Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Uzbek'

This dissertation investigates the strategies and forms of Uzbek ethno-political mobilization in post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. In particular, research asks why Uzbek communities in those two countries did not resort to ethnically motivated violence as many either predicted or feared, but have turned to a “quiet politics” of identity and ethnicity. Reconciling state and national identities ahs proved remarkably complex in Central Asia, given that all the five republics in the region are home to a largely heterogeneous population. Understanding what place state elites have allocated to non titular groups, and how these relate themselves to the new polity offers an interesting vantage point on the process of post-Soviet transformation. This is particularly the case as ethnic minority mobilization represents a relatively unexplored field of research in scholarship on post-communist Eurasia. This dissertation seeks to fill this gap by developing a focused comparison of Uzbek minorities in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan from 1991 until 2003. Through a combination of various quantitative (small-scale surveys) and qualitative methods (semi-structured interviews and documentary analysis) structural, ideational, and agential factors are taken into account. It is the contention of this thesis that Uzbek political behaviour can be explained as a product of a strategic calculation from the leaders of the Uzbek community in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan that any change in the administration would leave them “worse off”, despite existing and un-addressed political and cultural demands. This has shaped a counter-intuitive type of mobilization, supportive of the status quo in the state structure of power. A focus on ideas and agency also accounts for variations between the two cases. In particular group leadership appears more articulate and vocal in Kyrgyzstan, whereas it lies in a state of virtual collapse in Tajikistan.

This thesis analyzed the transformation of Uzbek state broadcast media into a public broadcaster. Based on the quantitative data, widely supported by the qualitative research, the researcher assessed that the prospects for public broadcasting in Uzbekistan were not good. The research was based on the responses of 22 Uzbek broadcast journalists and determined their perception of their roles in two time frames: present day and the future.The researcher grouped the respondents, based on their views of their present day roles, into two categories: "Independent Broadcasters" and "Socially Responsible Broadcasters." Independent Broadcasters showed professional confidence, strongly believed in the power of broadcast media and widely. supported the concept of public broadcasting in a transitional political environment.Socially Responsible Broadcasters strongly supported the idea of journalists being held accountable to the public, mostly agreeing that journalists were innovators and should promote diversity, equality, and represent the interests of the disadvantaged to the broader community. Unlike the Independent Broadcasters, these journalists were less confident about how well they were perceived by the audience and were concerned about whether their programs were relevant to the community.In the second study, respondents' views on their future roles were grouped into three categories: "Pessimists," "Pragmatic Idealists," and "Optimists."Journalists in the Pessimists' group expressed rather negative feelings about the future of their profession. In their view, Uzbekistan did not need a public media and journalists were not to serve as innovators in the society.Optimists expressed the opposite feelings, saying that they wanted to believe Uzbekistan would have public broadcasting in the future. They thought that the common good and the public interest should be the basis of broadcasting.Pragmatic Idealists believed that broadcasting would have to be a public corporation. But unlike the Optimists, these journalists were concerned about a lack of professionalism and funding, traditionalism in program content, and the lack of an advertising culture.All of the respondents, in this case, supported the idea of developing advertising as a means of supporting broadcasting in the future and saw it as a way of freeing themselves from government control and gaining editorial independence.Respondents in this study said that as long as they remained under state authority they would not call themselves "public broadcasters." They mostly agreed that a changing society needed a strong public media, which was independent of government influence and the marketplace.
Department of Journalism

The crisis of Soviet power in Central Asia: The 'Uzbek cotton affair', 1975-1991 aims at reconstructing and interpreting the final phases of Soviet political history and its effects in Uzbekistan. To this end, the reconstruction of the ‘Uzbek cotton affair’ – a judicial and political case linking the falsification of cotton production data and corruption that involved thousands of party and state officials in the republic – is something of a case study in evaluating Moscow’s grip on the ‘periphery’ of its empire. This case tracks the life story of Uzbekistan from its consolidation as a Soviet republic, through crisis and ultimately its transition into an independent state. Thus, we can identify ‘the Uzbek cotton affair’ as a critical reason for the transformations within republican political society. At the same time, it can be read as a symptom of a greater incurable disease within the whole Soviet Union itself, a system that collapsed when this kind of top-down hierarchical order – led by ideology, elite politics, social forces and interest groups and even administrators and bureaucrats – cracked down. This dissertation is divided in three parts with a total of seven chapters. The first part is introductory and aims to contextualize the Uzbek ‘periphery’ within the Soviet state, at both the political and at socio-economic level. In the first chapter, I introduce the political features that determined the consolidation of Soviet power in the UzSSR. After the formation of Uzbekistan, the Stalinist terror and the destalinization transition, the Soviet leadership transitioned to a peaceful, decentralized and tolerant pattern of control over the farthest regions of the USSR. During the 70s, the Moscow leadership and the republican party cadres built a patrimonial system that relied on local figures who could ensure loyalty to the central state. This led to the creation of autonomous client networks inside the republic and the mediation of the FS CPUz between Moscow and the national elites. This approach was particularly evident during the long ‘reign’ of the FS CPUz Sharaf Rashidov (1959-1983), a controversial figure at the center of the Cold War who – as we will see in the second chapter – turned Uzbekistan into a ‘cotton republic.’ In fact, the UzSSR became the main supplier of ‘white gold’ and from the ‘60s it essentially doubled down on cotton monoculture as a strategic task for ‘building communism’: for the tenth FYP (1976-1981), Soviet planners demanded an annual production of six million tons of raw cotton from Tashkent and reaching this target at any cost became a matter of political stability and legitimacy for the Uzbek ruling elite. The second part is argumentative and focuses on the three phases of the ‘Uzbek cotton affair.’ Hence, the third chapter analyzes the context of the second economy in the USSR and the features related to corruption and falsification of cotton production data in Uzbekistan. The rise of Andropov and his ‘moralization campaign’ would see an attempt to legalize, cleanse and – ultimately – revitalize a system in which stagnation and fraud had reached unprecedented levels. In 1983, the so called ‘Bukhara affair’ exposed the level of ‘official corruption’ and overwhelmed the higher echelons of the party and state of the UzSSR. Nevertheless, this ‘silent phase’ – characterized by preliminary inquiries, the preservation of power structures in Uzbekistan and general institutional silence – culminated in the death of Rashidov, the subsequent struggle among local elites and a nominal transformation of the patrimonial system. Thus, in the fourth chapter we analyze the ‘systemic phase’ of the Uzbek affair (1984-1985), when Moscow’s moralizing campaign was extended during the XVI plenum CPUz (1984) to map on to discord within the national party elites, the donos (complaints) wars and the internal struggles within the bureaucracy in post-Rashidovian Uzbekistan. The fifth chapter analyzes Moscow’s subsequent ‘trusteeship’ over the republic, reflected in the ‘krasnyi desant’ campaign endorsed by the CC CPSU, the derashidovization crusade, and the zenith of internal struggles in the wake of the ouster of the FS CPUz Usmankhodzhaev and his replacement with the Moscow loyalist Nishanov who attempted and failed to destroy local patrimonial networks. Third and final part is aimed at evaluating the results of the Uzbek cotton affair in the center and in the periphery, and see if this story became a factor determining the collapse of the Soviet system as in Moscow as in Tashkent. The sixth chapter focuses on the investigators Gdlyan and Ivanov who became a symbol of the prosecution of the ‘big fish’ and alleged prominent members of the CC CPSU – and even Gorbachev – of being in collusion with the ‘Uzbek mafiya.’ The case, the related media circus and the political campaign of the two radical mavericks threatened the credibility of Gorbachev and the legitimacy of the CPSU, the state and its survival in a time of serious changes and great internal challenges. Democrats and the inner opposition to the Gensek in the CPSU exploited the ‘Gdlyan-Ivanov affair’, and the whole case became a symptom of the collapsing system. The seventh chapter deals with the myth-building of the ‘Uzbek cotton affair’ in early Karimov’s Uzbekistan, where the story was narrated using critical discourse – such as ‘colonial,’ ‘purge,’ ‘terror,’ ‘new 1937,’ and even ‘genocide’ – in a Republic that had once been considered one of the most loyal within the Soviet system. Thus, the ‘Uzbek affair’ became a crucial event of Karimov’s ‘ideological shift’ from communism to Mustaqillik – the ideology based on the values of the Uzbek independence – and a sensitive identity issue of revenge/resistance against the former rulers, investing in a post-colonial trauma that contributed to legitimize the president’s regime and his relations with local power networks. Thus, dealing with recent Soviet times still represents a great challenge for contemporary historiography. The last decades of USSR history are still debated, defining a period that needs more work still to understand the characteristics, the limits and the contradictions that led to the end of the Soviet system. In that sense my primary goal in reconstructing these crucial and still obscure events here has been historiographical and it is intended at using primary unpublished sources, literature and oral history to uncover opaque aspects of the past. Relatedly, this research aims at offering a non-centrally oriented historiographical reconstruction of the final decades of the Soviet system, analyzing the evolutions of patrimonialism in USSR and the impact of perestroika, the dynamics of the purges and the symptoms of the collapse in the periphery of the empire in order to fill a historiographical gap of research on perestroika in Central Asia that is practically nonexistent. Furthermore, this research aims to recompose the framework of the ‘Uzbek cotton affair’ beyond its existence as a ‘simplistic label’ created by the media and too often related to the ‘Gdlyan-Ivanov affair’ only. Nevertheless, the case proceeded at different levels involving the party, prokuratura, MVD, KGB and soviets at the local and even at the central level, while only a part of the corruption and the other ‘negative phenomena’ revealed in the republic were related to cotton and a great part of the involved officials were not Uzbeks. Finally, this research aims at interpreting the last decades of Soviet history through a new interpretative key to understand how collapse-symptoms that had been exploited in Moscow and in Tashkent in order to avow the split from the USSR. The research is based on extensive unpublished archival material, literature and interviews and is aimed at expanding the horizon of current historiography.

Затруднения в употреблении русских глаголов движения узбекскими студентами вызваны прежде всего тем, что в русском языке они составляют своеобразную группу со специфической семантикой, которой не наблюдается в узбекском языке. Эти глаголы в русском языке объединяются в пары слов с общим корнем (кроме глаголов идти – ходить), обозначающие один и тот же способ передвижения: «пешком» - глаголы идти и ходить, «с помощью транспорта» - глаголы ехать и ездить, лететь и летать и т.д. При цитировании документа, используйте ссылку http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/30988

Актуальность комплексной научной и практической разработки проблемы уголовной ответственности в Узбекистане и сравнительная характеристика этого понятия в законодательстве Украины и Узбекистана диктуется необходимостью определения ее места не только в механизме юридических средств защиты конституционных прав и свобод человека и гражданина, но и в системе уголовного права и законодательства. При цитировании документа, используйте ссылку http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/34001

Евфемізм як лінгвокультурне явище становить особливий інтерес, тому що останнім часом інтенсивність утворення евфемізмів зростає, і вони стають все більш поширеними. Вивчення евфемізмів в різних мовах дозволяє зробити внесок у вивчення національної своєрідності мовної картини світу та мовленнєвої поведінки носіїв української та узбецької мов.
Евфемізм як лінгвокультурне явище становить особливий інтерес, тому що останнім часом інтенсивність утворення евфемізмів зростає, і вони стають все більш поширеними. Вивчення евфемізмів в різних мовах дозволяє зробити внесок у вивчення національної своєрідності мовної картини світу та мовленнєвої поведінки носіїв української та узбецької мов.

This dissertation compares nation-building practices of post-Soviet Uzbekistan and post-Ottoman Turkey. In both cases the legitimacy principle of collapsed imperial polities which was largely based on universal ideologies or on the dynastic and religious principles, had to be replaced by the nationality principle. The politics of nation-building thus served first and foremost to reinstitute the legitimacy. The dissertation analyzes three aspects of nation-building
ideology, history and language. The general argument in the dissertation is that the policies of nation-building are among the ingredients of constructing a novel legitimation base for the elites. For this purpose Uzbekistan and Turkey constituted perfect cases to analyze the nation-building practices such as rewriting histories, creating and molding languages, religious policies in order to clarify the relationship between the nation-building and the construction of an overall legitimation principle. Secondly Uzbekistan in 1920s and 1920s and then after 1991, Turkey in the first fifteen years after the declaration of the republic used nation-building policies primarily to satisfy the political needs of the ruling elites.

This thesis analyses 'incomplete sentences' in languages which utilise distinctively agglutinative components in their morphology. In the grammars of the languages dealt with in this thesis, there are certain types of sentences which are variously referred to as 'elliptical sentences' (Turkish eksiltili cümleler), 'incomplete sentences' (Uzbek to'liqsiz gaplar), 'cut-off sentences' (Turkish kesik cümleler), etc., for which the grammarians provide elaborated semantic and syntactic analyses. The current work attempts to present an alternative approach for the analysis of such sentences. The distribution of morphemes in incomplete sentences is examined closely, based on which a system of analysis that can handle a variety of incomplete sentences in an integrated manner is proposed from a morphological point of view. It aims to aid grammarians as well as researchers in area studies by providing a simple description of incomplete sentences in agglutinative languages. The linguistic data are taken from Turkish, Uzbek, and Japanese, with special reference to (Bukharan) Tajik.

This thesis analyses 'incomplete sentences' in languages which utilise distinctively agglutinative components in their morphology. In the grammars of the languages dealt with in this thesis, there are certain types of sentences which are variously referred to as 'elliptical sentences' (Turkish eksiltili c�mleler), 'incomplete sentences' (Uzbek to'liqsiz gaplar), 'cut-off sentences' (Turkish kesik c�mleler), etc., for which the grammarians provide elaborated semantic and syntactic analyses. The current work attempts to present an alternative approach for the analysis of such sentences. The distribution of morphemes in incomplete sentences is examined closely, based on which a system of analysis that can handle a variety of incomplete sentences in an integrated manner is proposed from a morphological point of view. It aims to aid grammarians as well as researchers in area studies by providing a simple description of incomplete sentences in agglutinative languages. The linguistic data are taken from Turkish, Uzbek, and Japanese, with special reference to (Bukharan) Tajik.

Репрезентуючи систему цінностей, яка в конкретний історичний період характеризує національну свідомість, паремії містять оцінку соціально значущої поведінки особистості, виявляють ідеал й антиідеал життя для носіїв конкретної мови, містять універсальні і національні концепти. Поняття «совість» і належить саме до тих понять, які можна назвати універсалами людської свідомості. Совість є внутрішнім відчуттям справедливості, яке керує вчинками людини.

Одним из перспективных направлений когнитивно-прагматической лингвистики является исследование пословиц с лингвокультурологических позиций. С одной стороны, анализ русских и узбекских паремий, содержащих компоненты-зоонимы, направлен на выявление когнитивной сущности и специфичности национально-культурного мировидения русских и узбеков. Зооним в составе пословицы является ее семантическим центром, в нем заложено основное метафорическое значение. В пословицах с компонентом-зоонимом нашли отражение наблюдения над характерными чертами, повадками животных в применении к поведению человека. «Эти зафиксированные в переносно-содержательной структуре языковых единиц признаки трансформируются в «семантическую мотивированность» (внутреннюю форму) зоосемизмов, благодаря чему они приобретают особую экспрессивную окраску и становятся составной частью экспрессивного фонда языка» [1, 1].

Для современной лингвистики характерно рассмотрение языка как в общечеловеческом, так и в национально-специфическом аспектах. Эта взаимозависимость определяет появление национально-культурного компонента значения слова. Само понятие «национально-культурный» предусматривает сравнение с семантической системой другого языка. В свете проблемы культурной коннотации представляет интерес сопоставительный анализ пословиц с компонентом-зоонимом в русском и узбекском языках. С одной стороны, анализ русских и узбекских паремий, содержащих компоненты-зоонимы, направлен на выявление когнитивной сущности и специфичности национально-культурного мировидения русских и узбеков. Зооним в составе пословицы является ее семантическим центром, в нем заложено основное метафорическое значение. В пословицах с компонентом-зоонимом нашли отражение наблюдения над характерными чертами, повадками животных в применении к поведению человека. «Эти зафиксированные в переносно-содержательной структуре языковых единиц признаки трансформируются в «семантическую мотивированность» (внутреннюю форму) зоосемизмов, благодаря чему они приобретают особую экспрессивную окраску и становятся составной частью экспрессивного фонда языка» [1, 1].

Пословицы и поговорки, будучи бесценным кладезем житейского опыта и народной мудрости, всегда вызывают к себе живой интерес. По своей значимости они очень часто приближаются к правилам и аксиомам. В пословицах представлены основные концепты культуры – как национальной, так и общечеловеческой. Одним из основных концептов, отражающих внутренний мир человека, является концепт «душа».

Magistro Darbo objektas – uzbekai imigrantai, atvykę į Lietuvą. Darbe analizuojama jų kultūrinė adaptacija Lietuvos visuomenėje. Darbo tikslas – atskleisti pagrindinius uzbekų kultūrinės adaptacijos Lietuvoje aspektus. Darbo uždaviniai: Išanalizuoti teorinius kultūrinės adaptacijos kitoje kultūrinėje aplinkoje aspektus ir išskirti svarbiausius kultūrinės adaptacijos faktorius; atskleisti kultūrinės adaptacijos strategijas bei jų pasirinkimą įtakojančius veiksnius; išanalizuoti uzbekų imigrantų adaptacijos procesą, jį įtakojančius faktorius ir jų pasirinktas adaptacijos strategijas. Pasitelkus mokslinių publikacijų analizę, taikant interviu ir apklausos metodus, prieita prie išvados, kad uzbekų kultūrinės adaptacijos „medaus mėnesio“ etapas būna trumpas. Studentų uzbekų „medaus mėnesio“ etapas yra ilgesnis dėl uždaro gyvenimo būdo bendrabutyje ir intensyvesnio bendravimo su užsieniečiais. Uzbekai nepatiria stipraus „kultūrinio šoko“ Lietuvoje, nes: a). nesuvokia didelės Lietuvos ir Uzbekistano kultūrinės distancijos; b). domisi Lietuva prieš atvykdami ir turi realybę atitinkančias žinias apie Lietuvą; c). buvo Lietuvoje anksčiau; d). turėjo komunikacijos su lietuviais patirties Uzbekistane. Analizuojant adaptaciją įtakojančius faktorius, prieita prie išvados, kad Didžiausia adaptacijos kliūtis yra suvokiamas dominuojančios etninės grupės priešiškumas, kuris stipriausiai pajaučiamas „kultūrinio šoko“ etapo metu. Tai įtakoja neigiamą stereotipinį lietuvio įvaizdžio formavimąsi... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]
The paper analyzes Uzbek cultural adaptation process. The relevance of the work is based on the fact that the extent of migration processes in modern society and social change in the economic, political, social and cultural life of the country requires special attention to many-sided investigations of immigrants adaptation and integration. The propose of study is to reveal cultural adaptation of Uzbeks in Lithuania. The main goals are to examine theoretical cultural adaptation literature background on adaptation process and indices that may cause difficulties in adaptation; reveal adaptation strategies and investigate the factors and circumstances that predict adaptation; mark out Uzbekistan and Lithuania cultural differences; analyze cultural adaptation process of Uzbeks in Lithuania, adaptation factors and acculturation attitudes towards adaptation. This study hypothesized that Uzbeks in Lithuania tend to choose separation strategy due to large perceived cultural distance. Cultural distance is associated with strong cultural shock that can be overcome by gaining family ethnic community support. High education negatively related to separation and marginalization strategies choose. Methods of conducting a research were interview and questionnaire. An interview questionnaire to measure adaptation and adaptation attitudes was developed for the study, derived from the literature on cultural adaptation and culture shock. This research is based on the work of J.W. Berry, R.Y... [to full text]

This thesis is a study of interethnic relationships between the ethnic Uzbek and Kyrgyz on the eastern edge of the Ferghana Valley, the cross-border zone between Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan, from independence to 2005. It argues that strong ethnic tension between the ethnic Uzbek and Kyrgyz was present during 'the Yellow Revolution' and the Andijan massacre in that year. The economically dominant ethnic Uzbeks in southern Kyrgyzstan played a role in initiating the opposition due to ongoing political marginalization by the government, while the opposition appealed to Kyrgyz ethno-nationalism and failed to draw wider political support from the Uzbeks or other minorities. As a result, there the ethnic minorities' lines were divided into pro-Akaev and pro-Revolution group. In the case of the Andijan massacre, the Uzbek government, after the arrival of the Uzbek asylum seekers into Kyrgyzstan territory on the eastern edge of the Ferghana Valley, had stirred latent fears amongst local Kyrgyz through their propaganda broadcasting. The economically marginalized ethnic Kyrgyz on the Kyrgyzstan side of the Uzbek-Kyrgyz border on the eastern edge of the Ferghana Valley had subsequently turned against the refugees and the tension was not alleviated until the refugees were moved to Romania by UNHCR. Both cases exhibit that the ethnic tension between these titular ethnic groups has deeper roots, which could be taken back to the pre-1991 Soviet era. A range of dynamics affect interethnic relations: (1) the potential for harmonious relations between the ethnic Uzbeks and Kyrgyz has been reduced by the rise of 'pure Uzbek' and 'pure Kyrgyz' ethnic-nationalism among these two ethnic communities in their newly created states; (2) a new economic aspect of the ethnic tension has arisen since 1991 in both eastern Uzbekistan and southern Kyrgyzstan as a result of the ethnic Uzbeks dominating the local economy in southern Kyrgyzstan; and (3) clan networks have strongly influenced the flow of post-independence politics. The revival of Islam and fundamentalist and radical ideologies, before and after independence had added complexity to the ethnic Uzbek and Kyrgyz relationships in the Ferghana Valley. Initially democratic nationalists and Islamic nationalists shared some goals, but this commonality faded as Islamic groups became to be seen as a critic and a threat to the Uzbek government and were subsequently banned. The ethnic Uzbeks express more religiosity than the ethnic Kyrgyz, while the majority of the supporters of Islamic fundamentalism and radicalism are the Uzbeks and a smaller number of ethnic Kyrgyz supporters. The failure of post-independence economic transitions of both countries have deepened rural poverty in eastern Uzbekistan and southern Kyrgyzstan, and gradually created collective poverty on the Uzbek-Kyrgyz border zone on the eastern edge of the Ferghana Valley. The ethnic Kyrgyz have been victimized by the deepening rural poverty on both sides of the border. As a result, creation of 'poorer Kyrgyz' vs. 'richer Uzbeks' dynamic has sharpened the conflict between these two ethnicities.

La tesi è dedicata alla poesia russofona contemporanea dell’Uzbekistan, ed in particolare all’opera della Taškentskaja Poetičeskaja Škola, gruppo fondato alla fine degli anni Novanta da S. Janyšev, V. Muratchanov e E. Abdullaev, tre poeti di nazionalità uzbeka, ma madrelingua russa. Questa particolare condizione li ha costretti a riflettere sul rapporto tra la propria ispirazione poetica, il bagaglio culturale della patria d’origine, e il canone letterario russo. Una prima parte è dedicata alla presentazione delle singole individualità. Segue l’analisi della produzione collettiva della scuola, che evidenzia i tratti comuni della poetica di questi autori, ma sottolinea anche le peculiarità individuali e concede ampio spazio alla critica letteraria pubblicata sulla Taškola. Lo studio dell’ultima antologia curata dalla Taškola, il volume bilingue Anor-Granat, è accompagnato da un’analisi delle traduzioni di testi poetici dall’uzbeko realizzate dai tre autori. Un’ultima sezione è dedicata ad una lettura in chiave postcoloniale della produzione di questo movimento culturale, sorto in una nazione oggetto di occupazione coloniale imperiale prima e sovietica poi.
The present book analyses the actual situation of Russian poetry in Uzbekistan, focusing on the works of the Poetic Scool of Tashkent (Taškentskaja Poetičeskaja Škola), a group of poets born in Uzbekistan in the Seventies. The founders of this group are the tree Russian-speaking poets and journalists, S. Janyšev, V. Muratchanov and E. Abdullaev (S. Aflatuni). The condition of having as a mother tongue a language that doesn't reflect their national identity, forced them to have a peculiar relationship with the Russian literary canon and with the Uzbek culture. The first part of my research is devoted to the dexcription of each poet's individual work and poetics, and it's followed by the analysis of the collective pubblications of the group, the almanac 'Malyj Šelkovyj Put' and the bilingual anthology 'Anor-Granat'. In the latter chapter I analyse the translations of Uzbek poetry made by the menbers of the Poetic School of Tashkent. The last chapter is devoted to a post-colonial interpretation of the works of this poetic school, born in a former imperial (and then soviet) colony.

The objective of this thesis is to examine the political modernization experience of the Uzbeks. In order to do that, first, this dissertation critically analyze the modernization theory, and second, the identity- and socio-political transformation of Uzbeks in the pre-modern and modern eras. The political modernization of Uzbeks and its relation with the peculiar social-political structures, as well as the impact of Tsarist and the Soviet rule on those structures are examined. Moreover, the dissertation analyzes the emergence of an Uzbek political identity and its influence on the post-Soviet independent Uzbekistan. The main argument of this dissertation is that the Uzbek experience under the Tsarist and Soviet rule has inevitably transformed the Uzbek society and achieved relative success in changing the traditional forms into ostensibly modern ones. However, despite the successful political modernization during the Soviet era, the specific socio-political organization, clans and kinship structures inherent in the Uzbek society succeeded adapting and even transforming modern institutions and structures externally imposed by the Soviet. These informal traditional structures emerged as strong institutions in the post-independence era. Moreover, the dissertation claims that the transition and modernization approaches to Post-Soviet Uzbekistan failed in understanding the peculiar socio-political structures and their impact on informal politics in independent Uzbekistan.

Contribution a l'etude de l'historiographie et de l'histoire du debut de l'epoque safavide, le texte edite de la chronique est base sur cinq manuscrits. Le texte est une chronique locale de herat, en iran oriental, datee de 1550 957 h et ecrite par un historiographe contemporain. Le texte est une des premieres chroniques de l'epoque safavice. Il possede egalement certaines caracteristiques des ecrits historiques datant de la periode precedante, l'epoque des timourides. La chronique contient un grand nombre de details importants concernant herat durant la premiere moitie du xvie siecle, notamment dans le domaine de la geographie historique, topographie, vie sociale et structures socio-economiques. Les factions politiques parmi l'aristocratie urbaine de herat se forment sur la base des avantages economiques et de l'acces aux postes de pouvoir plutot que sur celle des opinions ideologiques ou religieuses. Sur le niveau politique, l'elimination du pouvoir timouride par les uzbeks est suivi par l'affrontement de ces derniers avec les safavides. Sur le niveau culturek, l'epoque timouride reste la periode de reference et le modele de vie pour les deux regimes rivaux : safavides et uzbeks
This is a contribution to the studies of the early safavid historical literature and history. The edited text of the chronicle is based on five manuscripts. This is a local text from herat in eastern iran, dating 1550 957 h and written by a contemporary historian. The text is one of the earliest chronicles of the safavid period. It alsoshows a number of features characteristic of the historical writings of the earlier period (timurid). It contains very many important details concerning herat during the beginning of the 16th c. Specially in the field of historical geography, topography, social life, and socio-economical structures. Political factions among the herat urban aristocracy are formed on the basis of economical profits and power positions rather than that of ideological or religious opinions. In the political field, elimination of the timurid power by the uzbeks is followed by the conflict of the latters with the safavids. In the cultural field, the timurid period remains the ideal and the reference time for two rival powers : safavids and uzbeks

The research paper examines the question of Uzbek identity, and how it was pictured and presented by Soviet scholars and historians of independent Uzbekistan. After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Uzbekistan announced its independence. One of the important questions on the agenda was the question of national identity. It was up to the newly independent state what they build their ideology on. Soviet historiography had different options for the origin of Uzbeks: some stated that history of Uzbeks starts from the 10th century; some suggested that it was the nomadic tribes to have entered the territory of the present Central Asia in the 15th century. The new government of Uzbekistan somehow continued with the Soviet tradition by following the idea that Uzbeks originate from the 10th century. There is even a group who dates the origin of Uzbeks back to the 1st millennium B.C. The literature written on Uzbek identity can be divided into two approaches taken: primordialism and constructivism. Both Soviet and Uzbek historiography base their thoughts on primordialistic approach, explaining that Uzbek identity is a long and complex process of ethno-genesis and that is associated through blood, language, religion, culture, etc. Whereas constructivists are explaining that Uzbeks as a nation appeared...

Defence date: 16 January 2009
Examining Board: Prof. Edward A. Rees (University of Birmingham, EUI) - supervisor Prof. Douglas T. Northrop (University of Michigan-Ann Arbor) - external supervisor Prof. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt (European University Institute) Prof. Galina M. Yemelianova (University of Birmingham)
First made available online: 26 July 2021
The thesis examines four cases of sovietization (modernization) as realized in Central Asia and especially in Uzbekistan in the 1920s, with particular emphasis on the period between 1924 (the regionalization of Central Asia) and 1930 (the end of the last general purges of the 1920s). Showing how Moscow intended to transform the region along the lines of Soviet ideology with the idea of converting the Homo Islamicus speaking Muslim into Homo Sovieticus speaking Bolshevik, the cases embodied by the four main parts of the thesis represent the intersection of soft-line and hard-line policies and bureaucratic control. Women, as a surrogate of the proletariat and as communicators between the population and the establishment, are the central subjects that tie the four cases together. The first part focuses on visual propaganda and introduces the first level of soft-line control with state-sponsored posters being regarded as direct means for modifying the attitudes of Central Asians using images and slogans. The second part, devoted to the Red Cross and the Red Crescent, represents the second level of soft-line bureaucracy with nuances of hard-line control, highlighting the interconnections between a supposedly neutral international (front) organization and party-state and Red Army institutions. The third part of the thesis is devoted to gender policy with particular emphasis on the hujum, the reactions among the indigenous population that emerged in the form of resistance in the second half of the 1920s, and the counter-reactions by the establishment through the first stage of purges, illustrating the transition from soft-line to hard-line policy, and leading both chronologically and conceptually to the fourth part dealing with the general purges of the 1929-1930, which represent the highest degree of hard-line policy and further confirm that the Soviets intended to sovietize the region beginning with its women.

This thesis thematically deals with Uzbek minority in Prague, which was formed during the last two decades. Main part contain and analyze the structure of the Uzbek minority, and I used the statistics concerning number, working and educational activities, gender representation, territorial decomposition, crime and infringements of residential regime of Uzbek immigrants. I focus also on determination of expanse and method of integration in the majority society environment, patterns of behavior and thinking and culture aspects of everyday life in the minority group. From the research methods I use survey, in-depth interviews and participant observation. I place emphasis on the definition of "push" and "pull" factors of immigration. In addition, I document how the Uzbek Immigrants assess social and cultural environment of the host country, their attitudes and opinions to the people of the Czech Republic and members of other nationalities, especially to those with whom they come in a host country usually in contact, and how they integrate in the Czech environment. I also pay big attention to the changes that took place in the Uzbek community during life in the Czech Republic, including the period after 2008 due to the recession of Czech economy and restrict working opportunities and perspectives....

Defence date: 18 April 2013
Examining Board: Professor Stephen Anthony Smith, EUI (Supervisor) Professor Olivier Roy, EUI Professor Jörg Baberowski, Humboldt University Dr. Galina Yemelianova, University of Birmingham.
First made available online: 14 September 2021
This thesis analyses the functioning of Soviet rule in the Uzbek Soviet republic from 1945 to 1964. Thereby, it focuses on the effects of two fundamental forces that characterised Soviet rule in Uzbekistan: On the one hand, the Moscow leadership held a strong claim to power resulting in quasi-imperial practices to ensure the implementation of central government interests in the Uzbek Soviet republic. On the other hand, even during the Stalinist dictatorship, the Uzbek periphery was subject to a continuous integration into the Soviet Union through central government investment in all spheres of the country in the name of communism. This ambivalence of Soviet rule was accompanied by the condition of limited statehood. Yet, instead of merely understanding limited statehood as a sign of weakness of the Soviet state or as opposition to the Soviet project on side of the Uzbeks, the thesis uses limited statehood as an analytical concept to provide a better understanding of the centre-periphery relations in the Soviet Union. The thesis thus contributes to a growing body of literature on the late-Stalin and the Khrushchev periods and sheds light not only on the tremendous changes Soviet rule had for Uzbek society, but also on the changes and continuities in its form under Stalin and Khrushchev.

This dissertation is concerned with the formation of the Qazaqs in the context of the custom of political vagabondage known as qazaqlïq in post-Mongol Central Eurasia. More specifically, my study addressed the process whereby the Uzbek nomads inhabiting the eastern Dasht-i Qipchāq bifurcated into the Qazaqs and the Shibanid Uzbeks in the sixteenth century in consequence of the qazaqlïq activities led by two rival Chinggisid families: the Urusids and the Abū al-Khairids. Qazaqlïq, or the qazaq way of life, was a form of political vagabondage that involved escaping from one’s state or tribe, usually from a difficult social or political situation, and living the life of a freebooter in a frontier or other remote region. The custom of political vagabondage was by no means an exclusively post-Mongol Central Eurasian phenomenon. It existed in other places and at other times. However, it was in post-Mongol Central Eurasia that it became a widespread socio-political phenomenon that it came to be perceived by contemporaries as a custom to which they attached the specific term, qazaqlïq. During the post-Mongol period, the qazaq way of life developed into a well-established political custom whereby political fugitives, produced by the internecine struggles within the Chinggisid states, customarily fled to frontier or other remote regions and became freebooters, who came to be called qazaqs. Such Chinggisid and Timurid leaders as Muḥammad Shībānī and Temür became qazaqs before coming to power. The Qazaqs came into being as a result of the qazaqlïq activities of Jānībeg and Girāy, two great-grandsons of Urus Khan (r. ca. 1368–78), and of Muḥammad Shībānī, the grandson of Abū al-Khair Khan (r. ca. 1450–70) that resulted in the division of the Uzbek Ulus into the Qazaqs and the Shibanid Uzbeks in the sixteenth century. The Tatar and Slavic cossacks (Russian kazak, Ukrainian kozak) who appeared in the Black Sea steppe in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were the products of the qazaqlïq, or cossack phenomenon. Significantly, Ukrainian cossackdom led to the formation of the Ukrainian Hetmanate, which eventually contributed to the consolidation of a separate Ukrainian identity.

CHARLES UNIVERSITY IN PRAGUE Faculty of Science Department of Demography and Geodemography PhD study program Mrg. Saule Dyussupova IMPACT OF ETHNICITY ON RECENT FERTILITY CHANGE BY MARITAL STATUS IN KAZAKHSTAN PhD dissertation Tutor: Prof. RNDr. Jitka Rychtaříková, CSc. Prague - 2011 Dedicated to my parents - Khanshaym and Tuyakh I declare that this dissertation is my own work under the supervisor of Prof. RNDr. Jitka Rychtaříková CSc. Where other sources of information have been used, they have been acknowledged. I agree that if any results gained while working on this thesis will be used outside the Charles University in Prague, written permission of the University will be necessary. I agree to lend this thesis for study reasons and agree that the thesis will be added to the borrower's database. In Prague, 14.05.2011 Saule Dyussupova Acknowledgements I would like to open the first paper of my dissertation with the deepest expression of gratitude to all teachers for their time, patience, and hard work, to those who made my study at the Charles University in Prague successful, exciting and pleasant. It was an unforgettable experience. You were always there to help and share knowledge, skills and ideas with me. My special words of appreciation go to my dear tutor Prof. RNDr. Jitka Rychtaříková CSc, whose...