Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Valence Politics'

The present study investigates the effects of on-screen messages on viewer perceptions of source credibility and issue valence. Previous research has found that elites utilize framing in order to alter viewer perceptions and change public opinion. An experiment was conducted, which examined whether on-screen messages displayed during a presidential-news conference had any effect on the viewers' perception of sound credibility and issue valence. The results of the study indicate that on-screen messages have no effect on individuals' perceptions of source credibility and issue valence. The study also found that an individual's· political ideology plays a major role in influencing perceptions of source credibility and issue valence.

In this dissertation I explore how globalization and ethnic regionalism collide in the planning of the contemporary European city. Political-economic restructuring is making Europe simultaneously more integrated and regionalized. An emerging literature approaches such restructuring as a matter of geographic 'scale,' refraining globalization as 'rescaling' or 'reterritorialization,' often contested through a 'politics of scale.' These innovative approaches, however, need to be elaborated through case study. More, they fail to account for how globalization is not merely resisted, but is negotiated locally, particularly in the politics and landscapes of European cities where ethnic regionalism is resurgent. I ask: How may local politician and planners balance the external imperatives of globalization with the internal politics of regionalism, particularly in the cultural landscapes upon which a rescaled Europe must necessarily be constructed? I approach this question through case study of the city of Valencia, capital of the autonomous region the Comunitat Valenciana, emblematic of the European regionalization at which Spain is at the vanguard. Analyzing secondary literature, archival research of planning documents and newspapers, semi-structured interviews, and participant observation, I show politics in Spain to have long been defined by the politics of scale, revolving around issues of regional, cultural difference. Planning in capital cities like Valencia is thus central to efforts to consolidate regional territory, but the rescaling of urban space usually implies the transformation of traditional, cultural landscapes, like the irrigated croplands of the Horta that surround the city of Valencia. The politics of scale are both more contested and 'cultural' than the existing literature suggests, and they unfold in and through the cultural landscape. Globalization must necessarily be negotiated through what I call the cultural politics of scale, which are struggles to define the meaning of economic restructuring in political discourse and the material landscape. In Valencia, political leaders attempt to strike a balance between entrepreneurialism and regionalism in an ideology of entrepreneurial regionalism, which is manifest in both political discourses and new landscapes of economic development meant to materialize them. In the process, the cultural politics of scale remake local places and the global political economy simultaneously.

Following the 2004 U.S. presidential election, articles from the Associated Press and major news organizations came to very different conclusions regarding the impact of young voters on the election outcome. While some media outlets framed the youth turnout as a success, others framed it as a failure. This experimental study (N=237) utilized a pre-test/post-test design to build upon research on framing theory and political information efficacy theory. Articles about youth voter turnout in the 2004 election served as the stimuli to test the effects of news frame valence and frame substance on college student respondents' levels of trust, cynicism, and political information efficacy. Results indicated that while valence and level of substance of a news article may affect political attitudes, changes between experimental groups were not significant. Cynicism was negatively correlated with political information efficacy and trust. Attitudinal measures accounted for a significant amount of variance in respondents' interest in the 2006 campaign as well as perceived importance of both political engagement and youth voter turnout in past and future campaigns.
Master of Arts

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University
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This dissertation examines the economic, social and political life of La Plana, an area associated with an extensive irrigation system at the mouth of the Millars river in eastern Spain, in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries. This was part of a new kingdom established by the Christian monarchs of Aragon in the wake of their conquest and seizure of it from its previous Muslim rulers. Historians have debated to what extent this was a feudal society on the northern European model and how its legal framework shaped, and was shaped by, economic factors, particularly urban-based commerce. La Plana is a fruitful area for such study owing to the rich documentary record left by municipal councils of its main towns. This dissertation, therefore, is the product of a trawl of those documents searching for evidence of economic activity, class conflict, legal structure, friction between different political forces and civic life in provincial towns. I argue that the main town of La Plana, Castello, though owing fealty to an often distant king, was in no way a feudal entity. It saw itself as essentially autonomous and defended its traditional rights and privileges against other towns, nearby feudal lords, ecclesiastical establishments, the ravenous metropolis of Valencia city and the monarchy. Also, the bourgeois and mercantile character of the towns of the new kingdom and the great autonomy granted to them in their charters of foundation and the many privileges bestowed upon them by subsequent monarchs led them to become independent nodes of power and fostered the creation of a socio-economic class whose interests were inimical to those of the nobility and, in the end, to those of the monarchy itself. Castello was also the arena of struggles between rival social classes and economic interests within the town itself. I also look at efforts by the town authorities to regulate trade, maintain infrastructure, keep public order and promote public health.
2031-01-01

The aim of this study is to examine explanations for why Swedish local political parties are formed. This is done by using a statistical method with a focus on first person explanations, whereas previous research either has focused on third person explanations or conducted small scale studies. Several perspectives and explanations are found in the previous literature, around which a total of seven hypotheses are constructed. To test the hypotheses, a survey is constructed and data is collected from a total of 63 founders, representing 44 of the 62 local parties that received mandates in a municipal council for the first time in either 2014 or 2018. Results indicate that difficulty to influence the established parties, disappointment aimed towards the established parties as well as a lack of attention given to topics perceived as important are all significant factors when making the decision to form a party. Contrary to previous research, factors such as anger and a desire for revenge are not found to affect the decision to form a party. Furthermore, a potential explanation for why the diffusion effects that have been documented in previous research exist, namely rational imitation, finds some support in this study. In conclusion, it is argued that the disparity within the previous research and between previous research and this study, along with theoretical shortcomings in some theoretical explanations, shows that the study of why local political parties emerge is in its infancy and that both theoretical explanations and empirical analyses could use further development.

Comment un monarque agit-il pour exercer son pouvoir sur deux territoires éloignés géographiquement, mais tous deux peuplés par des minorités juridiques ? Cette thèse a pour objectif de mener une étude comparative sur la manière dont la Monarchie Hispanique a exercé le contrôle politique, et notamment le contrôle de la mobilité spatiale, sur la minorité morisque du royaume de Valence et sur la minorité indienne péruvienne au cours du XVIe siècle.Notre recherche met l’accent sur l’importance du contrôle de la mobilité spatiale de ces minorités comme un moyen pour mettre en application des objectifs spécifiques au bon fonctionnement de la gouvernance de chaque territoire. De l’analyse de ces objectifs, réalisé en grande partie à partir de l’ordre juridique de l’époque, il découle que les Morisques et les Indiens ont été l’objet d’un traitement différencié, motivé par le contexte politique, social ou économique qui prévalait dans chaque espace géographique. Toutefois, notre travail met en évidence la volonté de déplacer ces minorités pour les éloigner des côtes ou les regrouper dans des villages séparés, afin de les confiner et de les isoler. Paradoxalement, nous avons également observé, à la suite de la mise en place d’un tel contrôle, l’apparition d’effets non prévus, tels que les fuites et d’autres formes de résistance
How does a monarch exercise his power over two geographically distant territories, both populated by juridical minorities? This thesis intends to carry out a comparative study of the way in which the Hispanic Monarchy exercised political control, and in particular territorial mobility control, over the Morisco minority in the Kingdom of Valencia and the Peruvian Indian minority during the 16th century.This research will show the important role of controlling the territorial mobility of those minorities as the monarchical instrument for reaching its political, social and economic goals in each territory. The analysis of these objectives, based in large part on the legislative rulings of that era, infers that the Moriscos and the Peruvian Indians endured a differentiated control due to the political, social and economic context that prevailed in each of the territories they occupied. Nevertheless, this work reveals the will of the monarchical power in displacing and alienating these minorities from the coasts or grouping them in distant villages, in order to better confine and control them. Paradoxically, it is found that such control ends in creating “undesirable” effects, such as escapes and other forms of resistance

Joan Fuster was one of the most prominent intellectuals of the Catalan Letters in the last century. His national thought and the construction of a Valencian identity which was an alternative to the existing one, was central during the sixties and seventies for the different Valencian political cultures. Furthermore, the national proposal for the «Catalan countries» which he theorized and deffended, obliged the political cultures in Catalonia and the Balearic Islands to modify their national approaches. The whole spectre of the opposition to Franco, from the left to the nationalism passing through the liberal right , were interpellated by Fuster's proposal. Nevertheless, with the transition, the events put away intellectuals and polical proposals such as the one Fuster propounded. The consolidation of democracy and the country's political state of autonomies eventually showed that national initiatives such as the ones Fuster conceived did not fit in the new regime.
Joan Fuster va ser un dels intel·lectuals més importants de les lletres catalanes el segle passat. El seu pensament nacional i la construcció d’una identitat valenciana alternativa a l’existent, fou central durant la dècada dels seixanta i setanta per a les diferents cultures polítiques valencianes. Igualment, la proposta nacional dels «Països Catalans» que teoritzà i defensà, va obligar les cultures polítiques de Catalunya i les Illes a modificar els seus plantejaments nacionals. Tot l’espectre de l’antifranquisme, des de l’esquerra al nacionalisme passant per la dreta liberal, es veieren interpel·lats per la proposta fusteriana. Amb la transició, però, els esdeveniments anaren arraconant a intel·lectuals i propostes polítiques com la fusteriana. La consolidació de la democràcia i l’Estat de les autonomies acabà per mostrar que plantejaments nacionals com el fusteria no encaixaven en el nou règim.

Con esta investigación hemos pretendido contribuir al reconocimiento de la multifuncionalidad de la agricultura, defendiendo una actividad que desempeña una función económica, a la vez que otras funciones relativas la protección del medio ambiente y del paisaje, a la conservación del patrimonio cultural, a la mejora de los aspectos de equilibrio social, así como la posibilidad de proveer servicios recreativos. Estas funciones generan bienes y servicios que no tienen mercado, pero para los que existe una demanda social. De acuerdo con los objetivos planteados para este trabajo de investigación se ha desarrollado una aproximación descriptiva de la multifuncionalidad de la agricultura, como marco teórico para el desarrollo posterior de análisis de la demanda de los bienes y servicios que pueden proveer los sistemas agrarios, y las funciones que pueden desempeñar, así como para la determinación de una función de utilidad, que guíe la definición de las políticas de intervención. El esquema se ha aplicado al caso concreto de la Huerta de Valencia, que es un sistema agrario de gran riqueza y con gran variedad de recursos, sobre el que hay abierto un debate político-institucional para definir un régimen de protección. Se ha podido establecer las funciones y los bienes y servicios que provee este espacio agrario, base del análisis de la demanda social de estos bienes y servicios y de la determinación de una función de utilidad. La estimación de las preferencias sociales por las funciones que desarrolla la Huerta, se ha realizado mediante metodologías de análisis multicriterio, y más concretamente el Analytic Hierarchy Process (AHP) para valorar las prioridades sociales e interpretarlas en términos de utilidad, y de demanda social, para integrarlas en las decisiones de políticas encaminadas a la promoción de aquellas funciones de los sistemas agrarios con los que se maximizaría la utilidad del mismo.
Marqués Pérez, I. (2013). Valoración de los bienes y servicios que presta la agricultura. Aplicación al sistema agrario de la huerta de valencia [Tesis doctoral no publicada]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/33102
TESIS

[EN] Housing is an asset of huge individual, family and group significance, and a major cause for concern and field of work on both microeconomic and macroeconomic levels. Studies on the housing market are of great interest, particularly the ones connected with the behaviour of demand and determination of market prices. The market price of housing has nevertheless traditionally been examined from the supply angle, opting for quantitative type forecasts, without considering the qualitative relationship found between price and demand, on a microeconomic scale. One aim of this Doctoral Thesis is to provide new information helping to further knowledge in the field of real estate valuation by studying purchasers' preferences for making decisions on housing. Multi-criterion decision techniques, specifically Saaty's Analytic Hierarchy Process, are used for the analysis of preferences in demand, based on the theory of multi-attribute utility of housing to determine the relative importance of each characteristic of properties and its influence on the decision-making process. We use multiple regression methods to select an econometric model with sufficient predictive capacity, based on the real knowledge of the characteristics of properties and the prices actually paid. The first research was done through a survey for purchasing housing in the city of Valencia. In the second part of the research we analysed a broad representative range of sales in the city of Valencia over the period from 2005 to 2014, to be able to reflect the variability of prices depending on the changes in quantity and quality of the different categories of housing. The ultimate objective is to contrast the results of both processes to determine how market prices are really reflecting the preferences of demand. Even whilst assuming that the intrinsic heterogeneity of housing leads to difficulties in establishing market prices, the results of our research allow us to deduce that the foreseeable price of a property depends on a more or less small set of its characteristics, which are connected with the Location, Surface area and State of the Property and on other kinds of features which give this value and differentiation, such as the height of the Storey, the availability of Balconies and the Distribution. Six main characteristics seem to be enough to be able to explain the housing market through our model of regression. Through being statistically validated, this is also used to demonstrate its congruence with the Global Utility Function for Demand, determined through purchasers' preferences in the complex realm of obtaining knowledge on the behaviour of those involved in the sector in establishing market prices.
[ES] La vivienda es un bien de gran trascendencia individual, familiar y colectiva, y gran motivo de ocupación y preocupación tanto a nivel microeconómico como macroeconómico. Los estudios sobre el mercado de la vivienda presentan un notable interés, en especial los relacionados con el comportamiento de la demanda y con la determinación de los precios de mercado. Sin embargo, el precio de mercado de la vivienda ha sido tradicionalmente estudiado desde la perspectiva de la oferta, apostando por predicciones de tipo cuantitativo, sin plantear la relación cualitativa existente entre el precio y la demanda, a escala microeconómica. Es objetivo de la presente Tesis Doctoral aportar información nueva que contribuya al avance del conocimiento en materia de valoración inmobiliaria a través del estudio de las preferencias de los compradores para la toma de decisiones en materia de vivienda. Utilizamos las técnicas de decisión multicriterio, en concreto el Método de las Jerarquías Analíticas de Saaty, para el análisis de las preferencias de la demanda, basándonos en la teoría de la utilidad multiatributo de la vivienda para determinar la importancia relativa de cada característica de vivienda y su peso dentro del marco del proceso de decisión. Utilizamos los métodos de regresión múltiple para seleccionar un modelo econométrico con suficiente capacidad predictiva, basado en el verdadero conocimiento de las características de los inmuebles y los precios efectivamente pagados. La primera investigación la realizamos a través de una encuesta a compradores de vivienda en la ciudad de Valencia. En la segunda investigación analizamos una amplia muestra representativa de compraventas en la ciudad de Valencia para el periodo comprendido entre 2005 y 2014, con el que poder reflejar la variabilidad de los precios en función de los cambios en cantidad y calidad de las distintas categorías de vivienda. El objetivo último es contrastar los resultados de los dos procesos para determinar cómo los precios de mercado están reflejando realmente las preferencias de la demanda. Asumiendo que la intrínseca heterogeneidad de la vivienda produce dificultades en el establecimiento de los precios de mercado, los resultados de nuestra investigación permiten deducir que el precio predecible de una vivienda depende de un conjunto más o menos reducido de características contenidas en ella, y que están relacionadas con la Ubicación, la Superficie y el Estado de la Vivienda, y de otro tipo de características que le dan valor y diferenciación, como la altura de la Planta, la disponibilidad de Terraza y la Distribución. Seis características principales parecen ser suficientes para poder explicar el mercado de la vivienda a través de nuestro modelo de regresión, que validado estadísticamente, es también explotado para demostrar la congruencia de éste con la Función de Utilidad Global de la Demanda determinada a través de las preferencias de los compradores en el complejo mundo de extraer conocimiento sobre el comportamiento de los intervinientes en el sector, al respecto del establecimiento de los precios de mercado.
[CAT] L' habitatge és un bé de gran transcendència individual, familiar i col¿lectiva, i gran motiu d'ocupació i preocupació tant a nivell microeconòmic com a macroeconòmic. Els estudis sobre el mercat de l'habitatge presenten un notable interès, especialment els relacionats amb el comportament de la demanda i amb la determinació dels preus de mercat. No obstant açò, el preu de mercat de l'habitatge ha sigut tradicionalment estudiat des de la perspectiva de l'oferta, apostant per prediccions de tipus quantitatiu, sense plantejar la relació qualitativa existent entre el preu i la demanda, a escala microeconòmica. És objectiu de la present Tesi Doctoral aportar informació nova que contribuïsca a l'avanç del coneixement en matèria de valoració immobiliària a través de l'estudi de les preferències dels compradors per a la presa de decisions en matèria d' habitatge. Utilitzem les tècniques de decisió multicriteri, en concret el Mètode de les Jeràrquies Analítiques de Saaty, per a l' anàlisi de les preferències de la demanda, basant-nos en la teoria de la utilitat multiatribut de l'habitatge per a determinar la importància relativa de cada característica d'habitatge i el seu pes dins del marc del procés de decisió. Utilitzem els mètodes de regressió múltiple per a seleccionar un model economètric amb suficient capacitat predictiva, basat en el vertader coneixement de les característiques dels immobles i els preus efectivament pagats. La primera recerca la realitzem a través d' una enquesta a compradors d'habitatge a la ciutat de València. En la segona recerca analitzem una àmplia mostra representativa de compravendes a la ciutat de València per al període comprès entre 2005 i 2014, amb el qual poder reflectir la variabilitat dels preus en funció dels canvis en quantitat i qualitat de les diferents categories d'habitatge. L'objectiu últim és contrastar els resultats dels dos processos per a determinar com els preus de mercat estan reflectint realment les preferències de la demanda. Assumint que la intrínseca heterogeneïtat de l'habitatge produeix dificultats en l'establiment dels preus de mercat, els resultats de la nostra recerca permeten deduir que el preu predictible d' un habitatge depèn d' un conjunt més o menys reduït de característiques contingudes en ella, i que estan relacionades amb la Ubicació, la Superfície i l'Estat de l'habitatge, i d'un altre tipus de característiques que li donen valor i diferenciació, com l'altura de la Planta, la disponibilitat de Terrassa i la Distribució. Sis característiques principals semblen ser suficients per a poder explicar el mercat de l'habitatge a través del nostre model de regressió, que validat estadísticament, és també explotat per a demostrar la congruència d'aquest amb la Funció d' Utilitat Global de la Demanda determinada a través de les preferències dels compradors en el complex món d'extraure coneixement sobre el comportament dels intervinents en el sector referent a l'establiment dels preus de mercat.
García Pérez, R. (2016). Análisis de las preferencias de la demanda en el mercado de la vivienda en la ciudad de Valencia. Su impacto en la predicción del precio [Tesis doctoral no publicada]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/61956
TESIS

The present document studies the Groups Facilitation, understood as a set of techniques and knowledge that serve to improve the functioning of any human group, and its possible effects on the Sardinian and Valencian agroecological movement. In Sardegna, the incipient agroecological movement has been characterized through 48 semi-structured interviews, to understand its situation and to find out how facilitation can be useful. In Valencia, a Facilitation process has been applied to 5 agroecological groups, analyzing the effects of its application with surveys and discussion groups in the beginning and in the end of the process. We found an embryonic state of the Sardinian agroecological movement but also good conditions of the territory and high level motivation to grow up. So the main conclusion is that Facilitation could be oriented to generate bonds of trust between the people already involved and to support the internal development of the groups linked to agroecology. In Valencia, Facilitation has had visible and obvious effects on the studied groups, especially improving communication within and outside the groups, the relationships between its members, and the behavior of their assemblies. It is, therefore, considered a useful tool to support the development of the agroecological movement.
El presente documento estudia la influencia que la Facilitación de grupos, entendida como un conjunto de técnicas y conocimientos que sirven para mejorar el funcionamiento de cualquier grupo humano, puede tener sobre el movimiento agroecológico sardo y valenciano. En Sardegna se ha caracterizado el incipiente movimiento agroecológico a través de 48 entrevistas semi-estructuradas, para entender su situación y encontrar de qué manera la Facilitación puede ser útil. En Valencia se ha aplicado la Facilitación a 5 colectivos agroecológicos, midiendo los efectos de esta aplicación con encuestas y grupos de discusión realizados al inicio y al final del proceso. Las conclusiones generales son que en Sardegna, dado el estado embrionario del movimiento agroecológico, las buenas condiciones del territorio y la motivación existente, la futura aplicación de la Facilitación puede ir orientada a generar lazos de confianza entre las personas ya involucradas y a apoyar el desarrollo interno de los colectivos vinculados a la agroecología. En Valencia, se concluye que la Facilitación ha provocado efectos visibles y evidentes en los grupos participantes, mejorando sobre todo la comunicación dentro y fuera de los colectivos, las relaciones entre sus miembros, y el funcionamiento de sus asambleas. Se considera, por tanto, una herramienta útil para apoyar el desarrollo del movimiento agroecológico.
El present document estudia la influència que la Facilitació de grups, entesa como un conjunt de tècniques i coneixements que serveixen per a millorar el funcionament de qualsevol grup humà, poden tenir sobre el moviment agroecològic sardo i valencià. A Sardegna, s'ha caracteritzat el incipient moviment agroecològic mitjançant 48 entrevistes semi-estructurades, per a entendre la seua situació i trobar de quina manera la Facilitació pot resultar-li útil. A València s'ha aplicat la Facilitació amb 5 col¿lectius agroecológics, mesurant els efectes d'aquesta aplicació amb enquestes i grups de discussió duts a terme al inici i al final del procés. Les conclusions generals són que a Sardegna, donat l'estat embrionari del moviment agroecológic, les bones condicions del territori i la motivació existent, la futura aplicació de la Facilitació pot anar orientada a generar vincles de confiança entre les persones ja involucrades i a recolzar el desenvolupament intern dels col¿lectius vinculats a l'agroecologia. A València, es conclou que la Facilitació ha provocat efectes visibles i evidents als grups participants, millorant sobretot la comunicació dins i fora dels col¿lectius, les relacions entre les persones membres, i el funcionament de les assemblees. Es considera, així doncs, una eina útil per recolzar el desenvolupament del moviment agroecológic.
Garcia López, M. (2017). LA FACILITACIÓN DE GRUPOS EN EL MOVIMIENTO AGROECOLÓGICO DE VALENCIA Y CERDEÑA: UN ENSAYO DE TRANSFORMACIÓN SOCIAL BASADO EN LA COMPRENSIÓN DE LAS DINÁMICAS GRUPALES [Tesis doctoral no publicada]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/88906
TESIS

Los asesinatos de jóvenes varones en Puerto Rico son alarmantes y aunque existe temor por la alta criminalidad, esta coexiste con la indiferencia e insensibilidad ante la mayoría de las víctimas. El discurso oficialista, acogido por la población en general, categoriza a las víctimas del crimen, entre víctimas “culpables” y víctimas ''inocentes'', de acuerdo al grupo social de procedencia de las víctimas. Vemos, como unos asesinatos de personas consideradas de bien, atraen la atención de la mayoría de la gente hacia el problema de la criminalidad. Asesinatos que por lo general son resueltos y convictos sus victimarios en un tiempo relativamente rápido, mientras otros que ocurren en mayor proporción, no parecen indignar a la mayoría de las personas. Esto constituye un ejemplo de este manejo diferenciado en el que unos muertos valen más que otros. El presente trabajo de investigación pretende provocar una reflexión crítica en torno a los discursos valorativos respecto de los asesinatos en el país y su cobertura en la prensa, a partir de la forma en que diferentes sectores valoran unos asesinatos sobre otros, de acuerdo con el nivel socioeconómico de procedencia de las víctimas. Para esto, utilicé como estudio de caso del asesinato de la joven Nicole Muñiz Martínez, ocurrido en el mes de agosto de 2003. Esto fue comparado con las experiencias de cinco familiares de varones asesinados y se complementó con un análisis de contenido de las noticias sobre asesinatos un mes antes y después del asesinato de Nicole Muñiz. Finalmente, el análisis se realizó a partir de la teoría de la complejidad.

Les relacions entre els partits polítics catalans amb consciència nacional i els partits polítics del valencianisme fusterià han estat canviants al llarg del període 1980 – 2017. Aquesta recerca exposa quins han estat aquests vincles i analitza com i per què han anat evolucionant des dels anys vuitanta fins a l’actualitat. Així, partint dels antecedents de l’antifranquisme, es constata com durant l’etapa parlamentària els canvis estratègics i tàctics del valencianisme i la concepció nacional dels partits catalans modulen unes relacions que tindran en les coalicions electorals al Parlament Europeu el seu principal aparador. La voluntat de coordinació i homologació entre partits, l’existència d’escissions i de confluències, i la participació conjunta en actes de les diferents formacions dibuixen el mapa de relacions entre les dues ribes del Sénia.
The relations between the Catalan political parties with national conscience and the political parties of the Fusterian Valencianism have been changing throughout the period 1980 - 2017. This research describes these links and analyses how and why they have evolved since the eighties until nowadays. Thus, based on the antecedents of the opposition to Francoism, it is observed that during the parliamentary stage the strategic and tactical modifications of Valencianism and the national conception of Catalan parties will modulate relations that will have in the electoral coalitions in the European Parliament their main showcase. The willingness of coordination and homologation between parties, the existence of splits and confluences, and the joint participation in acts of the different formations draw the map of relations between the two banks of the Sénia.

This thesis examines the role of Czech writer Edvard Valenta (1901-1978) in post-war Czechoslovakia journalism. The overview part of the paper tracks Valenta's texts published from 1945 to 1948 in Svobodné noviny and in magazine Dnešek. Attention is also devoted to Edvard Valenta's correspondence not only with many Czech writers, but also with his own family. Based on archival research and eyewitness accounts, this work tries to capture the life and the career of Czech journalist and writer Edvard Valenta, including his imprisonment after february 1948. The work focuses on the facts that were not known about Edvard Valenta yet, trying to organize them and to make them available for any further research or to organize them and to make them available for any further research or writing of Valenta's monography. Furthermore, the contemporary journalism situation is outlined as well as the political interventions into cultural issues. The selection part of the paper deals with the analysis of specific polemical texts among literary groups and authors with different political beliefs. The aim is to highlight the importance of Edvard Valenta in journalism field in the Third Republic and to highlight the inextricable connection of literature and journalism. Keywords: Czech literature of the second half of...

The thesis focuses on influence of the AMS (Additional Member System) upon party systems of Scotland and Wales. This system is used for elections to Scottish parliament and Welsh national assembly. It was applied for the first election that was held in 1999 and it is still in use. This means AMS is used in both regions for the same time period, which allows us to compare the influence which the system has in different environment. The thesis analyzes results of all elections that were held in Scotland and Wales and defines their influence on particular parties and party systems it operates in. On the basis of these findings the general influence of AMS is formulated. Theoretical concepts by Maurice Duverger and Giovanni Sartori are used as a background for study of election systems and party systems. The position voter support and its changes are analyzed through valence theory, which uses opinion polls to explain election results. At the first sight the AMS seems to be the same one as another election system - MMP (Mixed Member Proportional). These systems are often confused or perceived as the same ones. So except the election results analysis this thesis explains also the difference between these systems and classifies them into right categories. It shows up that each of the systems belongs to...

A presente dissertação propõe-se contribuir para uma análise da relação entre marketing político moderno e credibilidade. Mais especificamente, propõe-se investigar fundamentos que contribuam para analisar e discutir em que moldes é que o marketing político moderno tem investido conceptual e estrategicamente a construção e manutenção de atitudes de credibilidade encaradas como veículos de relações democráticas salutares. Para o efeito, e em conformidade com um enquadramento de pendor crítico e multidisciplinar que tem o seu ponto de partida numa Antropologia Filosófica e o seu ponto de chegada numa Sociologia da Comunicação e da Cultura, identificam-se os fundamentos ontológicos e epistemológicos que suportam a “genética” moderna dos dois fenómenos em estudo. Perante o que parece ser um marketing político moderno com duas faces e duas forças, sociologicamente concomitante com uma escalada da designada “crise de credibilidade”, o propósito de discutir as valências epistemológicas, dialógicas e éticas, do marketing político moderno em termos de credibilidade torna necessária uma apresentação crítica de modelos estratégicos. É por esta via que se fundamentam as duas metáforas do designado marketing político moderno que tendem a disfarçar uma persistente ambiguidade em que se legitima um argumento central deste trabalho a favor de um paradoxo do marketing político moderno, por um lado e, por outro, a favor de uma aporia entre marketing político moderno e credibilidade. Conjuntamente, este paradoxo e esta aporia contribuem para salientar as valências de um marketing político encarado como dis-simulação ao nível da credibilidade encarada como gestualidade política. Nestes moldes, a presente dissertação inclui um apontamento reflexivo para uma análise da relação entre marketing político moderno e credibilidade no contexto português e conclui tomando posição a favor de um topos re-inscritivo propenso à construção e manutenção de relações democráticas «sanígenas e desenvolutivas».
This dissertation aims to contribute to the analysis of a relationship between modern political marketing and credibility. More specifically, its main purpose is to look into fundamentals helping to analyse and discuss whether modern political marketing tends to conceptually and strategically empower credibility attitudes faced as vehicles of healthful democratic relationships, hitherto. Therefore, on the basis of a critical and multidisciplinary framework bridging Philosophical Anthropology and Sociology of Communication and Culture, both modern political marketing and credibility’s ontological and epistemological “modern genetics” are emphasized. Taking into account what appears to be political marketing’s two faces and two forces, sociologically concomitant with an escalation of the so-called credibility crisis, a criticism of modern political marketing strategies is established in order to discuss the latter epistemological, dialogical and ethical valences. Hence, two modern political marketing metaphors are discussed and, considering that they have tended to veil a very persistent ambiguity, a capital statement is argued in favour of a modern political marketing paradox, on the one hand, and an aporia between modern political marketing and credibility, on the other hand. Concurrently, the paradox and the aporia contribute to reinforce a subsequent assumption regarding the valences of post-modern political marketing faced as dis-simulation in regard to credibility faced as political gesturality. After including a final reflexive subchapter concerning modern political marketing in the Portuguese context, this dissertation concludes by emphasizing a re-inscriptive topos propitious to building and maintaining healthful and developmental democratic relationships.