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Academic literature on the topic 'Uzbekistan – Foreign relations – Soviet Union'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Uzbekistan – Foreign relations – Soviet Union"

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Kurbanova, Sh. "The Role of Sharaf Rashidov in the Development of International Cultural Relation of Uzbekistan." Bulletin of Science and Practice 7, no. 5 (May 15, 2021): 556–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/66/61.

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The article emphasizes one of the most important aspects of Rashidov’s multifaceted political activity —his role as the leader of Uzbekistan in the development of international cultural relations with foreign countries. In the Soviet Union, political relations with foreign countries were in charge of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the authority of the Union. As the leader, Rashidov represented the USSR in negotiations with many foreign leaders. During the Rashidov’s years, the capital of Uzbekistan, Tashkent became one of the cultural centers of the East.
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Rustami, S. "Modern Central Asia in the Region Building Stage." Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 132, no. 3 (2020): 92–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/26-16-6887/2020-132-3-20-92-102.

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Since the collapse of the Soviet Union and independence by the Central Asian countries, each of the countries has chosen its own individual development path and model for building relationships with the world community and with the states of the region (CA). This issue is particularly relevant in the context of majorchanges caused by the improvement of relations between the countries of the region, the change and transit of power in Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan (peacefully without war and revolution). Dramatic changes occurred in foreign and domestic policy in Uzbekistan with the advent of Shavkat Mirziyoyev and the implementation of very serious and large-scale reforms in the country, which led to the rapprochement and improvement of relations between Uzbekistan and all countries of the region in a very short period. The article discusses the initiatives of regional unification by the countries of Central Asia and their measures taken along this path, as well as the role of regional actors and their alternative projects for the countries of the region.
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Kakenova, G. M., and B. S. Sakhova. "International initiatives and works of the First President of the Republic of Kazakhstan N. Nazarbayev in the field of global security." Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 132, no. 3 (2020): 44–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/26-16-6887/2020-132-3-20-44-50.

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Since the collapse of the Soviet Union and independence by the Central Asian countries, each of the countries has chosen its own individual development path and model for building relationships with the world community and with the states of the region (CA). This issue is particularly relevant in the context of major changes caused by the improvement of relations between the countries of the region, the change and transit of power in Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan (peacefully without war and revolution). Dramatic changes occurred in foreign and domestic policy in Uzbekistan with the advent of Shavkat Mirziyoyev and the implementation of very serious and large-scale reforms in the country, which led to the rapprochement and improvement of relations between Uzbekistan and all countries of the region in a very short period. The article discusses the initiatives of regional unification by the countries of Central Asia and their measures taken along this path, as well as the role of regional actors and their alternative projects for the countries of the region.
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Kokoshin, A. A., and Z. A. Kokoshina. "The Main Vectors of the US Foreign Policy Strategy in Central Asia." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S7 (December 2022): S581—S588. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622130056.

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Abstract The main vectors of the US foreign policy strategy regarding the countries of Central Asia (CA) after the collapse of the Soviet Union are analyzed. It is noted that there are three main vectors in the US strategy in Central Asia: geopolitical, economic, and political−ideological, and humanitarian, which in many cases are closely intertwined with each other. Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan are of the main interest to the United States there. The authors draw attention to the fact that the US strategy in this region has an obvious anti-Russian and anti-Chinese orientation, which has intensified during the crisis of 2021‒2022, caused by the refusal of the United States and its allies to meet the legitimate claims of the Russian Federation adequately to ensure its security.
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Rahimov, Mirzohid. "From Soviet Republics to Independent Countries: Challenges of Transition in Central Asia." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 6, no. 1-3 (2007): 291–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914907x207766.

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AbstractIn the twentieth century, the Central Asian countries of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan passed through a complex historical period. They were originally founded as republics of the Soviet Union in the 1920s-30s as a result of national and territorial state delimitation. The process of the creation of new national state formations began after the Soviet Union disintegrated and these republics achieved independence. At the same time, the region's nations are facing complex problems of transition and the creation of new societies. Nevertheless, these countries have to continue the process of political and economic reforms, as well as development of civic institutions. The Central Asian nations established contacts with foreign states and international organizations and started to form a system of interstate relations between the countries of the region. There are potentials for development of regional integration of Central Asia. Future integration will depend on the readiness of the nations to carry out political and economic reforms, introduce forms and methods of economic regulation compatible with global norms, and most important, international support of political reforms and regional integration.
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Kaser, Michael. "V. The Economic and Social Impact of Systemic Transition in Central Asia and Azerbaijan." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 2, no. 3 (2003): 459–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915003322986352.

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AbstractThe economies of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan differ from the other states that quit the Soviet Union in 1991 by their inheritance of poor productivity growth and high demographic pressure for job creation. Moreover, since their incorporation into the Russian Empire during the nineteenth century, their production has been geared to primary goods - cotton and hydrocarbons - that in the 1930s Stalin's policy towards autarky was directed to Soviet domestic consumption. The six countries hence gained independence, but with high export dependency on markets that all suffered severe demand recessions. The corresponding production decline in the six states was modified during the 1990s by diversifying the direction of trade and was not as deep as indicated by the official GDP data by reason of the substantial growth of unmeasured production. That 'shadow economy' goes untaxed and all six states show government revenue inadequate for the social expenditure required to maintain the stock of human capital inherited from Soviet planning priorities and to reverse the widening of income differentials, as well as for capital formation to employ the expanding labor force. Some improvement has resulted from emigration and foreign investment by Kazakhstan, and from foreign investment by Azerbaijan. But that inflow has enhanced those states' dependence on hydrocarbons and the danger of a "Dutch disease." In all six states, authoritarian and corruption-prone governance inhibit foreign investment, though in two, Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan, state funds have been established so that eventual income from fixed assets replace that from depleting hydrocarbon deposits.
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Khurramov, М. K. "Теоретические аспекты двусторонних отношений между Узбекистаном и Казахстаном в 1991 – 2016 годах." BULLETIN of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University.Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 139, no. 2 (2022): 126–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-6887/2022-139-2-129-138.

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. In the 90s of the XX century in the world political arena, because of the collapse of the bipolar world order and the collapse of the Soviet Union, the process of transformation in the system of international relations took a big turn. These processes taking place in the world are also reflected in the relations between the newly independent Central Asian states. Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan are the two largest countries in Central Asia, and the relevance of the article is determined by the fact that the processes of economic development, security, political stability, interregional cooperation, and integration within the region are closely related to the state of relations between the two countries. Therefore, the strengthening of centuries-old friendship, good neighborliness, and multifaceted cooperation with neighboring Kazakhstan is of great importance in promoting the foreign policy interests of our country. In this regard, it will be important to improve the quality of close cooperation in the field of security, trade, economic, water, energy, transport, cultural and humanitarian spheres with neighboring Kazakhstan. The article is devoted to a comprehensive study of the theoretical aspects of the relationship between Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, covering 25 years after gaining independence. The purpose of the article is a theoretical substantiation of the history of comprehensive relations between the two countries, as well as an analysis of regional integration processes that have failed in relations between the two countries using various paradigms. Considerable attention is paid to the scientific analysis of the role of the leaders of the two states in the development of bilateral relations. The basis of the methodology was historical-comparative, systematization, problemchronological, content analysis, and expert methods. It is concluded that bilateral Uzbek-Kazakh relations are comprehensive and uniquely complex, which is why several modern paradigms and approaches to the theory of international relations have been used to reveal bilateral relations between the two states.
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Hasanova, Dilbarhon. "Teaching and learning English in Uzbekistan." English Today 23, no. 1 (January 2007): 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078407001022.

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Only A couple of decades ago, few could imagine that one of the most powerful countries in the world – the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) – would collapse, and Russian – the most prestigious and predominant language of the Soviet people – would be overtaken by English, the language once considered ‘the language of Western imperialism’ (Dushku, 1998:372). Today, because of both its unique international role and the fall of the Iron Curtain, English has become the most popular foreign language taught in schools and other educational institutions in former Soviet republics. The present paper will focus on the teaching and learning of English in Uzbekistan – a Soviet republic until 1990. In addition, issues related to foreign-language curriculum innovations, to teacher training, and to teaching resources will be discussed.
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Spechler, Dina Rome, and Martin C. Spechler. "Uzbekistan among the great powers." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 42, no. 3 (August 7, 2009): 353–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2009.07.006.

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Under the authoritarian regime of Islam Karimov, Uzbekistan has achieved independence and stability by exploiting its natural resources through a strategy of “staple globalism” and by balancing the great powers against each other. Since the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991, the new regime first distanced itself from Russia and tried regional alliances, then accepted help from NATO, and most recently turned cautiously to Russia (and China). Throughout, Uzbekistan has managed to receive considerable assistance from international agencies and military aid from several outside powers, albeit relatively little private foreign investment, owing to its poor business climate. The country has also handled potential conflicts with neighbors without significant violence.
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Jiang, Xinyu. "The Diplomatic Relations of the Soviet Union during Cold War." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 8 (February 7, 2023): 505–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v8i.4297.

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This paper focus on the diplomatic relations of the Soviet Union during Cold War, and using Prague Spring which is a reform movement devoted to political democratization and market liberalization of Czechoslovakia as a insertion point to reveal the fundamental logic of the Soviet Union’s government’s foreign policies. With her study, the author’s endeavor is to ascertain the deepest reasons that influence the diplomatic relations of the Soviet Union after World War II. With the previous research, the author intends to outline the framework of the changing of the USSR’s foreign polices due to the country under distinct political leaders. The emphasis of this study lies in use three approaches( Neo-realism and Neo-liberalism) to analyze the Soviet Union’s foreign policies. Method of literature review is applied in this research. Detailed information has been acquired by the author about the USSR’s diplomatic policies, and the research has recorded valuable information about the diplomatic histories of Soviet Union. From the study, the author came to realize that ideologies of the USSR was changing over time, and it also strongly influenced by the internal affairs. This research paper demonstrates that the diplomatic policies of the USSR was changing from Neo-realism to Neo-liberalism due to the democratization and liberalization of Soviet Union’s interiors. Ideologically,the leadership position of socialism was abolishedandpolitically the legal status of the ruling party of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was abolished and the one-party system was replaced with a muti-party system. Economically, he abolished the economic structure with state ownership as the major part of the Soviet Union’s economy. This reform movement shows the Neo-liberalism replaced the main position of Neo-realism in ideology of the Soviet Union.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Uzbekistan – Foreign relations – Soviet Union"

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Beltran, Thelma L. "Philippines-Soviet relations." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/111184.

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This study traces the development of Philippine-USSR relations and examines the implications of such development for Philippine national security, in particular, and the regional security of Southeast Asia in general. At a glance, this is a problem for history and not for international relations. However, national and regional security problems in Southeast Asia are closely tied with the historical development of each nation's relations with external powers, particularly the United States and Soviet Union. Any assessment of different national threat perceptions and their policy implications for national or regional security can be misleading if not viewed within the perpective of historical developments. This is particularly true with respect to the Philippines. The country has never been isolated from regional events nor from the influence of international powers. Its security options reflect this relationship. First, it was closely allied with the United States (as it still is), being a US colony since the turn of this century up to 1946 when the country got its political independence. Second, while politically independent, the Philippines has been economically dependent. Third, as a result of this dependency, Philippine foreign policy up to 1968 was closely tied with the American foreign policy. Fourth, with worldwide economic recession, following the oil embargo of 1973, the country was forced to open trade and diplomatic relations with other countries, particularly with the socialist and communist bloc. And fifth, the Philippines established diplomatic ties with the USSR in 1976, apparently to ensure trade and commercial markets outside of the traditional US and Japan markets.
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Zrudlo, Laurie. "Soviet foreign policy responsiveness to the external environment : Soviet-Indian relations 1968-1985." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66111.

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Copp, John W. "Egypt and the Soviet Union, 1953-1970." PDXScholar, 1986. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3797.

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The purpose of this study is to describe and analyze in detail the many aspects of the Soviet-Egyptian friendship as it developed from 1953 to 1970. The relationship between the two is extremely important because it provides insight into the roles of both Egypt and the Soviet Union in both the history of the Middle East and in world politics. The period from 1953 to 1970 is key in understanding the relationship between the two states because it is the period of the genesis of the relationship and a period in which both nations went through marked changes in both internal policy and their external relations.
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Al-Imam, Jamal D. "U.S. Foreign Policy and the Soviet Gas Pipeline to Western Europe." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1985. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc663015/.

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This paper surveys U.S. foreign policy in the late 1970s and early 1980s as the American administration reacted to the Soviet Union's interventions in Afghanistan and Poland and to its planned gas pipeline to Western Europe. Chapter I outlines the origins of the pipeline project; Chapters II and III describe U.S. foreign policy toward the Soviets during the Carter and Reagan administrations. Chapter IV focuses on the economic sanctions imposed against the Soviet Union by the United States and their failure to block or delay the pipeline, and Chapter V stresses the inability of economic sanctions-- in this and other instances--to achieve political ends.
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Aka, Philip Chukwuma. "Soviet Cultural Diplomacy in the Middle East: a Case Study of USSR'S Cultural Relations with Egypt and Syria, 1955-1971." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500642/.

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This study examines the nature and patterns of Soviet cultural activities in Egypt and Syria, the motivations behind those activities, and the contribution of the Soviet cultural effort toward the attainment of overall Soviet Middle East policies. Chapter I provides background information on Soviet-Arab relations, and in Chapter II Soviet objectives in the Middle East are examined. Chapter III identifies the important components of the Soviet cultural instrument in Egypt and Syria. Chapter IV assesses the contribution made by the cultural tool toward the attainment of Soviet objectives in Egypt and Syria. Finally, Chapter V demonstrates that the Soviet cultural enterprise exerted little impact on overall Soviet policy in the Middle East.
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Dibb, Paul. "The Soviet Union : the incomplete superpower." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/145691.

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Wan, Chi Shun. "Economic aspects of the Sino-Soviet Alliance, 1949-1964." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/29867.

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The characteristics of the Sino-Soviet Alliance have been analyzed extensively for more than three decades. However, the economic aspects of this Alliance remain unclear. A number of factors, such as statistical discrepancies, complexity of interpretation, and the quality and reliability of the Chinese and Soviet sources , are accountable for this obscurity. A more narrowly focused study examining the role Sino-Soviet economic relations played in shaping the Alliance is useful to better our understanding. After a chronological, review of the Sino-Soviet economic relationship, its significance in shaping the Alliance is examined through the reappraisal of three major areas. Firstly, the relative costs and benefits for each partner are assessed in an objective and detached way. The Soviet Union made a decisive contribution to China's industrialization. Soviet financial aid , though modest in figure, was provided in a timely way. Together with the provision of scientific and technological knowledge, the value of Soviet aid must be regarded as considerable. The benefits to the Soviet Union were less impressive; but since the imported Chinese consumer goods were largely consumed in the Soviet Far East, the benefits should not be underestimated. The cost for both sides remains obscure; though it is obvious that the questions of "Soviet exploitation", concerning the joint-stock companies, the overvaluation of the rouble and the pricing in Sino-Soviet trade are highly complex and should be interpreted with greater care. Secondly, the effect of Sino-Soviet economic cooperation on the Alliance — whether it strengthened or weakened it — is explored. Undoubtedly, the economic relationship had both unifying and divisive effects. It was a unifying factor because the Soviets had provided China with support and assistance that would have been difficult to obtain elsewhere . Another factor which had tied China to the USSR was the strong Soviet influences resulting from the implementation of the Soviet model and the close cooperation in the fields of education and sciences. On the other hand, these Soviet influences proved to be a divisive factor as well, because they produced a domestic political and social situation that Mao found profoundly distasteful. Different economic interests and competition in foreign aid programs also created tensions and frictions. The independent outlook of China's leaders made them resentful of their role as a junior partner in the early 1950's, and prevented them from entering a long-term trade agreement with the USSR or joining the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance, as the Soviets had wished. Finally, the impact of Sino-Soviet economic relations upon China's policy-making is discussed, albeit speculatively. In the early 1950's, China's economic and military dependence on the USSR made its leaders exercise greater caution in their claim of "Mao's Road " as the model for other Asian countries. As China gained strength, however, Soviet influence declined. While the discontinuation of Soviet financial aid can reasonably be regarded as one of the major factors contributing to China's decision to abandon the Soviet model in 1958, the economic pressure applied by Khrushchev failed to change China's policy, and proved counterproductive.
Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
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Nadkarni, Vidya. "Soviet perceptions of the correlation of forces." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/27469.

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This thesis examines evolving Soviet perspectives on the "correlation of forces" between the socialist world and the capitalist countries in general and the Soviet Union and the United States in particular. The focus is on the Khrushchev and Brezhnev phases of Soviet history. The term "correlation of forces" is primarily an analytic concept used by Soviet leaders and scholars to understand and interpret the pace of what they view as the inevitable historical development in favor of socialism. A rough Soviet equivalent of the Western concept of the "balance of power," "correlation of forces" as it is used by Soviet spokesmen encompasses economic, political, and military-security dimensions. The methodology employed in the thesis in charting the chronological evolution of Soviet thinking regarding the correlation of forces consists of a careful and discriminating textual analysis of terminological variations in Soviet scholarly and official use of the concept over time, with due regard to contextual fluctuations in the domestic and international realms. For its source material, this study relied heavily on the speeches and writing of Soviet leaders as well as utilizing analyses of international developments published in Soviet scholarly journals. The differing stress on each of the three aspects of the correlation of forces—economic, political, and military—between the Khrushchev and Brezhnev periods allowed us to trace the change and evolution of the Soviet world view from a primary stress on economic factors of the distribution of power under Khrushchev, to an emphasis on the military dimension of the balance under Brezhnev. By monitoring terminological variations in the concept, we were able to identify periods of optimism and pessimism during both the Khrushchev and Brezhnev phases. We also noted the important role played by the divergent personalities of Khrushchev and Brezhnev on Soviet portrayal of the correlation of forces. Whereas the exuberant Soviet optimism in the military area lacked any basis in fact under Khrushchev, the depiction of the military correlation, while more muted under Brezhnev, was solidly based. These and other such differences, we argued, were a function of the stamp superimposed on Soviet politics by the respective leaders of the time. This study will, by clarifying the context within which the Soviet leadership makes its choices, contribute to an enhanced understanding of the general foreign policy trends of the USSR.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Hale, Carol Anne. "German-Soviet military relations in the era of Rapallo." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59388.

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This study examines German-Soviet military relations between 1917 and 1922 and demonstrates the involvement of the Reichswehr in the Treaty of Rapallo. Since early 1919, the Reichswehr cultivated entente with the Soviet Union in opposition to the German government and in violation of the Treaty of Versailles, both to regain its military preeminence and to recapture Germany's power-political position in Europe. The Reichswehr attempted to draw German industry into relations with the Soviet state in order to secure the manufacture of military machinery and support troop training. By 1922, the foundation for collaboration between German industry, the Reichswehr and the Soviet Union/Red Army had been laid. The Treaty of Rapallo, concluded by government officials that were privy to the activities of the Reichswehr, removed the threat of a western consortium against the Soviet Union, and ensured the growth of the Reichswehr's alliance with the Soviet state.
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Wen, Haitao. "Defence-oriented industrialization, perestroika and ending the cold war : a case study of USSR's alteration of its policy towards northeast Asia." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110872.

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In the midst of the most serious economic and political crises since its founding seven decades ago, there have been significant developments in Soviet Asian policy within the framework of global detente during the past two years. Following the 1988 Seoul Olympic Games, with the Gorbachev-Den Xiaoping summit in Beijing, Sin-Soviet rapprochement was accomplished, mainly according to terms set out by Beijing. Then, with another summit between Gorbachev and Roh Tae Woo, the Soviet Union and South Korea established diplomatic relations in 1990. At the same time, Soviet-Japanese relations also experienced some progress. These developments pose a sharp contrast to the typical Soviet Cold War attitude towards Northeast Asia, which was characterised by an accelerated military build up beginning in the late 1960s in the Soviet Far East and strategic alignment with North Korea and Vietnam, directed against the US-led alliance and China. This alteration of Soviet Asian policy has deep political and economic reasons. It shows that under great political and economic pressure within the society, the Soviet Union endeavours to reduce international tension and build new ties of economic cooperation. The alteration also indicates that in search of new economic partners to revive its collapsing economy, the Kremlin is willing to distance itself from North Korea, a country that has been its most important Cold War ally (given there were not any better candidates) in Northeast Asia.
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Books on the topic "Uzbekistan – Foreign relations – Soviet Union"

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Barbara, Kellner-Heinkele, ed. Politics of language in the ex-Soviet Muslim states: Azerbayjan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan. London: Hurst, 2001.

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Barbara, Kellner-Heinkele, ed. Politics of language in the ex-Soviet Muslim states: Azerbayjan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2001.

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Afghanistan and the Soviet Union. Durham [N.C.]: Duke University Press, 1985.

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The Soviet Union and India. New York: Published in North America for the Royal Institute of International Affairs [by] Council on Foreign Relations Press, 1989.

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The Soviet Union and India. [London]: Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1988.

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Duncan, Peter J. S. The Soviet Union and India. London: The Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1989.

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Shearman, Peter. The Soviet Union and Cuba. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1987.

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Bush), United States President (1989-1993 :. Change in the Soviet Union. Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1989.

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Armacost, Michael H. Dealing with Gorbachev's Soviet Union. Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1986.

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The Soviet Union and Africa. Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1987.

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Book chapters on the topic "Uzbekistan – Foreign relations – Soviet Union"

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Benvenuti, Andrea, Chien-Peng Chung, Nicholas Khoo, and Andrew T. H. Tan. "China-Soviet Union/Russia relations." In China's Foreign Policy, 69–83. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003088288-7.

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Malik, Hafeez. "Pakistan’s Troubled Relations with the Soviet Union." In Domestic Determinants of Soviet Foreign Policy towards South Asia and the Middle East, 156–87. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11318-7_9.

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Moïsi, Dominique, and Gregory Flynn. "Between Adjustment and Ambition: Franco-Soviet Relations and French Foreign Policy." In The West and the Soviet Union, 48–79. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20985-9_3.

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Clerc, Louis. "Coordinating and Facilitating Bilateral Cultural Contacts." In Palgrave Macmillan Series in Global Public Diplomacy, 131–97. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-12205-7_4.

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AbstractIn 1970, when Marjatta Oksanen joined the Ministry of Education, the Department of international affairs was divided into three administrative units: multilateral affairs, bilateral affairs (with two different organizations for East and West) and Nordic relations. The Finnish state managed various forms of cultural relations with countries or groups of countries, mostly in a facilitative function: support for exhibitions or concerts, longer-term support for cultural centres or language teaching and so forth. Most of these bilateral activities originated from private initiatives, and some domains like sports, scientific cooperation or relations with the Soviet Union were dominated by private, non-governmental or semi-public organizations that acted on their own or to whom the state devolved certain functions. Generally, only relations with the Soviet Union and technical issues with strong foreign political dimensions commanded a degree of involvement from the Ministry for Foreign Affairs and interest from the country’s higher political leadership.
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Stockwin, J. A. A. "Japan and the Soviet Union." In Japan’s Foreign Relations, 66–84. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429046353-5.

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Lewis, Robert. "Foreign economic relations." In The Economic Transformation of the Soviet Union, 1913–1945, 198–215. Cambridge University Press, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9781139170680.012.

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"Relations with the Former Soviet Union/Russia." In India's Foreign Relations, 1947-2007, 549–94. Routledge India, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203085295-14.

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Gabrisch, Hubert. "Finnish-Soviet Economic Relations." In Foreign Trade in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, 117–26. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429044489-10.

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"11. Foreign Relations During "The Great Turn"." In When the Soviet Union Entered World Politics, 257–72. University of California Press, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/9780520915671-014.

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Richter, Sándor. "Four Small Countries' Relations with the Soviet Union." In Foreign Trade in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, 63–82. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429044489-7.

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Conference papers on the topic "Uzbekistan – Foreign relations – Soviet Union"

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Karluk, S. Rıdvan, and Ayşen Hiç Gencer. "Turkey and Uzbekistan Relations within the Scope of Economic and Political Integration of Central Asia." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01466.

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After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Uzbekistan declared her sovereignty on June 20th, 1990 and her independence on September 1st, 1991. Turkey was the first country to recognize the Republic of Uzbekistan on December 16th, 1991. On March 4th, 1992, diplomatic relations between Turkey and Uzbekistan were established and more than 90 bilateral agreements and protocols were signed. Among the Central Asian countries, Uzbekistan has an important geopolitical location and has the largest Turkish population. Turkish and Uzbek people share the same culture and language (Uzbek-Chagatai Turkish). Prime Minister Erdoğan and President Kerimov emphasized the necessity of improving the Turkish-Uzbek relations at the opening ceremony of Sochi 2014 Winter Olympics. Turkish Foreign Minister Davutoğlu's visit on July 10th, 2014 started improving bilateral relations that had come to a halt in 2003. This paper analyzes Turkish-Uzbek relations in the framework of integration in Central Asia and with respect to the structural economic changes in Uzbekistan and her foreign trade policy.
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Akça, Tacinur. "Foreign Trade Relations Between Turkey and the Eurasian Countries: An Empirical Study." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01793.

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The Eurasian Countries incorporates many economic and cultural wealth. The Eurasian countries have attracted attention all over the world with its rich oil and natural gas reserves and geopolitical situation. Due to the increasing importance of the Eurasian countries, as well as being an alternative to a political foreign policy and it has created an economically viable alternative in terms of foreign trade for Turkey. The importance of exports is increasing for the development of Turkey and Eurasia cannot be neglected as an important issue. History of the republic's foreign policy is focused on establishing good relations with the West. Of the Soviet Union collapsed and the Cold War ended after the opening of the new Turkish foreign policy became inevitable to be based in Central Asia and the Caucasus, Turkey aimed to be active in this region. The main purpose of our study was that Turkey's foreign trade with The Eurasian Countries is to reveal the relationship. The interest in the region began in the beginning of 1990, the economic policies implemented by Turkey has tried to analyze using relevant data. İn our study, in order to analyze the economic relationship between our countries and Eurasian Countries, Turkey's import and export figures which were explained in the form of tables with the countries concerned. We will concentrate on the major Eurasian countries, especially in our work we focus on Russia, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Georgia, Ukraine and Moldova.
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Mozgovaya, O. S. "THE FOREIGN POLICY SITUATION ON THE EVE OF KHRUSHCHEV'S ULTIMATUM OF 1958." In Культура, наука, образование: проблемы и перспективы. Нижневартовский государственный университет, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/ksp-2021/16.

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After the Second World War, the issue of German unity and the status of West Berlin remained on the agenda of international politics. The most striking example of solving these problems was the ultimatum of the Soviet Union in 1958 to the Western powers, which strained relations between the allied countries, the USSR and Germany.
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Ebrem, İlker Salih. "Examination Relations of Turkey and Kazakhstan from the Perspective of Foreign Trade Datas and Organizations." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01330.

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Established after the disintegration of the Soviet Union and Turkic Republics has tried to improve its relations with Turkey but relations have not developed to the required level. Existing relations between Turkey and Kazakhstan which from one of these countries, is assessed, have been mentioned economic and political contributions of organizations such as Turkish Exim Bank, Turkish International Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TIKA) and Hoca Ahmet Yasawi University, which are effective in the development of bilateral relations. Turkey and Kazakhstan relations has reached a momentum in recent years. The development of bilateral relations have also reflected the economic figures but this level of development is not enough. Finally, by examining the trade volume between the two countries, import and export rates and which product mainly taken place in the foreign trade volume are examined and interpreted.
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Karaman, Ömer Faruk. "The Impacts of the Eurasian Economic Union on the Relations Between Kyrgyzstan and Turkey." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c09.02023.

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With the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russian Federation, trying to develop economic and political relations with various countries, in order to maintain its influence in the newly independent states, is in charge of creating an organization called the Eurasian Economic Union. In this context, the Eurasian Economic Union, which started its activity in January 2015, is an attempt to economic integration among Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Armenia and Kyrgyzstan. The Turkish foreign policy has changed in multi-vector direction. Thus, the last events in Eurasia began to attract the attention of Turkey. In this paper, focusing on the perceptions of Eurasia by Russia and Turkey, examines the influence of the Eurasian Economic Union on relations between Turkey and Kyrgyzstan. In this context, Kyrgyzstan's membership in the Eurasian Economic Union, in a political sense, may negatively affect relations between two countries and reduce the presence of Turkey in Kyrgyzstan. Also, because of the expected increasing in customs duties and hence rise in prices for goods imported from Turkey, the decline in demand for Turkish goods is expected. Nevertheless, the possibility of signing free trade agreements between member states, including Kyrgyzstan and Turkey in the long term, will change the political, commercial and cultural relations between two countries in a positive way.
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Ergül, Osman. "Regionalism in Russian Foreign Policy and Russian Integration Strategy through Eurasian Economic Community." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00560.

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This paper aims to analyze how Russia could develop different regional models of economic cooperation in order to integrate better into the world economy. Russia’s new strategy especially after the establishment of the EurAsEC and its perception of regionalism, especially in the context of EurAsEC, is an important issue. This is valid not only for the specific analysis of the current concept of regionalism; but also for identifying the key variables of both the new international order and the changing character of new inter-state relations. With in this context, Russian foreign policies toward former Soviet republics in the areas of economy and energy have significant effects on the formation of a new world order. This article therefore aims at studying the attempts of the integration process within the EurAsEC that can be defined as a unique example combining both the process of old regionalism with the new one. Thus, EurAsEC is also worth analyzing not only for drawing inspiration from the EU; but also for being the only example declaring its ambition in its founding treaty of customs union to become a supranational integration process in the post-Soviet area.
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Karapınar, Esra. "The Place of Central Asian Turkic Republics in the Global World." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c01.00124.

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Globalization process which started at the end of nineteenth century and goes on at the present shows its impacts more in some countries or less in some other countries but this is a process that closes up countries, blots out authorities’ immunities, makes them become transparent, and strengthens socio-cultural, political and especially economic relations. After the terms of being introverted and self-sufficiency between First and Second World Wars, struggles to liberalized world trade have been accelerated since 1960, and good and service flows between countries grew both as a volume and value. As a result of liberalization and deregulation politics which appears since 1980, the capital could move easier on the world. So, how has this process felt its effect on the Central Asian Turkic Republics includes Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan that arised in 1991 after dissociation in the Soviet Union because of clearing and reconstruction policy applied and after facility of establishing its own, independent states by earning their national identities to Turkish elements who lived under the sovereignty of Russians for years is given? The aim of study here is to analyse the effects of that globalization wave in the Turkic Republics which spread out all over the world. For this purpose, first of all changes in the Soviet Union 's policy will be considered and reflections of it on the economical life are to be investigated, and then applications and what the course of actions about integration with the World determined by mentioned republics after dissociation are to be discussed.
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Karluk, S. Rıdvan. "EU Enlargement to the Balkans: Membership Perspective to the Balkan Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01163.

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After the dispersion of the Soviet Union, the European Union embarked upon an intense relationship with the Central and Eastern European Countries. The transition into capital market and democratization of these countries had been supported by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs at the beginning of 1989 before the collapse of the Soviet Union System. The European Agreements were signed between the EU and Hungary, Poland, and Czechoslovakia on December 16th, 1991. 10 Central and Eastern Europe Countries became the members of the EU on May 1st, 2004. With the accession of Bulgaria and Romania into the EU on January 1st, 2007, the number of the EU member countries reached up to 27, and finally extending to 28 with the membership of Croatia to the EU on July 1st, 2013. Removing the Western Balkan States, Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, and Bosnia and Herzegovina from the scope of external relations, the EU included these countries in the enlargement process in 2005.The European Commission has determined 2014 enlargement policy priorities as dealing with the fundamentals on preferential basis. In this context, the developments in the Balkans will be closely monitored within the scope of a new approach giving priority to the superiority of law. The enlargement process of the EU towards the Balkans and whether or not the Western Balkan States will join the Union will be analyzed.
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Widyarta, Mohammad. "Foreign Aid and Modern Architecture in Indonesia: Intersecting Cold War Relations and Funding for the Fourth Asian Games, 1962." In The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online: SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a4014p90ju.

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Between 1950 and 1965, foreign aid played a crucial role within the Indonesian economy. With the Cold War as a backdrop, this aid came from both Western and Eastern blocs with the intention of drawing Indonesia into their spheres of influence. The aid also played a crucial role in the development of architecture in the archipelago. A major endeavour within this period was the construction of buildings and venues for the Fourth Asian Games to be held in Jakarta in 1962 which involved a new stadium, an international-standard hotel and a large by-pass road around part of the city. Financial and technical aid from the Soviet Union, Japan and the United States was obtained to realise these projects. All the while, the Asian Games, along with the modern structures constructed for the event, provided Indonesia an opportunity to advance its own agenda, which was to construct a sense of self-confidence and national pride and to situate itself as a leader among decolonised nations. Nevertheless, foreign financial and technical aid played an important role in the realisation of these projects. The availability of foreign aid was intrinsically tied to President Ahmad Sukarno’s ability to play the interests of all sides. This paper examines plans and preparations for the Fourth Asian Games as a case of engagement between the two Cold War blocs with Indonesia in the middle. By focusing on the key building projects for the Games, the paper reveals the role of foreign aid in the development of architecture in Indonesia during a critical period in its post-war and post-independence formation. This development took place through the interaction of different interests—those of the Western Bloc, the Eastern Bloc, and Indonesia—in the midst of the Cold War and decolonisation period. A glimpse into the interaction may suggest a case of competition. However, examination of the three projects indicates that it was a case of multipolar collaboration instead.
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Apak, Sudi, and Selin Kozan. "The Impact of Ukraine Crisis's on Turkey and Ukraine’s Economic Relationship." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01262.

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After the breakup of the Soviet Union and independence declaration of Ukraine in 1991, as in the other Soviet countries, Ukraine has left a heavy industrial based economy with an insufficient technology. Trade relations with Turkey gained momentum in 2004 and has continued its growing until today. This trade relationship has a complementary role and mostly based on intermediate good export. Turkey is the second largest export volume partner of Ukraine and providing the largest trade surplus for Ukraine. Ukraine economy is very sensitive to foreign trade fluctuations, therefore in the 2009 global crisis, Turkey’s trade volume with Ukraine declined more than two times. In 2014, military conflict in the East, Russian trade restrictions, the Hryvnia depreciation and tight fiscal austerity measures have exacerbated the existing macroeconomic challenges of Ukraine and pushed the country into its deepest recession since 2009. This study analyses the Ukraine crisis effects on its economic situation and effects on the Turkey and Ukraine’s economic relationship by using statistical methods. Data sources are: National Bank of Ukraine, State Statistics Service of Ukraine, Ministry of Finance of Ukraine, Trade Statistics for International Business Development, National Bank of Turkey, Turkish Exporters Assembly, Turkish Statistical Institute. Turkey, as a country has earned trusts of both Ukraine and Russia, is able to lead a peacekeeping force in Ukraine. Furthermore, Turkey should evaluate the possibilities to provide a credit line to Ukraine and it would be useful for Turkey to search the other markets and trade conditions as well.
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