wilson is one of the most revered figures in American political thought and in American political science. The Woodrow Wilson Award is perhaps APSA’s most distinguished award, given annually for the best book on government, politics, or international affairs published in the previous year, and sponsored by the Woodrow Wilson Foundation at Princeton University.Wilson has also recently become the subject of controversy, on the campus of Princeton University, and in the political culture more generally, in connection with racist statements that he made and the segregationist practices of his administration. A group of Princeton students associated with the “Black Lives Matter” movement has demanded that Wilson’s name be removed from two campus buildings, one of which is the famous Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs (see Martha A. Sandweiss, “Woodrow Wilson, Princeton, and the Complex Landscape of Race,” http://www.thenation.com/article/woodrow-wilson-princeton-and-the-complex-landscape-of-race/). Many others have resisted this idea, noting that Wilson is indeed an important figure in the history of twentieth-century liberalism and Progressivism in the United States.A number of colleagues have contacted me suggesting that Perspectives ought to organize a symposium on the Wilson controversy. Although we do not regularly organize symposia around current events, given the valence of the controversy and its connection to issues we have featured in our journal (see especially the September 2015 issue on “The American Politics of Policing and Incarceration”), and given Wilson's importance in the history of our discipline, we have decided to make an exception in this case. We have thus invited a wide range of colleagues whose views on this issue will interest our readers to comment on this controversy. —Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor.
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Strolovitch, Dara Z., and Chaya Y. Crowder. "Naming Rites for Naming Wrongs: What We Talk about When We Talk about Woodrow Wilson." Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 3 (August 31, 2016): 770–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759271600133x.
Full textAbstract:
Woodrow Wilson is the only American political scientist to have served as President of the United States. In the time between his political science Ph.D. (from Johns Hopkins, in 1886) and his tenure as president (1913–21), he also served as president of Princeton University (1902–10) and president of the American Political Science Association (1909–10). Wilson is one of the most revered figures in American political thought and in American political science. The Woodrow Wilson Award is perhaps APSA’s most distinguished award, given annually for the best book on government, politics, or international affairs published in the previous year, and sponsored by the Woodrow Wilson Foundation at Princeton University.Wilson has also recently become the subject of controversy, on the campus of Princeton University, and in the political culture more generally, in connection with racist statements that he made and the segregationist practices of his administration. A group of Princeton students associated with the “Black Lives Matter” movement has demanded that Wilson’s name be removed from two campus buildings, one of which is the famous Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs (see Martha A. Sandweiss, “Woodrow Wilson, Princeton, and the Complex Landscape of Race,” http://www.thenation.com/article/woodrow-wilson-princeton-and-the-complex-landscape-of-race/). Many others have resisted this idea, noting that Wilson is indeed an important figure in the history of twentieth-century liberalism and Progressivism in the United States.A number of colleagues have contacted me suggesting that Perspectives ought to organize a symposium on the Wilson controversy. Although we do not regularly organize symposia around current events, given the valence of the controversy and its connection to issues we have featured in our journal (see especially the September 2015 issue on “The American Politics of Policing and Incarceration”), and given Wilson's importance in the history of our discipline, we have decided to make an exception in this case. We have thus invited a wide range of colleagues whose views on this issue will interest our readers to comment on this controversy. —Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor.
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Wilson, David C. "Righting Some of Wilson’s Wrongs." Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 3 (August 31, 2016): 776. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716001341.
Full textAbstract:
Woodrow Wilson is the only American political scientist to have served as President of the United States. In the time between his political science Ph.D. (from Johns Hopkins, in 1886) and his tenure as president (1913–21), he also served as president of Princeton University (1902–10) and president of the American Political Science Association (1909–10). Wilson is one of the most revered figures in American political thought and in American political science. The Woodrow Wilson Award is perhaps APSA’s most distinguished award, given annually for the best book on government, politics, or international affairs published in the previous year, and sponsored by the Woodrow Wilson Foundation at Princeton University.Wilson has also recently become the subject of controversy, on the campus of Princeton University, and in the political culture more generally, in connection with racist statements that he made and the segregationist practices of his administration. A group of Princeton students associated with the “Black Lives Matter” movement has demanded that Wilson’s name be removed from two campus buildings, one of which is the famous Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs (see Martha A. Sandweiss, “Woodrow Wilson, Princeton, and the Complex Landscape of Race,” http://www.thenation.com/article/woodrow-wilson-princeton-and-the-complex-landscape-of-race/). Many others have resisted this idea, noting that Wilson is indeed an important figure in the history of twentieth-century liberalism and Progressivism in the United States.A number of colleagues have contacted me suggesting that Perspectives ought to organize a symposium on the Wilson controversy. Although we do not regularly organize symposia around current events, given the valence of the controversy and its connection to issues we have featured in our journal (see especially the September 2015 issue on “The American Politics of Policing and Incarceration”), and given Wilson's importance in the history of our discipline, we have decided to make an exception in this case. We have thus invited a wide range of colleagues whose views on this issue will interest our readers to comment on this controversy. —Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor.
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Pinderhughes, Dianne. "Education and Transparency: Changes in Campus Iconography." Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 3 (August 31, 2016): 766–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716002097.
Full textAbstract:
Woodrow Wilson is the only American political scientist to have served as President of the United States. In the time between his political science Ph.D. (from Johns Hopkins, in 1886) and his tenure as president (1913–21), he also served as president of Princeton University (1902–10) and president of the American Political Science Association (1909–10). Wilson is one of the most revered figures in American political thought and in American political science. The Woodrow Wilson Award is perhaps APSA’s most distinguished award, given annually for the best book on government, politics, or international affairs published in the previous year, and sponsored by the Woodrow Wilson Foundation at Princeton University.Wilson has also recently become the subject of controversy, on the campus of Princeton University, and in the political culture more generally, in connection with racist statements that he made and the segregationist practices of his administration. A group of Princeton students associated with the “Black Lives Matter” movement has demanded that Wilson’s name be removed from two campus buildings, one of which is the famous Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs (see Martha A. Sandweiss, “Woodrow Wilson, Princeton, and the Complex Landscape of Race,” http://www.thenation.com/article/woodrow-wilson-princeton-and-the-complex-landscape-of-race/). Many others have resisted this idea, noting that Wilson is indeed an important figure in the history of twentieth-century liberalism and Progressivism in the United States.A number of colleagues have contacted me suggesting that Perspectives ought to organize a symposium on the Wilson controversy. Although we do not regularly organize symposia around current events, given the valence of the controversy and its connection to issues we have featured in our journal (see especially the September 2015 issue on “The American Politics of Policing and Incarceration”), and given Wilson's importance in the history of our discipline, we have decided to make an exception in this case. We have thus invited a wide range of colleagues whose views on this issue will interest our readers to comment on this controversy. —Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor.
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Shaw, Todd. "Transforming Silence into an Active, Present Awareness: What to do about Wilson’s Legacy." Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 3 (August 31, 2016): 768–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716002103.
Full textAbstract:
Woodrow Wilson is the only American political scientist to have served as President of the United States. In the time between his political science Ph.D. (from Johns Hopkins, in 1886) and his tenure as president (1913–21), he also served as president of Princeton University (1902–10) and president of the American Political Science Association (1909–10). Wilson is one of the most revered figures in American political thought and in American political science. The Woodrow Wilson Award is perhaps APSA’s most distinguished award, given annually for the best book on government, politics, or international affairs published in the previous year, and sponsored by the Woodrow Wilson Foundation at Princeton University.Wilson has also recently become the subject of controversy, on the campus of Princeton University, and in the political culture more generally, in connection with racist statements that he made and the segregationist practices of his administration. A group of Princeton students associated with the “Black Lives Matter” movement has demanded that Wilson’s name be removed from two campus buildings, one of which is the famous Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs (see Martha A. Sandweiss, “Woodrow Wilson, Princeton, and the Complex Landscape of Race,” http://www.thenation.com/article/woodrow-wilson-princeton-and-the-complex-landscape-of-race/). Many others have resisted this idea, noting that Wilson is indeed an important figure in the history of twentieth-century liberalism and Progressivism in the United States.A number of colleagues have contacted me suggesting that Perspectives ought to organize a symposium on the Wilson controversy. Although we do not regularly organize symposia around current events, given the valence of the controversy and its connection to issues we have featured in our journal (see especially the September 2015 issue on “The American Politics of Policing and Incarceration”), and given Wilson's importance in the history of our discipline, we have decided to make an exception in this case. We have thus invited a wide range of colleagues whose views on this issue will interest our readers to comment on this controversy. —Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor.
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Uwalaka, Temple. "‘We Will Never Forget’: Thematic Analysis of Digital Media Contents during the 2021 #EndSARSMemorial protests in Nigeria." Studies in Media and Communication 9, no. 2 (November 26, 2021): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/smc.v9i2.5411.
Full textAbstract:
The thrust of the study was to appraise the influence of social media in contentious politics and solidarity building by interrogating themes from tweets and posts of digital activists during the 2021 #EndSARSMemorial protests in Nigeria. The content analysis of digital media posts and tweets (N=24,688) show that social media platforms were used as a vehicle for provoking solidarity contagion that ignited a memorial for fallen activists in Nigeria. Findings further demonstrate that protesters used social media platforms to reveal how vexed, and anguished they were as well as imprecating the authorities. Data reveal that there is a substantial relationship between celebrity posts and tweets and positive hedonic experiential valence about the 2021 #EndSARSMemorial protests. Finally, this study explicates and contributes to the theorisation of the affective theory.
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Berz, Jan. "The effect of voters’ economic perception, Brexit and campaigns on the evaluation of party leaders over time." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 22, no. 2 (February 13, 2020): 202–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148119886220.
Full textAbstract:
When and why do voters change their evaluation of party leaders? Voters’ evaluations of party leaders are an increasingly important determinant of electoral behaviour. Which factors influence these evaluations of party leaders? Do voters evaluate party leaders who hold the office of prime minister differently from other party leaders, and do electoral campaigns and issues change these evaluations? I use a multilevel growth model with panel data from the United Kingdom to analyse effects over time. I find that campaigns play a significant role and that voters’ stance on Brexit has a considerable time-varying effect. In addition, voters use economic performance as a valence signal for party leaders holding the office of prime minister and therefore hold them accountable for bad economic performance, especially during election campaigns. These findings show that the personalization of politics may endanger the democratic function of elections to a lesser extent than is commonly feared.