Relevant bibliographies by topics / USA ELECTIONS 2020

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Academic literature on the topic 'USA ELECTIONS 2020'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 11 September 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "USA ELECTIONS 2020"

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Tadić, Dejan. "Foreign election interference as a hybrid threat to national security: Presidential elections in the USA in 2016 and 2020." Politička revija 76, no. 2 (2023): 71–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/pr76-43809.

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The second decade of the twenty-first century was marked by an expansion of interest in hybrid threats to national security. Foreign election interference became actual during the 2016 US presidential elections. As one of the modalities of subversive activities, foreign election interference faced a practical transformation along with the development of new technologies and the expansion of the social networks' influence. The hybrid character of foreign election interference is shown both in the fact that it can be realized in physical cyberspace by state or non-state actors. This hybrid threat is limited only by the imagination of its creators and the ability of its implementers. 2016 and 2020 United States presidential elections have shown that countries with the most complex security systems are not able to predict where the hybrid threat will realize. The author concludes that foreign election interference will remain actual in contemporary international relations, because of avoiding direct armed confrontation in gaining dominance in the interest zones of great and regional powers.
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Rogova, Natalia. "Specifics of unified government after 2020 elections in the USA." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 4 (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760017985-0.

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The article deals with interrelations between President Biden and the 117th Congress in this period of the unified government One of the main problems of the Democrats is that they have a minimal majority in both Chambers. Democrats in the Congress are divided into four major factions which not always vote together. Republicans are also divided into several caucuses, some of which try to maintain and develop Trump’s legacy. It is obvious that the one-party government will be seriously challenged at the 2022 elections.
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Bogaevskaya, O., A. Borisova, A. Davydov, E. Desiatsky, S. Dmitriev, V. Zhuravleva, S. Kislitsyn, V. Kulakova, and K. Chudinova. "Pandemic, Protests, Protectionism and Presidential Elections in the USA in 2020." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 1 (2021): 31–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2021-1-31-58.

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The article analyzes major trends in domestic, social, economic, trade and foreign policy of the USA in 2020. The last year of Donald Trump’s presidency became the most traumatic and unpredictable for the country. The COVID-19 pandemic dominated every process in the political, social and economic life of the American society and government. At the same time, it accentuated the main trends of the Trump foreign policy. Trump became the first president to be impeached twice, the 13th president who after being nominated by his party was not reelected by the society, the first president trying to fight both unknown epidemic and economic crisis during his reelection year, the first president who chose not to come to the inauguration of his successor, the first who made decisive steps to break with American-China interdependence and the first who openly declared that he put American interests above those of the other countries, even the allies. His presidency changed the USA deeply and the last year was the turning point in this transformation. He was the most polarized president and he left behind a deeply divided country. Trump spent his last year in the White House battling with the pandemic and fighting for power, and it highlighted how limited the capabilities of the American presidency are in the polarized system where political compromise between the parties is no longer possible. At the same time this last year pointed out a critical importance of a leader’s personality for politics in all spheres. In the time of deep polarization, foreign policy became the only sphere of possible compromise for the parties. Both Democrats and Republicans supported the economic instruments sponsored by Trump of ensuring American leadership in time of pandemic, despite his arrogant style so much criticized by the opposition. After four years of Trump’s presidency the policy of sanctions is considered an effective and long-lasting instrument to control the competitors and enhance the American influence. At the same time while the trend of confrontation became dominant during the Trump’s presidency and his policy of economic nationalism could have more distant and strategic consequences, the confrontation with key actors such as China demonstrated the limits of American power to influence and to control unilaterally both the global economic and political processes and the behavior of different actors. This article is a result of a collective multi-aspect research of transformations taking place in the US on a real time basis. The analysis is built methodologically on the systemic approach to studying American political, social and economic trends, both domestically and on international level.
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Klyuchevskiy, D. "Specific features of using social media in presidential campaigns in 2016 and 2020 in the USA: a comparative analysis." Journal of Political Research 5, no. 3 (October 13, 2021): 172–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2021-5-3-172-180.

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The purpose of this article is to analyze the experience of using social networks as a political marketing tool in the US presidential elections. This article partially touches upon the global topic of marketization and digitalization of both the political process in general and at the level of the US presidential election. The paper highlights the changing role of social media as a policy tool, which today has become not only a tool for distributing content, but also one of the tools for analyzing data from the electorate. The author explores the possibilities of social networks, their strengths and weaknesses and development prospects in the field of political marketing. The work touches upon the role of social networks in the formation of «Electronic Democracy», their impact on the candidate's image and the relationship with the personalization of politics in the United States. The main method in the article is comparative analysis. The result was the definition of the role, key features of the mentioned social networks in the field of modern politics. A certain theoretical contribution is seen in the argumentation of the following observations: the speed of interaction between the candidate and the voter through social networks has increased, in addition, the area of image-making has been partially «digitalized». It was revealed that technologies of information influence on American voters, which positively influenced the results of the 2016 presidential election for the Republican candidate, lowered D. Trump's ratings during the 2020 elections.
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Zhezhko-Braun, Irina. "Ground wars of the presidential elections in the USA." Ideas and Ideals 12, no. 2-1 (June 15, 2020): 48–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17212/2075-0862-2020-12.2.1-48-82.

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Mezhuev, Boris V., Sergey V. Birrjukov, Vasily V. Vanchugov, and Lyubov V. Ulyanova. "Ideology Restart: Liberal Project and Pandemic. Lessons of 2020." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 35.5 (October 16, 2021): 181–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2021-0-3-181-193.

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The present article is an abridged version of the paper of the “Russian Idea” site editors staff devoted to the ideological transformation in the Western countries and Russia in 2020, – the year of COVID pandemic and dramatic elections in the USA. The paper was drawn before the results of the elections were made public, but still it contains the correct forecast of the electoral victory of the liberal establishment representative. The authors also made the hypothesis confirmed by further course of events, that the winner of the ideological contest of 2020 would be the ideology described by the authors as the “new Atlantism”, – the doctrine about the Atlantic coalition interests priority over the national interests of the countries composing the coalition. The paper also forecasts the defeat of populism and Trumpism: in fact, having initiated the new cold war against China the supporters of those trends in the USA will surrender the initiative to their ideological opponents who are much more experienced in leading cold wars. On the basis of these conclusions the authors make the assumption of which new ideologies opposing the liberal establishment would be adopted by the conservative-minded intellectuals, and which conservative strategies could be of current importance for Russia as well.
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Golovchenko, Vladimir I. "Specifics of Electoral Activity of the Second Echelon Political Actors in Modern Russia." Izvestia of Saratov University. New Series. Series: Sociology. Politology 20, no. 4 (November 25, 2020): 474–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1818-9601-2020-20-4-474-478.

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Analysis of the second echelon parties and social associations’ participation in electoral processes within single voting day in September 2020 is presented in the article. An inference is made that as a result of municipal elections in different regions of Russia transformations related to strengthening oppositional forces’ resources have taken place; these transformations can manifest themselves as early as during the State Duma election-2021. Elections have shown that motivation of protest voting “we want reforms” is growing in popularity. It poses risks of orientation not as much on certain programs of political, social, and economic development, but on desire to bring into power new political forces and leaders. As a result, a threat of a “colored revolution” appears when protest actions of opposition (no matter how big its real share in the whole population is), upon the availability of strong diplomatic, financial, and information support of the USA and their allies, may be (as exemplified by events in Belarus) institutionalized by creating coordination councils and boards aimed at achieving the main goal – i.e. to overthrow existing political regime.
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Cherevichko, Tatyana V., and Vitaly G. Tsyplin. "Political Aspects of American Assistance to Ukraine on the Eve of the 2002 Parliamentary Elections." Izvestia of Saratov University. New Series. Series: Sociology. Politology 20, no. 4 (November 25, 2020): 489–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1818-9601-2020-20-4-489-494.

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The article is devoted to the political analysis of the tools used by the United States to withdraw Ukraine from the sphere of economic influence of Russia. Based on the analysis of the materials of individual projects and scientific publications, the authors come to conclusion that by 2002 the expected change of generations of political scientists and economists did not take place in the USA. The tone within the Ukrainian issue continued to be set by the veterans of the Cold War and the financial structures behind them. The fragmentation of the activities of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) on the eve of the Ukrainian parliamentary elections made it possible to characterize the network principle of the distribution of financial resources allocated for the implementation of pre-planned framework political programs. It is noted that the American economic component was reliably hidden in the mechanisms of the formation of Ukrainian pre-election political blocs.
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Maloy, J. S., and Matthew Ward. "The Impact of Input Rules and Ballot Options on Voting Error: An Experimental Analysis." Politics and Governance 9, no. 2 (June 15, 2021): 306–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i2.3938.

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When election reforms such as Ranked Choice Voting or the Alternative Vote are proposed to replace plurality voting, they offer lengthier instructions, more opportunities for political expression, and more opportunities for mistakes on the ballot. Observational studies of voting error rely on ecological inference from geographically aggregated data. Here we use an experimental approach instead, to examine the effect of two different ballot conditions at the individual level of analysis: the input rules that the voter must use and the number of ballot options presented for the voter’s choice. This experiment randomly assigned three different input rules (single-mark, ranking, and grading) and two different candidate lists (with six and eight candidates) to over 6,000 online respondents in the USA, during the American presidential primary elections in 2020, simulating a single-winner presidential election. With more expressive input rules (ranking and grading), the distinction between minor mistakes and totally invalid votes—a distinction inapplicable to single‐mark ballots (1MB) voting—assumes new importance. Regression analysis indicates that more complicated input rules and more candidates on the ballot did not raise the probability that a voter would cast a void (uncountable) vote, despite raising the probability of at least one violation of voting instructions.
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Davydov, O. "The Prospects for Settlement of North Korean Nuclear Problem in View of the Presidential Elections in the USA." World Economy and International Relations 64, no. 9 (2020): 105–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-9-105-113.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "USA ELECTIONS 2020"

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Fernandes, Monize Arquer 1988. "Voto, partidos e contexto : uma análise da volatilidade eleitoral nos municípios brasileiros entre 2000 e 2012." [s.n.], 2015. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279724.

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Orientador: Oswaldo Martins Estanislau do Amaral
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: O objetivo deste trabalho é demonstrar que o contexto local - seja ele sociodemográfico ou institucional - importa na decisão do voto. Assim, buscamos contribuir para a literatura sobre comportamento eleitoral e sobre sistema partidário. A partir de uma amostra representativa de todos os municípios brasileiros, analisamos a volatilidade eleitoral partidária e ideológica para o cargo de vereador nas eleições de 2000 a 2012. Dessa forma, colaboramos com estudos que dizem respeito tanto à organização e ao funcionamento do sistema partidário em nível local, como também àqueles que buscam compreender o que determina a decisão do eleitor, apresentando quais características contextuais são capazes de explicar sua alternância entre os diversos partidos. Os resultados comprovam a relevância das características contextuais para explicar a variação do voto
Abstract: The central aim of this research is to demonstrate that the context matters for the electoral choice. Using a sample of the Brazilian cities, we analyzed the electoral volatility of each political party and of the ideological groups of parties for city councilors in four municipal elections ¿ 2000, 2004, 2008 and 2012. Our intention is to identify which variables (sociodemographic or institutional) explain vote change between two consecutive elections. In this way, we contribute to the literature about electoral behavior and about party systems. The results show that context is important to understand the dimensions of the electoral decision
Mestrado
Ciencia Politica
Mestra em Ciência Política
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Silva, Clarissa Benatti. "Os determinantes do custo do voto: uma análise para a eleição de 2010." Universidade Federal da Paraí­ba, 2013. http://tede.biblioteca.ufpb.br:8080/handle/tede/5014.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
Several studies support the idea that electoral campaign costs play a decisive role on the election results. It is common in Brazil the use of pork barreling (works aimed at the public and resources that are used as clientelistic tools by politicians). The objective of this work is to analyze if the vote cost varies among important regions, states, meso regions and micro regions and if those variations are affected by social-economic features. This study uses the constant information from the TSE´s repository as its database as well as social-economic indexes from Brazilian meso and micro regions. The analyses were carried out for the candidates to state and federal representatives in the e 2010 elections. The results from the nonparametric tests show that Brazilian elections cannot be analyzed by considering the whole country because the vote costs means are statistically different among large regions and states. By the Spearman´s correlation coefficient it is concluded that those differences are not related to the electoral quotient. This study also concludes, by the log-linear regressions, that votes are more expensive in poorer micro regions, that is, the larger the economic inequalities in the region, the higher the value the candidate must spend to obtain votes.
Diversos estudos sustentam a ideia de que os gastos de campanha têm papel decisivo nos resultados eleitorais. No Brasil é comum o uso de obras públicas e de recursos por políticos como instrumentos clientelísticos (pork-barrelling). Objetivou-se com este trabalho analisar se o custo do voto varia nas grandes regiões, nos estados e nas microrregiões e se essas variações são afetadas por características socioeconômicas. As informações constantes no repositório do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral (TSE) foram utilizadas como base de dados, além de indicadores socioeconômicos das mesorregiões e das microrregiões brasileiras. As análises foram feitas para os candidatos aos cargos de deputados federal, estadual e distrital no pleito de 2010. Os resultados obtidos por meio de testes não paramétricos indicaram que as eleições brasileiras não podem ser avaliadas considerando o Brasil como um todo, pois as médias dos custos por voto são estatisticamente diferentes entre as grandes regiões e entre os estados. Por meio do coeficiente de correlação de Spearman, concluiu-se que essas diferenças não estão relacionadas ao quociente eleitoral. O estudo também revelou, por meio de regressões loglineares, que os votos são mais caros em microrregiões mais pobres, isto é, quanto maior a desigualdade socioeconômica da região, maior tende a ser o valor que o candidato deve gastar para conquistar seus votos.
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Lee, Benjamin John. "Are digital technologies supporting traditional styles of electioneering? : measuring and explaining the use of interactive web campaigning by candidates in the 2010 UK General Election." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2013. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/are-digital-technologies-supporting-traditional-styles-of-electioneering-measuring-and-explaining-the-use-of-interactive-web-campaigning-by-candidates-in-the-2010-uk-general-election(5c6b3bbc-c362-48de-84b0-e98aa3a9706e).html.

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This thesis is a mixed methods analysis of the use of new, interactive web campaign techniques, often referred to as Web 2.0, by constituency level campaigns at the 2010 UK General Election. It has two main objectives: measuring the adoption of new web campaign techniques amongst constituency campaigns and assessing the influence of different factors on campaigns’ propensity to use interactive campaigning. Drawing on previous work on parties’ use of technology, this thesis tests a socially shaped explanation of adoption, hypothesising that the offline campaign style will be a strong influence. This contributes to the wider debate about election campaigning online by using an analytical framework of traditional and modern constituency campaigning that contextualises web campaign elements within the campaign as a whole. Data to test this hypothesis comes from a diverse range of sources. A national survey of election agents (ESRC Electoral Agent Survey 2010) is used to measure the offline campaign style of campaigns and their adoption of Web 2.0 campaign sites. Content analysis data from a subset of regional campaigns is then used to assess the extent to which campaigns actually used specific interactive features across a range of platforms. Finally, the findings of these analyses are triangulated using qualitative data collected in interviews with campaigners following the election. The findings of this work show that despite the rapid adoption of Web 2.0 sites, campaigns have not fostered the kind of interaction associated with an architecture of participation. The drivers of Web 2.0 adoption are more complex than originally envisaged, whilst social shaping explanations are relevant, statistical models leave much of the variation in adoption unexplained. In conjunction with the accounts of campaigners collected through interviews, this strongly suggests that researchers must consider more intangible factors such as the perceived symbolic and instrumental value of web campaigns alongside social factors when attempting to explain the adoption of Web 2.0.
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Coelho, Josafá da Silva. "Os desafios da democracia representativa: uma análise da influência dos gastos de campanha sobre o resultado das eleições de 2010 e 2012 na Bahia." Universidade Catolica de Salvador, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/123456730/277.

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Este trabalho analisa a influência do poder econômico sobre o resultado das eleições para cargos eletivos. Pretende-se expor ao debate as características e os desafios da democracia representativa brasileira, especialmente da democracia baiana. Discute-se precisamente a influência dos gastos de campanha sobre o resultado das eleições políticas de 2010 e 2012 na Bahia. A influência do poder econômico, como chaga a adoecer a democracia, apresenta-se como fato capaz de recrudescer as limitações e acirrar as contradições do sistema representativo, não obstante o aparato legal relacionado com o processo eleitoral procure mitigar tais efeitos. Eis uma contradição do sistema representativo que se reveste de hipótese neste trabalho: no exercício do poder econômico os candidatos a cargo público têm seduzido a massa de eleitores com propaganda eleitoral grandiosa e ilusória, promessas e até entrega de bens e vantagens pessoais, transformando as eleições numa arena de disputa econômica. Assim, o voto não tem sido o resultado de uma decisão consciente que avalia ideias e projetos políticos, mas tem decorrido da capacidade de gasto do candidato. Contudo, numa verdadeira democracia, a representação política será mais legítima quanto mais livres, iguais e conscientes forem os eleitores e os candidatos a cargo eletivo, a ponto de o gasto de campanha não se tornar o fator determinante para a eleição dos governantes. A falta de representação política dos interesses da maioria da população implica uma limitação do sistema e denuncia a ausência de legitimidade dos representantes, o que mantém a democracia como um ideal romântico que não se realiza, ou uma mera carta de intenções que o jogo de poder não permite que se torne realidade.
This paper analyzes the influence of economic power on the outcome of elections for elective office. It is intended to expose debate the characteristics and limits of the Brazilian representative democracy, especially in Bahia democracy. Precisely we discuss the influence of campaign spending on the outcome of the 2010 and 2012 general elections in Bahia. The influence of economic power, as a sore sick democracy, is presented as fact able to intensify the limitations and intensify the contradictions of the representative system, notwithstanding the electoral process related to law enforcement seek to mitigate such effects . Here is a contradiction of the representative system which is of argument in this paper: the exercise of economic power candidates for public office have seduced the great mass of voters with electoral propaganda and illusory, and promises to deliver goods and personal advantage, turning elections an arena of economic struggle. Therefore, the vote has not been the result of a conscious decision that assesses political ideas and projects, but has elapsed the spending capacity of the candidate. However , a true democracy, political representation will be more legitimate the more free, equal and are conscious voters and candidates for elected office, to the point of spending campaign does not become the determining factor in the election of the governing factor. The lack of political representation of the interests of the majority of the population implies a limitation of the system and reports the lack of legitimacy of representatives, which holds democracy as a romantic ideal that is not realized, or merely a letter of intent that the power game does not allow to become reality.
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Santos, Ingrid Ribeiro dos. "Campanha eleitoral na televisão : uma analise dos programas do horario gratuito de propaganda eleitoral e do telejornal SPTV no 2. turno das eleições ao governo do estado de São Paulo em 2002." [s.n.], 2006. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281560.

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Orientador: Rachel Meneguello
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Esta dissertação é um estudo de caso sobre o papel da televisão nas eleições ao governo do estado de São Paulo em 2002. A pesquisa analisou especificamente as campanhas ao 2°. turno eleitoral através dos programas do Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral (HGPE) e do telejornal regional SPTV.A caracterização das formas de utilização do espaço da mídia pelos candidatos nos programas eleitorais e do padrão da cobertura eleitoral realizada pelo telejornal foi realizada com o objetivo de entender algumas configurações da política que se realiza na mídia eletrônica. Os resultados mostraram que as campanhas eleitorais não se concentraram em um debate político, mas se colocaram em termos administrativos. O telejornal buscou ser imparcial, porém apresentou uma cobertura eleitoral excessivamente superficial
Abstract: This dissertation is a study about the paper of the television in the elections to the government of the Sao Paulo state in 2002. The research specifically analyzed the campaigns of the second electoral turn through the programs of free television time for political campaigning and of the regional TV news SPTV. The characterization of the used forms in media space by the candidates in the electoral programs and by the electoral standard covered by the TV news was carried on with the objective of understanding some politics configurations that carries itself through the electronic media. The results had shown that the electoral campaigns had not concentrated in a politician debate, but they had placed themselves in administrative terms. The TV news tried to be impartial: however it presented electoral covering excessively superficial
Mestrado
Mestre em Ciência Política
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Maranhão, Cristina. "O poder da imagem fotográfica: uma análise das imagens publicadas nas revistas Veja e IstoÉ de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva durante as campanhas presidenciais de 1989 e 2002." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2007. http://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/2671.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico
In the society which we live in, the images are everywhere and surround our social relationships. We define our relationships and opinions based on images. However, the excessive production of images creates a series of clichés that serve as a critical anesthesia that hinder us to perceive their discursive statements. Photography was a technique created in the beginning of the XIX century and its evolution is related to the technological advances of the Industrial Revolution, besides, it was present in the yearnings of the emergent bourgeoisie. Because of its possibility to produce copies and to serve as an evidential test of the reality, it has become synonymous of factual truth and soon it started to be used by some institutions as a way to legitimize their points of view. This work is an effort to focus on the power of the photographic images. When related to the medias, they receive new symbolic traits and start to constitute the ideological speech of each one. To comprehend this aspect of the image, an analysis of the photographic images used in the magazines Veja and IstoÉ during the presidential campaigns of the candidate Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, in 1989 and 2002 has been done. Each historical moment and ideological line of each one of the magazines generated their own discursive statements, producing a characterization of the candidate. In the first campaign, Lula comes up as a promise to the left. Having a very different trajectory from his competitors, the candidate tries to fix an image that, in some ways, follows him up to the present. In his fourth attempt, he tries to deconstruct, to a certain extent, this image, in order to win the elections. Each magazine tried to portray a different Lula by using images and technical resources (diagramming, edition, legends). In some cases emphasizing his trajectory as metallurgist, someone related to the national left and trying to consolidate the image of the national elite nightmare, and at other moments trying to portray him as the ideal candidate to save the country
Hoje em dia vivemos numa sociedade onde as imagens estão por toda a parte, e circundam nossas relações sociais, sendo através das mesmas que fundamentamos nossas relações e opiniões. Porém, a produção excessiva das mesmas acaba por criar uma série de clichês produzindo uma forma de anestesiamento crítico, e não conseguimos perceber os enunciados discursivos presentes nas imagens. A fotografia foi uma técnica que surgiu no início do século XIX e teve uma evolução atrelada aos avanços tecnológicos da Revolução Industrial, além de encaixar-se nos anseios de uma classe social emergente. Com a possibilidade de produzir cópias e servir como prova comprobatória da realidade, passou a ser sinônimo da verdade factual, e logo passou a ser utilizada pelas instituições como forma de legitimar determinado ponto de vista. Este trabalho procurou atentar para o poder existente nas imagens fotográficas. Quando atreladas aos meios de comunicação, estas recebem novas cargas simbólicas, e passam a constituir o discurso ideológico de cada um. Para a compreensão desta faceta da imagem, realizou-se uma análise das imagens fotográficas veiculas pelas revistas Veja e IstoÉ durantes as campanhas eleitorais presidenciais de 1989 e 2002, do então candidato Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Cada momento histórico e linha ideológica de cada uma das revistas gerou enunciados discursivos próprios, produzindo uma caracterização do então candidato. Na primeira disputa ao cargo, Lula aparece como a promessa da esquerda. Com uma trajetória muito diferente dos seus concorrentes, o então candidato procura fixar uma imagem, que de certa forma, o acompanha até os dias atuais. Na sua quarta tentativa procura desconstruir, até certo ponto, esta imagem, a fim de, conquistar as eleições. Cada revista procura através da utilização das imagens e recursos técnicos (diagramação, edição, legendas) montar um Lula. Em alguns casos enfatizando sua trajetória de luta como metalúrgico, ligado a esquerda nacional e procurando consolidar a imagem do pesadelo da elite nacional, e em outros momentos buscando caracterizá-lo como o candidato ideal para salvar o país
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KUMAR, BHANU. "PREDICTION OF USA ELECTIONS 2020 USING SENTIMENT ANALYSIS." Thesis, 2021. http://dspace.dtu.ac.in:8080/jspui/handle/repository/19000.

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Machine Learning (ML) is expanding its applications in our life as the amount of data stored on servers is increasing daily. With ample of provided applications to ease our workload and make us more efficient. exit polls for elections although quite accurate cannot be completely relied upon. This can arise due to pressure from political leaders, peers; people who don't want to share their views etc. There have been instances in past where the results of elections were completely contradictory to predictions based on exit polls. With social media, people have become more vocal about their views and perspectives with the privacy and security over internet. With more people using social media to express their views, we can create several detailed and structured datasets according to our needs. this decreases time as compared to interviewing one person at a time, we can get data of millions promptly. this data can be classified on the basis of region, age, gender, etc. Using ML algorithms on these datasets we can predict the sentiment of these people and can get an accurate prediction for the elections.We'll be performing sentiment analysis on one such dataset which consists of tweets extracted from Twitter. This report will include using seven algorithms: Dictionary based, Naive Bays, Support Vector Machine, Linear Regression, Logistic Regression and Bayesian network and Bayesian network and compare the results of these Algorithms along with their accuracies.
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Kożdoń-Dębecka, Monika. "Rola narzędzi internetowych w prezydenckich kampaniach wyborczych w USA w latach 2000-2012." Doctoral thesis, 2014. https://depotuw.ceon.pl/handle/item/722.

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Celem pracy jest próba odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy komunikacja polityczna prowadzona w sieci przez sztaby kandydatów na prezydenta USA i ich zwolenników wpłynęła na wynik wyborczy badanych kandydatów w wyborach 2008 i 2012 roku. The aim of PhD thesis is the attempt to find out, if political communication conducted in internet by staffs of U.S. presidential candidates and their supporters influenced the election outcomes of analysed candidates in 2008 i 2012.
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Pýcha, Jaroslav. "Využití dichotomie My versus Oni v předvolebních projevech Joe Bidena a Donalda Trumpa z roku 2020." Master's thesis, 2021. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-446509.

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This thesis aims to analyze the camping speeches of the two major candidates running for President of the Unites States in the 2020 general election and to inspect the ways in which both the candidates utilize the Us versus Them dichotomy. In doing so, the thesis provides a critique of the texts produced by the candidates and seeks to unveil their ideological motivation. As categorizing entities has a profound effect on the audience and their perception of reality, the goal is not only to unveil what entities the candidates discuss, but also to determine how they classify these entities. In addition, the strategies used by both the candidates to achieve entity evaluation are compared in order to contrast their rhetorical styles. The theoretical part of the thesis overviews concepts related to the construction of group identities and other ways of reproducing ideology in discourse. Furthermore, Hasan's approach to text analysis, which is employed in the analytical part, is introduced. A brief biography of both the candidates and a description of the US presidential election system are included as well. The analytical part is composed of Critical Discourse Analyses of selected topical segments from campaign speeches of Donald Trump and Joe Biden. Special focus is dedicated to the strategies the...
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Chen, Guann-Lin, and 陳冠霖. "Assessing the Association among Partisan Preference, Voting Behavior, and Media Use──the Case Study of the Five Metropolitan Elections in 2010." Thesis, 2012. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/yetku4.

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碩士
世新大學
新聞學研究所(含碩專班)
100
This study aims to discuss: whether audience will selectively access to the media with the same political stance in order to avoid accessing the media with different political stance and the sense of cognitive dissonance; what are the characteristics of such audience on political variances such as partisan attitudes, voting behaviors, time of media access and individual demography; and the comparisons of such characteristics on people in Taipei, Taichung and Kaohsiung City. We took “secondary data analysis” as the research method and “Taiwan Election and Democratization” as the subject to carry out questionnaires of “2010 Mayoral Elections for the Five Special Municipalities” (TEDS2010C). Analytical methods include cross-over analysis, binary logistic regression, and multivariate logistic regression with SPSS as the statistical program. The study results show that audience accesses to Chinese Nationalist Party (also known as Kuomingtang, KMT) more has the characteristics of KMT preference, higher political efficiency, political trusting and political knowledge, more self-identification as Chinese, more support of Taiwan and mainland unitary, younger age, higher education level, and more frequent use of Chinese. On the other hand, audience access to Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) more shares the characteristics of the DPP preference when it comes to voting behaviors and partisan attitudes, lower political efficiency, political trusting and political knowledge, more self-identification as a Taiwanese, more support of Taiwanese independence, elder age, lower education level, and more frequent use of Taiwanese. Audience with selective media access tends to watch News and political shows for longer time, shows obvious preferences between the two parties—higher preference on DPP and lower on KMT. They are at least 40 years old and have higher political discussion frequency, political trusting and political knowledge.
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Books on the topic "USA ELECTIONS 2020"

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Issacharoff, Samuel. When elections go bad: The law of democracy and the presidential election of 2000. New York: Foundation Press, 2001.

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Issacharoff, Samuel. When elections go bad: The law of democracy and the presidential election of 2000. New York, N.Y: Foundation Press, 2001.

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Peru), Transparencia (Organization :., ed. Una historia que no debe repetirse: Perú : elecciones generales 2000 : informe de observación electoral. Lima: Transparencia, 2000.

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Democracia e representação política no Brasil: Uma análise das eleições presidenciais, 1989-2002. Porto Alegre, RS: Editora Sulina, 2007.

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The unfinished election of 2000. New York: Basic Books, 2001.

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Junior, Raimundo. Brasília 2002, memórias de uma eleição. Brasília: LGE Editora, 2004.

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Junior, Raimundo. Brasília 2002, memórias de uma eleição. Brasília: LGE Editora, 2004.

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"Oh, waiter! One order of crow!": Inside the strangest presidential election finish in American history. New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 2001.

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Nicaragua. Ley electoral.: Ley de cedulación : etica electoral : elecciones 2000 de Nicaragua : una recopilación. [Nicaragua]: Impresores Asociados, 2000.

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1937-, Whitman Mark, ed. Florida 2000: A sourcebook on the contested presidential election. Boulder, Co: Lynne Rienner, 2003.

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Book chapters on the topic "USA ELECTIONS 2020"

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Galdieri, Christopher J., Tauna S. Sisco, and Jennifer C. Lucas. "Identity Politics in the Wake of 2020." In Identity Politics in US National Elections, 131–39. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-28384-0_8.

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Cosgrove, Ken, and Nathan R. Shrader. "Political Branding in the USA Election of 2020." In Political Branding in Turbulent times, 33–50. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-83229-2_3.

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Brown-Foster, Walton. "African American Women in 2020 US Politics, the Stony Road Walked." In Identity Politics in US National Elections, 19–40. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-28384-0_3.

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Johnson, Tyler. "Sleepy Joe? Recalling and Considering Donald Trump's Strategic Use of Nicknames." In The 2020 U.S. Presidential Election, 52–66. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003256472-5.

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Lucas, Jennifer C. "Gendered Attitudes and Support for Elizabeth Warren in the 2020 Democratic Primary." In Identity Politics in US National Elections, 7–18. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-28384-0_2.

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Rickenbach, Elizabeth Hahn, Janelle Fassi, and Kevin Doran. "Influences and Preferences Among Older Voters in the 2020 U.S. Presidential Election." In Identity Politics in US National Elections, 101–29. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-28384-0_7.

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Brant, Hanna K., and L. Marvin Overby. "The Rainbow Wave in 2020: The LGBTQ+ Community and the Path to Equitable Representation." In Identity Politics in US National Elections, 83–99. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-28384-0_6.

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Gulati, Jeff, and Lindsey Cormack. "Voicing Support for Black Lives Matter in Congress and Its Impact on the 2020 House Elections." In Identity Politics in US National Elections, 41–63. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-28384-0_4.

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Doran, Kevin, and Tauna S. Sisco. "Black Lives Matter’s Role in the 2020 Presidential Election: An Assessment of Individual and District-Level Data." In Identity Politics in US National Elections, 65–82. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-28384-0_5.

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Gayte, Marie. "A Climax in the Culture Wars? The US Bishops and the 2020 Election." In Catholics and US Politics After the 2020 Elections, 103–32. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-82212-5_5.

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Conference papers on the topic "USA ELECTIONS 2020"

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Singh, Aditya, Avinash kumar, Nishtha Dua, Vipul Kumar Mishra, Dilbag Singh, and Apeksha Agrawal. "Predicting Elections Results using Social Media Activity A Case Study: USA Presidential Election 2020." In 2021 7th International Conference on Advanced Computing and Communication Systems (ICACCS). IEEE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icaccs51430.2021.9441835.

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Wu, Yifei. "Explaining COVID-19 Outcome in the USA: Trump’s Policy, the Republican Party, the Democratic Party, 2020 Presidential Elections." In 2021 International Conference on Public Relations and Social Sciences (ICPRSS 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.211020.232.

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Podlazov, Andrey Viktorovich. "Electoral procedure fraud without voting results fraud: To the tenth anniversary of the 2013 Moscow mayoral election." In 6th International Conference “Futurity designing. Digital reality problems”. Keldysh Institute of Applied Mathematics, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.20948/future-2023-13.

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Not only the voting results, but also the election procedure itself can be subject to fraud. I develop a method of compensating for the consequences of such fraud due to the use of administrative resources. I test this method on the data of regional elections with almost fair voting results.
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Anala, Jayanth, Dhanush Reddy Pothala, and Manish Chembeti. "Social Network Analysis of 2020 USA Presidential Election Tweets." In 2022 International Conference on Advances in Computing, Communication and Materials (ICACCM). IEEE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icaccm56405.2022.10009172.

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Limboi, Sergiu, and Laura Diosan. "An unsupervised approach for Twitter Sentiment Analysis of USA 2020 Presidential Election." In 2022 International Conference on INnovations in Intelligent SysTems and Applications (INISTA). IEEE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/inista55318.2022.9894264.

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Boehmer, Niclas, Robert Bredereck, Piotr Faliszewski, Rolf Niedermeier, and Stanisław Szufa. "Putting a Compass on the Map of Elections." In Thirtieth International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-21}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2021/9.

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In their AAMAS 2020 paper, Szufa et al. presented a "map of elections" that visualizes a set of 800 elections generated from various statistical cultures. While similar elections are grouped together on this map, there is no obvious interpretation of the elections' positions. We provide such an interpretation by introducing four canonical “extreme” elections, acting as a compass on the map. We use them to analyze both a dataset provided by Szufa et al. and a number of real-life elections. In effect, we find a new parameterization of the Mallows model, based on measuring the expected swap distance from the central preference order, and show that it is useful for capturing real-life scenarios.
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Usher, James, and Pierpaolo Dondio. "BREXIT: Predicting the Brexit UK Election Results by Constituency using Twitter Location based Sentiment and Machine Learning." In 4th International Conference on Machine Learning & Applications (CMLA 2022). Academy and Industry Research Collaboration Center (AIRCC), 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5121/csit.2022.121101.

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After parliament failed to approve his revised version of the ‘Withdrawal Agreement’, UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson called a snap general election in October 2019 to capitalise on his growing support to ‘Get Brexit Done’. Johnson’s belief was that he had enough support countrywide to gain a majority to push his Brexit mandate through parliament based on a parliamentary seat majority strategy. The increased availability of large-scale Twitter data provides rich information for the study of constituency dynamics. In Twitter, the location of tweets can be identified by the GPS and the location field. This provides a mechanism for location-based sentiment analysis which is the use of natural language processing or machine learning algorithms to extract, identify, or distinguish the sentiment content of a tweet (in our case), according to the location of origin of said tweet. This paper examines location-based Twitter sentiment for UK constituencies per country and aims to understand if location-based Twitter sentiment majorities per UK constituencies could determine the outcome of the UK Brexit election. Tweets are gathered from the whisperings of the UK Brexit election on September 4th 2019 until polling day, 12th December 2019. A Naive Bayes classification algorithm is applied to assess political public Twitter sentiment. We identify the sentiment of Twitter users per constituency per country towards the political parties’ mandate on Brexit and plot our findings for visualisation. We compare the grouping of location-based sentiment per constituency for each of the four UK countries to the final Brexit election first party results per constituency to determine the accuracy of location-based sentiment in determining the Brexit election result. Our results indicate that location-based sentiment had the single biggest effect on constituency result predictions in Northern Ireland and Scotland and a marginal effect on Wales base constituencies whilst there was no significant prediction accuracy to England’s constituencies. Decision tree, neural network, and Naïve Bayes machine learning algorithms are then created to forecast the election results per constituency using location-based sentiment and constituency-based data from the UK electorate at national level. The predictive accuracy of the machine learning models was compared comprehensively to a computed-baseline model. The comparison results show that the machine learning models outperformed the baseline model predicting Brexit Election constituency results at national level showing an accuracy rate of 97.87%, 95.74 and 93.62% respectively. The results indicate that location-based sentiment is a useful variable in predicting elections.
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Robaina, Gabriel, and Fabiano Baldo. "Proposta de um modelo para predição do resultado das eleições presidenciais brasileiras baseado em técnicas de regressão." In Congresso Brasileiro de Inteligência Computacional. SBIC, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21528/cbic2021-164.

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Prediction of elections is a subject that excites the population, especially in the last few months before an election. In Brazil, there is a wide availability of political, economic and social data, in institutions such as TSE, IBGE and opinion research institutes that can be used as sources to create prediction models. Therefore, this work aims to build multivariate linear regression and regression tree models to predict the percentage of votes received by the situational candidate for the presidency of Brazil. The multivariate linear regression model had the smallest prediction errors, with MAE of 1.45 in the first round and 1.48 in the second, with margins smaller than 1\% in 2002, 2006 and 2018. The proposed models seemed to be more accurate than other models found in the literature. As main contributions, it was possible to observe that the sampling of data by state and the use of the illiteracy rate and the popular vote intention contributed directly to the performance of the models.
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Arias-Flores, Hugo, Sandra Sanchez-Gordon, and Tania Calle-Jimenez. "E-Democracy and Accessibility: Challenges in the Ecuadorian presidential elections of 2021 in the midst of the Covid-19 pandemic." In 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1001716.

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People living with some type of disability continue to encounter barriers that prevent them from participating in society on equal terms and their rights continue to be violated. Among these rights, the full enjoyment of communication in an independent and accessible manner, using information and communication technologies, is a commitment acquired by the signatory countries of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. Inclusive and equitable access to full participation in democratic processes is fundamental. Elections to designate constitutional president and vice president of the Republic of Ecuador for the period 2021-2025 were held on February 7, 2021. Some 13 million citizens were called to vote, including more than 425,000 citizens with disabilities. In Ecuador, voting is compulsory for citizens between 18 and 65 years of age, and the voting document is requisite for access to services in government offices. Ecuador was the sixth country in Latin America to call its citizens to the polls amid the pandemic. This unprecedented situation forced the National Electoral Council to change the traditional voting process, including a larger number of polling stations and ordering voters to go to the polls unaccompanied to avoid crowds and minimize contagion. In this context, the National Electoral Council made available to citizens a website that allowed, among other features, to consult the voting location and follow the election results in real-time. The objective of this study was to identify accessibility barriers in these web pages for users using assistive technology. The methodology employed for the analysis was experiential introspection complemented with the use of two automatic evaluation tools based on the W3C Web Content Accessibility Guidelines and the Usability.gov guidelines. Accessibility and usability problems were found on the voting location consultation page. Additionally, the voting results page presented very serious accessibility problems to the extent that prevented blind users from obtaining such information.
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Kuběnková, Dana. "Electoral Success of ĽSNS: The Role of Education in the Spatial Context." In EDAMBA 2021 : 24th International Scientific Conference for Doctoral Students and Post-Doctoral Scholars. University of Economics in Bratislava, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53465/edamba.2021.9788022549301.266-276.

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In this article, we examine the relationship between educational attainment and electoral success of populist radical right party in Slovakia – Ľudová Strana Naše Slovensko. We extend our estimation by taking into account the spatial context of the empirical data, suggesting that political and educational choices are formed early in life in families and communities. Therefore, to estimate how neighborhood influences its residents we are adding in our model spatially lagged explanatory variable referring to higher educational attainment, which represents the weighted average of the neighboring values for this variable. For the purpose of this estimation on the link between educational attainment and voting support for ĽSNS, we use the results of parliamentary elections held in 2020 on the level of LAU 2. Along with our main explanatory variable relating to university educational attainment, we also include socio-economic and demographic factors as control variables, which were previously empirically proven as statistically significant for the electoral performance of populist radical right parties. Our findings imply that a higher share of residents with university education attainment in neighboring municipalities has an influence on the election results for ĽSNS in the observed municipality. Residents with university educational attainment are less likely to vote for ĽSNS.
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Reports on the topic "USA ELECTIONS 2020"

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Batool, Fizza, Ihsan Yilmaz, and Kainat Shakil. Contest between leaders of the Ummah: Comparing civilizational populisms of PTI and TLP in Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), February 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0020.

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With the recognition of populism emerging in varied forms across the Global South, the lacuna of research on populism in Asia is gradually filling. Yet, research on populism in Pakistan is still limited and focused mostly on the singular case of former Prime Minister Imran Khan and his political party Pakistan Tahreek-e-Insaaf (PTI). There is much lesser attention to the populism of Tahreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP), a far-right movement-turned-party. This paper addresses this gap by comparing the two cases of populism in Pakistan – PTI and TLP – to outline the similarities and differences in their characterization of “the people,” “the elite” and “the others,” using the framework of civilizational populism. The comparative analysis of public discourse of the leadership of two parties shows an extensive use of civilizational rhetoric by both parties, with varying degrees of religious sloganeering, to cater public support. Civilizational dimension forms an overlay over the vertical-horizontal dimensions of populism. Given that 2023 is the election year in Pakistan and both parties are planning to contest elections, this is a timely piece to warn about the treacherous trajectory taken by Pakistani politics.
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Graham, Timothy, and Katherine M. FitzGerald. Bots, Fake News and Election Conspiracies: Disinformation During the Republican Primary Debate and the Trump Interview. Queensland University of Technology, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/rep.eprints.242533.

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We used Alexandria Digital, a world leading disinformation detection technology, to analyse almost a million posts on X (formerly known as Twitter) and Reddit comments during the first Republican primary debate and counterprogrammed Tucker Carlson and Donald Trump interview on the 23rd of August. What we did: • Collected 949,259 posts from the platform X, formerly known as Twitter. These posts were collected if they contained one of 11 relevant hashtags or keywords and were posted between 8:45pm and 11:15pm EST on 23rd August 2023. • Collected 20,549 comments from two separate Reddit threads. Both were discussion threads dedicated to the first Republican primary Debate and the Tucker Carlson and Donald Trump interview from r/Conservative and r/politics. • This methodology allowed us to capture narratives and conduct analysis of coordinated behaviour that occurred immediately before, during, and after the Republican primary debate and the airing of the Tucker Carlson interview of Donald Trump. What we found: • A coordinated network of over 1200 accounts promoting the conspiracy theory that Donald Trump won the 2020 United States presidential election that received over 3 million impressions on the platform X; • A sprawling bot network consisting of 1,305 unique accounts with a variety of clusters; • Some of the largest clusters were coordinated troll networks in support of Donald Trump; a coordinated network of misleading news outlets, and a clickbait Pro-Trump bot network. • No coordinated activity was found on Reddit during the Republican Primary Debate or in discussion of the Tucker Carlson and Donald Trump interview. What does this mean? • X is flooded with platform manipulation of various kinds, is not doing enough to moderate content, and has no clear strategy for dealing with political disinformation. • A haven for disinformation. While pre-Musk Twitter previously managed to moderate harmful conspiracy theories such as QAnon, X is now a safe space for conspiracy theorists and political disinformation. • That no evidence of coordinated influence activity was found on Reddit suggests the extensive rules and moderation either prevented or removed coordinated activity from the platform. • Worrying trends. Given the prevalence of mis- and disinformation during the debate and interview, the leadup to the US 2024 Presidential Election is likely to witness a surge of information disorder on the platform. • Trump is back. The reinstatement of Donald Trump’s X account has emboldened conspiracy theorists and the far right, who are interpreting this as a sign that the reason why Trump was suspended (incitement to violence) validates election fraud disinformation and activism. • Anything goes. The lack of a freely available Twitter Application Programming Interface (API) means that researchers, journalists, and regulators cannot monitor disinformation on X and hold the platform to account.
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Moldovan, Paula, Sérgio Lagoa, and Diana Mendes. The impact of Economic Policy Uncertainty on the real exchange rate: Evidence from the UK. DINÂMIA'CET-Iscte, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2021.06.

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The world economy has been punctuated by uncertainty as a result of the 2008 subprime crisis, the European sovereign debt crisis, Brexit, and the 2016 US presidential elections, to mention but a few of the reasons. This study explores how the UK real exchange rate reacts to economic policy uncertainty (EPU) shocks using monthly data for the period 1998 to 2020. We contribute to the literature by identifying the long-run and short-run impacts of EPU using a cointegrated ARDL model, and by studying a country that has been through periods of both relatively low and high uncertainty. Results confirm that EPU has an important effect in the long run by depreciating the exchange rate. In addition to urging policymakers and regulators to concentrate on the sometimes difficult task of keeping policy uncertainty to a minimum as a way of sustaining exchange rate stability and thus promoting long-term economic growth, further evidence is provided on exchange rate fundamentals.
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Russo, Margherita, Fabrizio Alboni, Jorge Carreto Sanginés, Manlio De Domenico, Giuseppe Mangioni, Simone Righi, and Annamaria Simonazzi. The Changing Shape of the World Automobile Industry: A Multilayer Network Analysis of International Trade in Components and Parts. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp173.

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Abstract:
In 2018, after 25 years of the North America Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the United States requested new rules which, among other requirements, increased the regional con-tent in the production of automotive components and parts traded between the three part-ner countries, United States, Canada and Mexico. Signed by all three countries, the new trade agreement, USMCA, is to go into force in 2022. Nonetheless, after the 2020 Presi-dential election, the new treaty's future is under discussion, and its impact on the automo-tive industry is not entirely defined. Another significant shift in this industry – the acceler-ated rise of electric vehicles – also occurred in 2020: while the COVID-19 pandemic largely halted most plants in the automotive value chain all over the world, at the reopen-ing, the tide is now running against internal combustion engine vehicles, at least in the an-nouncements and in some large investments planned in Europe, Asia and the US. The definition of the pre-pandemic situation is a very helpful starting point for the analysis of the possible repercussions of the technological and geo-political transition, which has been accelerated by the epidemic, on geographical clusters and sectorial special-isations of the main regions and countries. This paper analyses the trade networks emerg-ing in the past 25 years in a new analytical framework. In the economic literature on inter-national trade, the study of the automotive global value chains has been addressed by us-ing network analysis, focusing on the centrality of geographical regions and countries while largely overlooking the contribution of countries' bilateral trading in components and parts as structuring forces of the subnetwork of countries and their specific position in the overall trade network. The paper focuses on such subnetworks as meso-level structures emerging in trade network over the last 25 years. Using the Infomap multilayer clustering algorithm, we are able to identify clusters of countries and their specific trades in the automotive internation-al trade network and to highlight the relative importance of each cluster, the interconnec-tions between them, and the contribution of countries and of components and parts in the clusters. We draw the data from the UN Comtrade database of directed export and import flows of 30 automotive components and parts among 42 countries (accounting for 98% of world trade flows of those items). The paper highlights the changes that occurred over 25 years in the geography of the trade relations, with particular with regard to denser and more hierarchical network gener-ated by Germany’s trade relations within EU countries and by the US preferential trade agreements with Canada and Mexico, and the upsurge of China. With a similar overall va-riety of traded components and parts within the main clusters (dominated respectively by Germany, US and Japan-China), the Infomap multilayer analysis singles out which com-ponents and parts determined the relative positions of countries in the various clusters and the changes over time in the relative positions of countries and their specialisations in mul-tilateral trades. Connections between clusters increase over time, while the relative im-portance of the main clusters and of some individual countries change significantly. The focus on US and Mexico and on Germany and Central Eastern European countries (Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia) will drive the comparative analysis.
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