Academic literature on the topic 'Valence Politics'

In spatial models of political competition in democracies, citizens vote for the party or candidate that is the closest to their own ideological position, while in valence models, voters decide on the basis of non-policy factors, such as competence. What remains unclear, however, is whether citizens in authoritarian regimes use spatial or valence considerations to guide their decisions to participate in politics. This study uses data from the 2015 Chinese Urban Governance Survey to measure the ideology of Chinese citizens, and estimates an empirical stochastic model to explore how Chinese citizens use ideological distance and valence to determine how they want to participate in politics. The results show that valence issues, such as perceived government competence, play a larger role in political participation than ideology.

Previous analyses of African politics have mistaken parties’ dearth of position taking on issues as an absence of substantive electoral debate. The authors demonstrate that political parties tackle substantive issues during African elections, but generally voice them through valence appeals rather than by staking out distinct positions. The authors theorize that uncertainty, coupled with the single-party heritage and the elite dominance of African electoral politics, leads parties to employ valence discourse in their national election campaigns. With evidence from 950 newspaper articles during seven election cycles in African countries, the authors show that politicians predominantly use valence discourse when discussing political issues in the period approaching elections. They find tentative evidence that opposition actors are more likely to take positions than incumbents, and that civil society is more likely to raise position issues than political parties. This contribution aims to enrich the debate on electoral issues in Africa, but also draw greater attention to the potential impact of valence discourse on party systems in a comparative context.

This paper responds to Evans and Kat’s critique of the valence politics model of electoral choice. Their critique is deficient in several respects. First, the authors do not test the valence politics model, which is motivated by a theory of voting rather than a claim about the relationship between generalized measures of “party preference” and “party performance.” Second, Evans and Kat do not provide theoretical grounding for partisanship, which they claim is strongly exogenous to other variables of interest. Third, there are several specification and testing problems with their structural equation model. We study the properties of the valence model using a vector error correction model of aggregate monthly survey data gathered throughout the New Labour Era. Consistent with theoretical expectations, key valence politics variables constitute a powerful cointegrated system in which the dynamics of partisanship are endogenous to other variables in the system.

AbstractThe People's Action Party (PAP) of Singapore is one of the world's longest ruling dominant parties, having won every general election since the country's independence in 1965. Why do Singaporeans consistently vote for the PAP, contrary to the expectations of democratization theories? We argue that valence considerations—specifically, perceptions of party credibility—are the main factor in the voting behavior of Singapore's electorate, and are critical to explaining the PAP's resilience. Furthermore, we argue that the primacy of valence politics arose in part by design, as the PAP has used its control of Singapore's high-capacity state to reshape society and thereby reshape voter preferences towards its comparative advantages. We use a multi-methods approach to substantiate this argument, including a comprehensive quantitative analysis of recent elections. Ultimately, our findings suggest that a focus on valence politics can increase the resilience of dominant parties, but that such a strategy also faces natural limits.

There has been much talk of valence, consensus or competence politics but little theoretical explanation or empirical investigation of how this has arisen. In this article I argue that British political competition has become competence-based because the major parties and the electorate have converged on the dominant left–right dimension of British voting behaviour. As a result, commonly cited core vote explanations for party polarisation have only limited application. The electorate has converged on left–right issues, narrowing the policy space and the available positional strategies of political parties. A different pattern is found for the issue of Europe, and this is interpreted in light of possible causal mechanisms. The article offers a formal model for a rise in valence politics as parties and voters converge, and the implications are discussed for theories of party competition. I argue in favour of competence and salience-based theories of party strategy in place of a reliance on traditional spatial models.

Political parties in US politics are becoming increasingly polarized, with a growing number of extreme candidates entering electoral races. Why would extremists challenge more moderate opponents, since their chances of winning are supposedly very slim? I develop a model of electoral competition and endogenous entry to show that extremists rely on the possibility that the campaign might reveal information about the opponents’ quality that can induce some voters to change their electoral decision. The weight voters place on candidates’ valence determines the incidence of uncontested elections and the degree of asymmetry in polarization of the candidates’ policy positions in contested elections. Finally, I extend the model to consider asymmetric information about individual valence levels. I show that uncontested races are still possible in equilibrium, that in contested races at least one candidate has high valence, and the valence-advantaged candidate can be the one with the more extreme policy stance.

The present study investigates the effects of on-screen messages on viewer perceptions of source credibility and issue valence. Previous research has found that elites utilize framing in order to alter viewer perceptions and change public opinion. An experiment was conducted, which examined whether on-screen messages displayed during a presidential-news conference had any effect on the viewers' perception of sound credibility and issue valence. The results of the study indicate that on-screen messages have no effect on individuals' perceptions of source credibility and issue valence. The study also found that an individual's· political ideology plays a major role in influencing perceptions of source credibility and issue valence.

In this dissertation I explore how globalization and ethnic regionalism collide in the planning of the contemporary European city. Political-economic restructuring is making Europe simultaneously more integrated and regionalized. An emerging literature approaches such restructuring as a matter of geographic 'scale,' refraining globalization as 'rescaling' or 'reterritorialization,' often contested through a 'politics of scale.' These innovative approaches, however, need to be elaborated through case study. More, they fail to account for how globalization is not merely resisted, but is negotiated locally, particularly in the politics and landscapes of European cities where ethnic regionalism is resurgent. I ask: How may local politician and planners balance the external imperatives of globalization with the internal politics of regionalism, particularly in the cultural landscapes upon which a rescaled Europe must necessarily be constructed? I approach this question through case study of the city of Valencia, capital of the autonomous region the Comunitat Valenciana, emblematic of the European regionalization at which Spain is at the vanguard. Analyzing secondary literature, archival research of planning documents and newspapers, semi-structured interviews, and participant observation, I show politics in Spain to have long been defined by the politics of scale, revolving around issues of regional, cultural difference. Planning in capital cities like Valencia is thus central to efforts to consolidate regional territory, but the rescaling of urban space usually implies the transformation of traditional, cultural landscapes, like the irrigated croplands of the Horta that surround the city of Valencia. The politics of scale are both more contested and 'cultural' than the existing literature suggests, and they unfold in and through the cultural landscape. Globalization must necessarily be negotiated through what I call the cultural politics of scale, which are struggles to define the meaning of economic restructuring in political discourse and the material landscape. In Valencia, political leaders attempt to strike a balance between entrepreneurialism and regionalism in an ideology of entrepreneurial regionalism, which is manifest in both political discourses and new landscapes of economic development meant to materialize them. In the process, the cultural politics of scale remake local places and the global political economy simultaneously.

Following the 2004 U.S. presidential election, articles from the Associated Press and major news organizations came to very different conclusions regarding the impact of young voters on the election outcome. While some media outlets framed the youth turnout as a success, others framed it as a failure. This experimental study (N=237) utilized a pre-test/post-test design to build upon research on framing theory and political information efficacy theory. Articles about youth voter turnout in the 2004 election served as the stimuli to test the effects of news frame valence and frame substance on college student respondents' levels of trust, cynicism, and political information efficacy. Results indicated that while valence and level of substance of a news article may affect political attitudes, changes between experimental groups were not significant. Cynicism was negatively correlated with political information efficacy and trust. Attitudinal measures accounted for a significant amount of variance in respondents' interest in the 2006 campaign as well as perceived importance of both political engagement and youth voter turnout in past and future campaigns.
Master of Arts

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University
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This dissertation examines the economic, social and political life of La Plana, an area associated with an extensive irrigation system at the mouth of the Millars river in eastern Spain, in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries. This was part of a new kingdom established by the Christian monarchs of Aragon in the wake of their conquest and seizure of it from its previous Muslim rulers. Historians have debated to what extent this was a feudal society on the northern European model and how its legal framework shaped, and was shaped by, economic factors, particularly urban-based commerce. La Plana is a fruitful area for such study owing to the rich documentary record left by municipal councils of its main towns. This dissertation, therefore, is the product of a trawl of those documents searching for evidence of economic activity, class conflict, legal structure, friction between different political forces and civic life in provincial towns. I argue that the main town of La Plana, Castello, though owing fealty to an often distant king, was in no way a feudal entity. It saw itself as essentially autonomous and defended its traditional rights and privileges against other towns, nearby feudal lords, ecclesiastical establishments, the ravenous metropolis of Valencia city and the monarchy. Also, the bourgeois and mercantile character of the towns of the new kingdom and the great autonomy granted to them in their charters of foundation and the many privileges bestowed upon them by subsequent monarchs led them to become independent nodes of power and fostered the creation of a socio-economic class whose interests were inimical to those of the nobility and, in the end, to those of the monarchy itself. Castello was also the arena of struggles between rival social classes and economic interests within the town itself. I also look at efforts by the town authorities to regulate trade, maintain infrastructure, keep public order and promote public health.
2031-01-01

The aim of this study is to examine explanations for why Swedish local political parties are formed. This is done by using a statistical method with a focus on first person explanations, whereas previous research either has focused on third person explanations or conducted small scale studies. Several perspectives and explanations are found in the previous literature, around which a total of seven hypotheses are constructed. To test the hypotheses, a survey is constructed and data is collected from a total of 63 founders, representing 44 of the 62 local parties that received mandates in a municipal council for the first time in either 2014 or 2018. Results indicate that difficulty to influence the established parties, disappointment aimed towards the established parties as well as a lack of attention given to topics perceived as important are all significant factors when making the decision to form a party. Contrary to previous research, factors such as anger and a desire for revenge are not found to affect the decision to form a party. Furthermore, a potential explanation for why the diffusion effects that have been documented in previous research exist, namely rational imitation, finds some support in this study. In conclusion, it is argued that the disparity within the previous research and between previous research and this study, along with theoretical shortcomings in some theoretical explanations, shows that the study of why local political parties emerge is in its infancy and that both theoretical explanations and empirical analyses could use further development.

Comment un monarque agit-il pour exercer son pouvoir sur deux territoires éloignés géographiquement, mais tous deux peuplés par des minorités juridiques ? Cette thèse a pour objectif de mener une étude comparative sur la manière dont la Monarchie Hispanique a exercé le contrôle politique, et notamment le contrôle de la mobilité spatiale, sur la minorité morisque du royaume de Valence et sur la minorité indienne péruvienne au cours du XVIe siècle.Notre recherche met l’accent sur l’importance du contrôle de la mobilité spatiale de ces minorités comme un moyen pour mettre en application des objectifs spécifiques au bon fonctionnement de la gouvernance de chaque territoire. De l’analyse de ces objectifs, réalisé en grande partie à partir de l’ordre juridique de l’époque, il découle que les Morisques et les Indiens ont été l’objet d’un traitement différencié, motivé par le contexte politique, social ou économique qui prévalait dans chaque espace géographique. Toutefois, notre travail met en évidence la volonté de déplacer ces minorités pour les éloigner des côtes ou les regrouper dans des villages séparés, afin de les confiner et de les isoler. Paradoxalement, nous avons également observé, à la suite de la mise en place d’un tel contrôle, l’apparition d’effets non prévus, tels que les fuites et d’autres formes de résistance
How does a monarch exercise his power over two geographically distant territories, both populated by juridical minorities? This thesis intends to carry out a comparative study of the way in which the Hispanic Monarchy exercised political control, and in particular territorial mobility control, over the Morisco minority in the Kingdom of Valencia and the Peruvian Indian minority during the 16th century.This research will show the important role of controlling the territorial mobility of those minorities as the monarchical instrument for reaching its political, social and economic goals in each territory. The analysis of these objectives, based in large part on the legislative rulings of that era, infers that the Moriscos and the Peruvian Indians endured a differentiated control due to the political, social and economic context that prevailed in each of the territories they occupied. Nevertheless, this work reveals the will of the monarchical power in displacing and alienating these minorities from the coasts or grouping them in distant villages, in order to better confine and control them. Paradoxically, it is found that such control ends in creating “undesirable” effects, such as escapes and other forms of resistance

Joan Fuster was one of the most prominent intellectuals of the Catalan Letters in the last century. His national thought and the construction of a Valencian identity which was an alternative to the existing one, was central during the sixties and seventies for the different Valencian political cultures. Furthermore, the national proposal for the «Catalan countries» which he theorized and deffended, obliged the political cultures in Catalonia and the Balearic Islands to modify their national approaches. The whole spectre of the opposition to Franco, from the left to the nationalism passing through the liberal right , were interpellated by Fuster's proposal. Nevertheless, with the transition, the events put away intellectuals and polical proposals such as the one Fuster propounded. The consolidation of democracy and the country's political state of autonomies eventually showed that national initiatives such as the ones Fuster conceived did not fit in the new regime.
Joan Fuster va ser un dels intel·lectuals més importants de les lletres catalanes el segle passat. El seu pensament nacional i la construcció d’una identitat valenciana alternativa a l’existent, fou central durant la dècada dels seixanta i setanta per a les diferents cultures polítiques valencianes. Igualment, la proposta nacional dels «Països Catalans» que teoritzà i defensà, va obligar les cultures polítiques de Catalunya i les Illes a modificar els seus plantejaments nacionals. Tot l’espectre de l’antifranquisme, des de l’esquerra al nacionalisme passant per la dreta liberal, es veieren interpel·lats per la proposta fusteriana. Amb la transició, però, els esdeveniments anaren arraconant a intel·lectuals i propostes polítiques com la fusteriana. La consolidació de la democràcia i l’Estat de les autonomies acabà per mostrar que plantejaments nacionals com el fusteria no encaixaven en el nou règim.

Con esta investigación hemos pretendido contribuir al reconocimiento de la multifuncionalidad de la agricultura, defendiendo una actividad que desempeña una función económica, a la vez que otras funciones relativas la protección del medio ambiente y del paisaje, a la conservación del patrimonio cultural, a la mejora de los aspectos de equilibrio social, así como la posibilidad de proveer servicios recreativos. Estas funciones generan bienes y servicios que no tienen mercado, pero para los que existe una demanda social. De acuerdo con los objetivos planteados para este trabajo de investigación se ha desarrollado una aproximación descriptiva de la multifuncionalidad de la agricultura, como marco teórico para el desarrollo posterior de análisis de la demanda de los bienes y servicios que pueden proveer los sistemas agrarios, y las funciones que pueden desempeñar, así como para la determinación de una función de utilidad, que guíe la definición de las políticas de intervención. El esquema se ha aplicado al caso concreto de la Huerta de Valencia, que es un sistema agrario de gran riqueza y con gran variedad de recursos, sobre el que hay abierto un debate político-institucional para definir un régimen de protección. Se ha podido establecer las funciones y los bienes y servicios que provee este espacio agrario, base del análisis de la demanda social de estos bienes y servicios y de la determinación de una función de utilidad. La estimación de las preferencias sociales por las funciones que desarrolla la Huerta, se ha realizado mediante metodologías de análisis multicriterio, y más concretamente el Analytic Hierarchy Process (AHP) para valorar las prioridades sociales e interpretarlas en términos de utilidad, y de demanda social, para integrarlas en las decisiones de políticas encaminadas a la promoción de aquellas funciones de los sistemas agrarios con los que se maximizaría la utilidad del mismo.
Marqués Pérez, I. (2013). Valoración de los bienes y servicios que presta la agricultura. Aplicación al sistema agrario de la huerta de valencia [Tesis doctoral no publicada]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/33102
TESIS

[EN] Housing is an asset of huge individual, family and group significance, and a major cause for concern and field of work on both microeconomic and macroeconomic levels. Studies on the housing market are of great interest, particularly the ones connected with the behaviour of demand and determination of market prices. The market price of housing has nevertheless traditionally been examined from the supply angle, opting for quantitative type forecasts, without considering the qualitative relationship found between price and demand, on a microeconomic scale. One aim of this Doctoral Thesis is to provide new information helping to further knowledge in the field of real estate valuation by studying purchasers' preferences for making decisions on housing. Multi-criterion decision techniques, specifically Saaty's Analytic Hierarchy Process, are used for the analysis of preferences in demand, based on the theory of multi-attribute utility of housing to determine the relative importance of each characteristic of properties and its influence on the decision-making process. We use multiple regression methods to select an econometric model with sufficient predictive capacity, based on the real knowledge of the characteristics of properties and the prices actually paid. The first research was done through a survey for purchasing housing in the city of Valencia. In the second part of the research we analysed a broad representative range of sales in the city of Valencia over the period from 2005 to 2014, to be able to reflect the variability of prices depending on the changes in quantity and quality of the different categories of housing. The ultimate objective is to contrast the results of both processes to determine how market prices are really reflecting the preferences of demand. Even whilst assuming that the intrinsic heterogeneity of housing leads to difficulties in establishing market prices, the results of our research allow us to deduce that the foreseeable price of a property depends on a more or less small set of its characteristics, which are connected with the Location, Surface area and State of the Property and on other kinds of features which give this value and differentiation, such as the height of the Storey, the availability of Balconies and the Distribution. Six main characteristics seem to be enough to be able to explain the housing market through our model of regression. Through being statistically validated, this is also used to demonstrate its congruence with the Global Utility Function for Demand, determined through purchasers' preferences in the complex realm of obtaining knowledge on the behaviour of those involved in the sector in establishing market prices.
[ES] La vivienda es un bien de gran trascendencia individual, familiar y colectiva, y gran motivo de ocupación y preocupación tanto a nivel microeconómico como macroeconómico. Los estudios sobre el mercado de la vivienda presentan un notable interés, en especial los relacionados con el comportamiento de la demanda y con la determinación de los precios de mercado. Sin embargo, el precio de mercado de la vivienda ha sido tradicionalmente estudiado desde la perspectiva de la oferta, apostando por predicciones de tipo cuantitativo, sin plantear la relación cualitativa existente entre el precio y la demanda, a escala microeconómica. Es objetivo de la presente Tesis Doctoral aportar información nueva que contribuya al avance del conocimiento en materia de valoración inmobiliaria a través del estudio de las preferencias de los compradores para la toma de decisiones en materia de vivienda. Utilizamos las técnicas de decisión multicriterio, en concreto el Método de las Jerarquías Analíticas de Saaty, para el análisis de las preferencias de la demanda, basándonos en la teoría de la utilidad multiatributo de la vivienda para determinar la importancia relativa de cada característica de vivienda y su peso dentro del marco del proceso de decisión. Utilizamos los métodos de regresión múltiple para seleccionar un modelo econométrico con suficiente capacidad predictiva, basado en el verdadero conocimiento de las características de los inmuebles y los precios efectivamente pagados. La primera investigación la realizamos a través de una encuesta a compradores de vivienda en la ciudad de Valencia. En la segunda investigación analizamos una amplia muestra representativa de compraventas en la ciudad de Valencia para el periodo comprendido entre 2005 y 2014, con el que poder reflejar la variabilidad de los precios en función de los cambios en cantidad y calidad de las distintas categorías de vivienda. El objetivo último es contrastar los resultados de los dos procesos para determinar cómo los precios de mercado están reflejando realmente las preferencias de la demanda. Asumiendo que la intrínseca heterogeneidad de la vivienda produce dificultades en el establecimiento de los precios de mercado, los resultados de nuestra investigación permiten deducir que el precio predecible de una vivienda depende de un conjunto más o menos reducido de características contenidas en ella, y que están relacionadas con la Ubicación, la Superficie y el Estado de la Vivienda, y de otro tipo de características que le dan valor y diferenciación, como la altura de la Planta, la disponibilidad de Terraza y la Distribución. Seis características principales parecen ser suficientes para poder explicar el mercado de la vivienda a través de nuestro modelo de regresión, que validado estadísticamente, es también explotado para demostrar la congruencia de éste con la Función de Utilidad Global de la Demanda determinada a través de las preferencias de los compradores en el complejo mundo de extraer conocimiento sobre el comportamiento de los intervinientes en el sector, al respecto del establecimiento de los precios de mercado.
[CAT] L' habitatge és un bé de gran transcendència individual, familiar i col¿lectiva, i gran motiu d'ocupació i preocupació tant a nivell microeconòmic com a macroeconòmic. Els estudis sobre el mercat de l'habitatge presenten un notable interès, especialment els relacionats amb el comportament de la demanda i amb la determinació dels preus de mercat. No obstant açò, el preu de mercat de l'habitatge ha sigut tradicionalment estudiat des de la perspectiva de l'oferta, apostant per prediccions de tipus quantitatiu, sense plantejar la relació qualitativa existent entre el preu i la demanda, a escala microeconòmica. És objectiu de la present Tesi Doctoral aportar informació nova que contribuïsca a l'avanç del coneixement en matèria de valoració immobiliària a través de l'estudi de les preferències dels compradors per a la presa de decisions en matèria d' habitatge. Utilitzem les tècniques de decisió multicriteri, en concret el Mètode de les Jeràrquies Analítiques de Saaty, per a l' anàlisi de les preferències de la demanda, basant-nos en la teoria de la utilitat multiatribut de l'habitatge per a determinar la importància relativa de cada característica d'habitatge i el seu pes dins del marc del procés de decisió. Utilitzem els mètodes de regressió múltiple per a seleccionar un model economètric amb suficient capacitat predictiva, basat en el vertader coneixement de les característiques dels immobles i els preus efectivament pagats. La primera recerca la realitzem a través d' una enquesta a compradors d'habitatge a la ciutat de València. En la segona recerca analitzem una àmplia mostra representativa de compravendes a la ciutat de València per al període comprès entre 2005 i 2014, amb el qual poder reflectir la variabilitat dels preus en funció dels canvis en quantitat i qualitat de les diferents categories d'habitatge. L'objectiu últim és contrastar els resultats dels dos processos per a determinar com els preus de mercat estan reflectint realment les preferències de la demanda. Assumint que la intrínseca heterogeneïtat de l'habitatge produeix dificultats en l'establiment dels preus de mercat, els resultats de la nostra recerca permeten deduir que el preu predictible d' un habitatge depèn d' un conjunt més o menys reduït de característiques contingudes en ella, i que estan relacionades amb la Ubicació, la Superfície i l'Estat de l'habitatge, i d'un altre tipus de característiques que li donen valor i diferenciació, com l'altura de la Planta, la disponibilitat de Terrassa i la Distribució. Sis característiques principals semblen ser suficients per a poder explicar el mercat de l'habitatge a través del nostre model de regressió, que validat estadísticament, és també explotat per a demostrar la congruència d'aquest amb la Funció d' Utilitat Global de la Demanda determinada a través de les preferències dels compradors en el complex món d'extraure coneixement sobre el comportament dels intervinents en el sector referent a l'establiment dels preus de mercat.
García Pérez, R. (2016). Análisis de las preferencias de la demanda en el mercado de la vivienda en la ciudad de Valencia. Su impacto en la predicción del precio [Tesis doctoral no publicada]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/61956
TESIS

AbstractThis chapter analyses how multilingual mainstream Malaysian newspapers reported the Tanjung Piai by-election of November 2019. The Tanjung Piai parliamentary seat became vacant after the death of the Pakatan Harapan (PH) Member of Parliament. Barisan Nasional (BN) held the seat previously but lost it to PH in the 2018 general elections. This by-election was important because it indicated the people’s confidence in PH and the Prime Minister, Mahathir Mohamad. This chapter uses framing theory to explain how the media structure their delivery of news, promoting interpretations of events by selecting certain facts. Frames appearing in the media are important when they resonate with the audience’s strongly held perceptions. Articles in Harian Metro, Malaysiakini, The Star and Sin Chew Daily are analysed to determine the intensity of coverage, the predominant sources, the frames and the valence of the articles towards PH and Mahathir Mohamad. The analysis reveals that BN’s resounding victory is a strong indication of the people’s disappointment with the government and their efforts at reforms. The voters protested PH with an intention to ‘teach it a lesson’ by voting for BN’s candidate.

Abstract This chapter uses as a case Spanish cities such as Madrid, Palma de Mallorca, Bilbao, Seville, Valencia and Barcelona, to explore the role that degrowth social movement actors and ideas have played in protest action directed at the tourism sector in recent years. The authors identify important episodes of contestation in which degrowth activists have been present. Particularly after 2015, the Neighbourhood Assembly for Sustainable Tourism, a degrowth-inspired association made up of grassroots organizations, assemblies and groups, has made several efforts to reduce the flow of tourists to Barcelona in an attempt to reverse the damaging social, economic, cultural and environmental effects that mass tourism is having on the city. In its attempt to explore various degrowth issues, the chapter sets out a conceptual framework that draws from key literature in the field of political discourse analysis, Althusserian treatment of ideology and interpellation, and work on degrowth and tourism.

Abstract This chapter uses as a case Spanish cities such as Madrid, Palma de Mallorca, Bilbao, Seville, Valencia and Barcelona, to explore the role that degrowth social movement actors and ideas have played in protest action directed at the tourism sector in recent years. The authors identify important episodes of contestation in which degrowth activists have been present. Particularly after 2015, the Neighbourhood Assembly for Sustainable Tourism, a degrowth-inspired association made up of grassroots organizations, assemblies and groups, has made several efforts to reduce the flow of tourists to Barcelona in an attempt to reverse the damaging social, economic, cultural and environmental effects that mass tourism is having on the city. In its attempt to explore various degrowth issues, the chapter sets out a conceptual framework that draws from key literature in the field of political discourse analysis, Althusserian treatment of ideology and interpellation, and work on degrowth and tourism.

El creciente interés por los procesos de conexión entre los centros históricos urbanos y el mar se ilustra cada vez más a través de proyectos arquitectónicos y urbanísticos. En la presente ponencia, se explora esta tendencia poniendo de relieve la relación entre las estrategias urbanísticas empleadas en los frentes marítimos y su impacto social sobre los barrios pesqueros ya existentes en las zonas transformadas. Intentaremos esbozar las complejas dinámicas que se generan a escala barrial, partiendo de una aproximación comparativa entre tres casos en la Península Ibérica: São Pedro da Afurada (Oporto), Barceloneta (Barcelona) y Cabanyal (Valencia). El análisis pone en cuestión la contundencia del discurso imperante sobre competencia y sostenibilidad, al tiempo que se centra en el barrio de São Pedro da Afurada, con el fin de entender e interpretar las distintas prácticas de apropiación espacio-temporal, desde las luchas locales en defensa del lugar, hasta las tácticas políticas de aburguesamiento. The growing interest in the process of connecting the historic urban centers to their waterfronts is illustrated through an increasing number of architectural and urban projects. Due to this trend, the present paper seeks to explore and highlight the relationship between the planning strategies employed on coast limits and their social impact on the existing fishing districts. We will try to outline the complex dynamics that are developed on neighborhood scale, based on a comparative approach between three case-studies in the Iberian Peninsula: São Pedro da Afurada (Oporto), Barceloneta (Barcelona), Cabanyal (Valencia). The analysis raises the question upon the argumentative discourse on competence and sustainability, while focuses on the area of São Pedro da Afurada, in order to perceive and interpret the various practices of spatiotemporal appropriation, from the local struggles in defense of the neighborhood, to the political tactics of gentrification.