Journal articles: 'US-Iran relations'

1

Kumar, Sumita. "Pakistan–Iran Relations: The US Factor." Strategic Analysis 32, no. 5 (September 25, 2008): 773–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700160802309159.

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Tarock, Adam. "US-Iran relations: Heading for confrontation?" Third World Quarterly 17, no. 1 (March 1996): 149–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436599650035824.

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Ustiashvili,, Samin. "Iran-US relations; The Middle East issues." International Journal of Scientific Research and Management 9, no. 10 (October 21, 2021): 780–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsrm/v9i10.sh02.

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Iran-US relations have historically been of particular importance to both sides. The ups and downs of this relationship and its causes and factors have always been considered by international relations researchers and thinkers, including the two countries' experts. This article aims to examine Israel's role in perpetuating the strained relations between Iran and the United States. The continuing turmoil and the severance of official relations between Iran and the United States, given the historical background of relations between the two countries, the existence of shared regional interests, along with the opportunities to repair and improve relations, raises the question of international relations researchers why relations between the two countries are still strained as Iran enters the fourth decade of its revolution. What are the leading causes and factors of the continuation of the strained relations between the two countries? In response to various hypotheses, the author cites a drastic change in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards Israel - compared to the pre-revolutionary period - the main factor in the continuation of hostility between the two countries and Iran's opposition to Israel. Therefore, considering the opposition to the Middle East peace process as the main factor of the current situation, it has tried to confirm the mentioned hypothesis by presenting evidence and analyzing documents. This article has been written with a genealogical (historical-analytical) approach and has a review nature. To attain the specifications of this research, a descriptive methodology will be used. The advantages presented by this method include enabling the collection of a significant amount of data at once. The scientific findings of this study indicate the undeniable effect of the Israeli variable on Iran-US relations.

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Ali, Anwar, Mughees Ahmad, and Bilal Bin Liaqat. "US-Iran Relations: Prospects for Regional Stability." Pakistan Social Sciences Review 2, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 1–08. http://dx.doi.org/10.35484/pssr.2018(2-i)01.

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Khanaliyev, Nuradin U. "US - IRAN RELATIONS: CURRENT ISSUES AND CHALLENGES." Bulletin of the Moscow State Regional University (History and Political Science), no. 1 (2020): 187–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.18384/2310-676x-2020-1-187-198.

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Nazir Hussain. "US-Iran Relations: Issues, Challenges and Prospects." Policy Perspectives 12, no. 2 (2015): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.13169/polipers.12.2.0029.

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Bahgat, Gawdat. "US-Iran Relations under the Trump Administration." Mediterranean Quarterly 28, no. 3 (September 2017): 93–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-4216432.

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Mahwish Hafeez. "India-Iran Relations: Challenges and Opportunities." Strategic Studies 39, no. 3 (November 5, 2019): 22–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.039.03.00103.

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Besides geographic proximity, India and Iran share a historic relationship that has its mark even today. However, despite these historic ties, both India and Iran have not been able to take this relationship to the desired level. Although several factors account for this failure, the biggest being the prevailing hostility between the US and Iran. Throughout the Cold War era, both Tehran and Washington were close allies. However, this situation completely changed following the Iranian revolution and the 1979 hostage crisis. This sudden change between the US and Iran had an impact on Iran’s relationship with the rest of the world. Since India is aspiring to become a global economic power, it is imperative for India to ensure a continuous supply of energy resources. This necessity for energy resources has compelled India to maintain some level of cooperation with Iran despite the US pressure. Thus, New Delhi finds itself walking a tight rope balancing its relationship with energy-rich Iran and the world’s dominant power, the US.

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Agarwal, Shyam Mohan, and Rajdeep Singh. "Indo-Iran Relations: General Analysis." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 7, no. 8 (August 17, 2022): 63–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2022.v07.i08.010.

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India and Iran are closely linked at the political level, although the volume of trade and investment has been affected by US sanctions against Iran. During this period Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh visited Iran in 2013 and then Prime Minister Modi visited Iran in 2016. Iranian President Rouhani also visited India in 2019. However, the two-way trade has declined to US$ 2.106 billion in 2020-21 with Indian exports of US$ 1.77 billion and Indian imports of US$ 331 million. Iran invested in the Madras Refinery in 1965. Iran also committed to invest $630 million in Kudremukh Iron and Ore Co Ltd in the mid-seventies. While Iran initially paid US$255 million, the project was later shelved and eventually completed with Indian investments. India, on the other hand, committed an investment of $85 million in the Chabahar port. The level of trade and investment does not reflect the full potential of bilateral relations between India and Iran. Abstract in Hindi Language: भारत और ईरान राजनीतिक स्तर पर लगातार जुड़े हुए हैं, हालांकि ईरान के खिलाफ अमेरिकी प्रतिबंधों से व्यापार और निवेश की मात्रा प्रभावित हुई है। इस अवधि में प्रधानमंत्री डॉ. मनमोहन सिंह ने 2013 में ईरान का दौरा किया और उसके बाद 2016 में प्रधानमंत्री मोदी ने ईरान का दौरा किया। ईरानी राष्ट्रपति रूहानी ने भी 2019 में भारत का दौरा किया था। हालांकि, 2020-21 में 1.77 बिलियन अमेरिकी डॉलर के भारतीय निर्यात और 331 मिलियन अमेरिकी डॉलर के भारतीय आयात के साथ दोतरफा व्यापार घटकर 2.106 बिलियन अमेरिकी डॉलर हो गया है। ईरान ने 1965 में मद्रास रिफाइनरी में निवेश किया था। ईरान ने सत्तर के दशक के मध्य में कुद्रेमुख आयरन एंड ओर कंपनी लिमिटेड में 630 मिलियन डॉलर का निवेश करने की भी प्रतिबद्धता जताई थी। जबकि ईरान ने शुरू में 255 मिलियन अमेरिकी डॉलर का भुगतान किया था, परियोजना को बाद में बंद कर दिया गया था और अंततः भारतीय निवेश के साथ पूरा किया गया था। दूसरी ओर भारत ने चाबहार बंदरगाह में 85 मिलियन डॉलर के निवेश की प्रतिबद्धता जताई। व्यापार और निवेश का स्तर भारत और ईरान के बीच द्विपक्षीय संबंधों की पूरी क्षमता को प्रतिबिंबित नहीं करता है। Keywords: भारत, ईरान, पश्चिम एशिया, राजनीतिक, रणनीतिक, ऐतिहासिक।

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Taufiq, Firmanda, and Ayu Maulida Alkholid. "IRAN-US RELATIONS AFTER THE DEATH OF QASSEM SOLEIMANI." Jurnal CMES 14, no. 2 (December 8, 2021): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/cmes.14.2.50830.

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<p>Iran-United States relations have up and down. Some sharp diplomatic statements made by the US president, Donald Trump, as well as the president of Iran, Ayatullah Khomeini. In fact, the sanctions that must be accepted by the US against Iran are embargo sanctions. This article aims to analyze how the future relations between Iran and the United States. Cooperation between the two countries has a history that dates back to the Cold War. Relations between these two countries based on a variety of interests, including economic, political, military, ideological, and security considerations . The theory used in this research is balance of power theory. The US has major interest in the Middle East and Iran is a rival of the US in achieving that interest. Nevertheless, many US foreign policies are caused tension between the two countries. Conversely, Iran has considerable economic importance, but the role of the Iran government elite also has a significant influence in the determination of their foreign policy. The findings in this study, despite challenges and complicated processes, the US and Iran are eternal rivals in the fusion of power and political influence in the Middle East, and relations between both will continue to fluctuate . </p>

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11

Nukii, Mari. "Japan–Iran Relations since the 2015 Iran Nuclear Deal." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 5, no. 3 (June 19, 2018): 215–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798918776731.

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The US–Japan alliance has been one of the most important elements in configuring Japanese diplomacy since World War II. Accordingly, Japan’s relations with Iran always require striking a delicate balance among Japan’s security policy based on the US–Japan alliance, its energy demands, and its historically good bilateral relations with Iran. Japan welcomed the nuclear deal between Iran and the P5+1 group of nations in 2015. Iran holds the world’s second largest natural gas reserves and ranks fourth in proven crude oil reserves. Japanese companies were eager to re-enter the Iranian market with its rich natural resources and over 80 million strong population. However, the inauguration of President Trump in January 2017 and his antagonistic stance toward Iran has slowed this move. The Japanese government has taken the initiative to improve relations with Iran after lifting its sanctions against that country, while trying to mitigate possible risks. This article aims to examine relations between Iran and Japan after the Iran nuclear deal from three aspects: economic relations, nuclear cooperation, and security.

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Fatima Raza. "Pakistan-Iran Relations in the Evolving International Environment." Strategic Studies 40, no. 2 (July 25, 2020): 79–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.040.02.0077.

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Pakistan and Iran are two neighbouring countries with amicable ties however, the true potential of their relationship still remains untapped. This research aims to highlight the areas of convergence and divergence between Iran and Pakistan in the backdrop of the changing international environment. The US withdrawal from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) has left many countries, especially Pakistan, in a limbo chimeral security regarding its projects with Iran. This development reflects the significance of the US factor in Pak-Iran ties. Other important factors are the situation in Afghanistan, India’s engagement with Iran, Pak-Saudi ties and Riyadh-Tehran rivalry. Pakistan and Iran’s relations lack depth and mutual trust due to their respective alliances of the past. This research observes that Iran and Pakistan, in light of new alliances and changing regional and international politics, can revive the lost trust.

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13

Ellis, Stephen. "Book Review: International Relations: Becoming Enemies: US-Iran Relations and the Iran-Iraq War, 1979–1988." Political Studies Review 12, no. 2 (April 7, 2014): 269. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12053_35.

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A.Sadri, Houman, and Greg McDowall. "Interlocking Power Shifts: US-Iran Relations in the Caspian." Bulletin of the L.N.Gumilyov Eurasian National University.Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 130, no. 1 (2020): 178–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/26-16-6887/2020-130-1-178-184.

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15

Qadir, Abdul, Mirwais Kasi, and Adil Zaman Kasi. "Iran Pakistan Relations between Cooperation and Distrust from 2001 to 2015." Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review VI, no. II (June 30, 2021): 55–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2021(vi-ii).06.

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This study is qualitative research and is descriptive in nature. It starts with the cataclysmic events of 9/11 and the influence of US War on Terror on Iran and Pakistan. The war was realized by Iran and Pakistan with awe and shock. Initially, Iran cooperated the US, but soon President George Bush's fiery speech estranged Iran. While Pakistan, under duress became a front lien State in the War on Terror. Therefore, the two countries took different directions, and their relations were somewhat strained. There were also many other reasons such as Jundallah factor, controversial Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline, US sanctions, and Iranian nuclear deal, border trade issue, Saudi-Phenomenon, competing Gwadarcs Chabahar ports, Indo-Iranian collaboration, which impacted the relations between the two countries. All this indicates that there was no warmth in relations between the two countries, and there was an element of mistrust.

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Sineok, Mikhail N., and Vladimir M. Gribanich. "Estimating the oil revenues of Iran premised on the US - Iran relationship analysis." RUDN Journal of Economics 29, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 451–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2021-29-2-451-462.

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The Islamic Revolution of 1979 has filpped Iran's foreign policy around and country has changed cooperation with the West for confrontation with it. In this regard, over the past 40 years, relations between Iran and the US have had mostly negative dynamics, the country has been permanently under sanctions. During these 40 years, there were periods of exacerbation, in particular in 2006-2013 and after 2018, when the United States imposed serious sanctions against Iran, in particular against the country's oil and gas sector. Thanks to the nuclear deal, bilateral relations entered a short period of relief, that allowed Iran to increase its economic activity. The election of Donald Trump as US President with his aggressive foreign policy, has become the reason for the renewal of sanctions, a reduction in Iranian oil imports and Iran's loss of its positions in the global economy. The 2020 US presidential election has given new impetus to bilateral relations. Trumps opponent Joseph Biden has announced his plans for a softer policy, including relations with Iran. Certain difficulties for Iran in rebuilding the relations and its positions in the world economy arised in view of the presidential elections in the country, due to victory of the conservatives, who do not intend to conduct a constructive dialogue with the West. All these factors are decisive for the future international position of the country, especially in the oil market. As one of the key players in this market, Iran plays an important role in maintaining the balance, especially amid low oil demand caused by the coronavirus pandemic. In this regard, the country's oil export capabilities based on the above factors are analyzed and the most optimal option is esteemed.

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Pranger, R. J. "Resetting Iran in US Policy." Mediterranean Quarterly 20, no. 4 (October 1, 2009): 10–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-2009-021.

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Gergiieva, V., and D. Levinson. "STRATEGIC CULTURE FENOMENA IN IRAN-ISRAEL RELATIONS." International and Political Studies, no. 34 (October 21, 2021): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237714.

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The current confrontation between the State of Israel and the Islamic Republic of Iran is not an exceptionally new phenomenon; however, it is noticeable that escalation around the “Iran nuclear deal” makes this issue one of the most urgent on the current political agenda. This article focuses on countries’ strategic culture as both public and non-state actors see and respond to challenges and opportunities international system − which is the result of cultural perception. Iranian and Israeli strategic cultures have some similarities - consideration of which is necessary to understand the specifics of the relationship between the two states and Jerusalem's possible response to a potential nuclearization of Tehran. Cultural details are often overlooked when we are trying to analyze the policy of a particular state, however, this analysis can provide an understanding of a particular country's response to challenges and threats. Learning more about how and why actors use force in the system is an important topic to which strategic culture may provide some answers but the process of applying it is difficult. In this article, we overview historical preconditions of Iran-Israel relations, Israel's specific view of its ambitions in the region, and nowadays escalation between two countries. The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action is still on the agenda between the two countries, while negotiations in Vienna continue, Iran increased its enrichment up to 60 percent – the highest level in Iranian history. Iranian nuclear program is a cornerstone in the US-Iran and Iran-Israel relations, but the strategic culture of Israel still cannot adopt improvement of relations between the US and Iran, as Iranian progress in its nuclear ambitions.

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Sinovets, P., and V. Gergiieva. "EVOLUTION OF US POLICY TOWARD IRAN’S NUCLEAR PROGRAM IN XXI CENTURY: FROM PRESIDENT BUSH TO PRESIDENT TRUMP." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 144 (2020): 23–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2020.144.1.23-33.

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Since 2002 until now, the Iranian nuclear program remains one of the hottest international problems despite the efforts of three US presidential administrations, which ruled during this time to solve the Iranian issue. This article analyses and compares the policy toward Iran of three US presidents George Bush, Barack Obama, and Donald Trump, discusses the positive and negative consequences of their attempts to solve the Iranian nuclear issue, and outlines the future prospects of US-Iran communication over the nuclear deal. President Trump's policy on Iran was somewhat similar to that of President Bush, both presidents rejected the policy of any concessions to Iran and focused on the policy of pressure. The US withdrawal from the JCPOA influenced not only the relations between the US and Iran, but also the relations of European countries, as since its release in 2018, Europe has tried to save the JCPOA and deter Iran from resuming its nuclear program. In general, Trump's policies not only canceled the nuclear deal, which was the result of long negotiations by the Obama administration, but also complicated further negotiations with Iran. Despite the victory of Democrat Joe Biden, who is a follower of Obama's policies, signing a new agreement with Iran may be even more difficult than it was in 2013-2015, because Iran's missile program has become even more developed, as well as distrust of international treaties as well. The article analyzes the possible consequences of Trump's policies and options for returning to dialogue and agreement. The next crucial stage in Iran-US relations is the upcoming elections in Iran in 2021, the results of which will affect the readiness of any concessions to ease sanctions and establish a dialogue. Key words: Iranian nuclear program, Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT), economic sanctions.

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Duncombe, Constance. "Twitter and transformative diplomacy: social media and Iran–US relations." International Affairs 93, no. 3 (March 17, 2017): 545–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iix048.

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Barzegar, Kayhan. "Iran–US Relations in the Light of the Nuclear Negotiations." International Spectator 49, no. 3 (July 3, 2014): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2014.953311.

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Chitsazian, Mohammad Reza, and Seyed Mohammad Ali Taghavi. "An Iranian Perspective on Iran–US Relations: Idealists Versus Materialists." Strategic Analysis 43, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 28–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2019.1569329.

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Bushueva, A. S. "Japan-Iran relations in the post-war era: The Middle Eastern dilemma for Japan." Japanese Studies in Russia, no. 4 (January 5, 2023): 6–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.55105/2500-2872-2022-4-6-19.

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After the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Iran did not change its policy towards Japan, which was not only perceived separately from the West, but was also a major customer of its raw resources and a potential economic donor. In turn, Japan had to pursue the policy of unstable balancing towards Iran, by coordinating its Middle Eastern policy with its strategic ally, the United States, and simultaneously trying to preserve close ties with Iran, which were important from the point of view of maintaining energy security. The article shows how Japan tried to maneuver between these two countries: it took steps to realize large-scale economic projects in Iran’s energy sector, to limit sanctions, which were minimal on its side, etc., and simultaneously participated in the anti-Iran campaign pursued by Western countries under the pressure of the US, or under the influence of major crises in the region (for example, the Iran-Iraq War). Japan continues to face this “Middle Eastern dilemma” in present times as well. It could partly have been solved by the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action on the Iranian nuclear program in 2015, were it not for the fact that, two years later, under the US administration of Donald Trump, the US-Iran relations worsened significantly. Nevertheless, in this period, Japan successfully tried its mediatory potential, making use of its good relations with both parties of the conflict: on the one hand, it refused to participate in the US operation in the Strait of Hormuz, on the other, it halted the unfreezing of Iran’s funds in its banks, which had been blocked after the introduction of sanctions by the US administration of Donald Trump. Recently, the activization of China in the region has become a factor of risk for Japan’s Middle Eastern policy, as China tries to use the weaking positions of the US and to occupy the vacuum that was left in its wake, which is illustrated by the signing of the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership agreement between Beijing and Tehran in March 2021. This forces Japan to deliberately strengthen its positions and expand its presence in Iran. It appears that Japan’s approaches to solving the “Middle Eastern dilemma” deserve special attention in the future as well.

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Ara, Yasmeena. "India-Iran Relations and the Global World." Asian Review of Social Sciences 8, no. 2 (May 5, 2019): 101–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.51983/arss-2019.8.2.1576.

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India and Iran being neighbours have been historically and culturally connected. Both share a long tradition of ideas since civilizations. Both countries had linkages since the pre-historic times. Various historical leftovers found in India resemble those with those found in Dejleh and Forat rivers in Iran show that both nations had cordial interactions with each other. However with the passage of time different factors erupted in between the two, particularly after end of Cold War. U.S. and Israel have affected ties between the two. India-Iran relations have been subject to several factors; be it regional or global. At regional level, Pakistan, Afghanistan, China, and the Central Asian region and globally US and Israel have played major role. The present study is a humble attempt to analyse the impact and effect of global factors in Indo-Iranian relations.

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Milani, Mohsen M. "Iran, the Status Quo Power." Current History 104, no. 678 (January 1, 2005): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2005.104.678.30.

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Iran appears ready to discuss the future of Iraq as well as other security issues with the United States. It remains uncertain for Tehran whether a ‘tactical consensus’ on Iraq could … lead to a marked improvement in US-Iran relations.

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ZHAO, Hong. "China's Dilemma on Iran and its Options." East Asian Policy 04, no. 03 (July 2012): 64–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s179393051200027x.

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Iran is China's third largest oil supply country and an important destination of China's FDI. As US-led sanctions on Iran tighten, China faces increasing pressure to adjust its policies on Iran. China is caught between its extensive commercial relations with Iran and its desire to be recognised as a big responsible country.

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Monshipouri, Mahmood, and Shirin Jafarinasab Kermani. "Us-Iran Relations: Competing and Overlapping Interests in a Turbulent Region." Maghreb Review 42, no. 2 (2017): 164–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tmr.2017.0019.

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Sreedhar and John Cavanagh. "US Interests in Iran: Myths and Realities." Strategic Analysis 34, no. 1 (February 5, 2010): 135–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700160903399174.

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Zavada, Yaryna. "Development of Syria-Iran Bilateral Relations in the 20-21st Centuries." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 44 (December 15, 2021): 17–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.44.17-22.

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The article analyzes the evolution of Iranian-Syrian relations and describes their features. Iran and Syria are historically, politically and geographically related states, diplomatic relations between which were established in 1946. However, after the Islamic Revolution, in 1979 and the leadership of A. Khomeini, relations between the countries strengthened and began to develop rapidly. Because Syria was the first Arab country to diplomatically recognize the Islamic Republic of Iran and actively support Iran during the Iran-Iraq war of 1980-1988. It is worth to say that these two countries combine many factors, especially such as common interests and position on current regional issues and the presence of shared enemies. Оfficial Damascus and official Tehran consider themselves as part of the Middle East's "axis of resistance" of the defense alliance, thus responding to joint threats from Israel and the United States. The position and role of Iran in the civil war in Syria are highlighted. In fact, since the beginning of the Syrian crisis, Iran has provided political, economic and military support to Assad, and has since become a major player in the Syrian conflict. In the current context, Iranian leaders have described Syrian President Al-Assad as his main ally and are working hard to keep him in power. According to a study published by the Office of the US Special Envoy to Syria Staffan de Mistura, financial, military and economic assistance to Iran in Syria is estimated at about $ 6 billion USA per year. It is also investigated that Syria fully shares and supports the foreign policy of official Tehran and the active development of nuclear and missile programs. Syria strongly condemns the decision of former US President D. Trump to withdraw from the JCPOA and is in full solidarity with the leadership, government and people of Iran.

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Takeyh, Ray. "Did the US Intelligence Community Lose Iran?" Survival 63, no. 2 (March 4, 2021): 155–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2021.1905999.

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Rouhi, Mahsa. "US–Iran Tensions and the Oil Factor." Survival 60, no. 5 (September 3, 2018): 33–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2018.1518367.

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Mirzayan, G. V. "Russia–US Relations and Their Syrian Chance." Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 9, no. 3 (December 4, 2019): 89–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2019-9-3-89-97.

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There are a lot of common interests between Russia and the United States (if, of course, we analyse within the concept of “national interest” isolated from ideological issues and historical prejudices) — not only in the global issues (war against terrorism, non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, reduction of strategic offensive weapons), but also at the regional level. Both Moscow and Washington are interested in creation a collective security system in East Asia, which will not only help to stabilize the situation on the Korean Peninsula, but also somehow hold back Chinese expansion in the region (though Russia and the United States have a different understanding of the concept and ways of this deterrence). However, the resemblance of Russian-American relations in the Middle East region seems to be even more interesting. Even though the US and Russia are opposing each other in the Syrian field, there are common views about the future of this country and the role of Iran. Again, the space for agreement arises from the objective goals and objectives of the players, as well as the availability of resources for their implementation. The US goal is to curb Iranian expansion in the region, and since it is now impossible to squeeze Iran out of Syria and southern Iraq, Washington wants at least to dilute its influence with other players. At the same time, Russia’s goal is to consolidate its positions in the Middle East — and it is possible only if there is no dominant force in the region. Any force at all. Therefore, the Kremlin is interested in constructing a regional balance of power and is even ready to work as an intermediary between the opposing sides. But if the US wants to use this mediator, they must realise its importance and necessity.

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Entessar, Nader. "US Foreign Policy and Iran: American–Iranian Relations since the Islamic Revolution." Iranian Studies 46, no. 2 (March 2013): 321–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210862.2012.758488.

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Fatima Raza. "US-Iran Tensions and Instability in Iraq: Role of the Popular Mobilisation Units." Strategic Studies 41, no. 2 (August 10, 2021): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.041.02.0053.

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Popular Mobilisation Units (PMU) is the largest umbrella organisation in Iraq encompassing more than 40 of these paramilitary forces with many of them having deep ties with Iran. Recent killing of the PMU leader Abu Mahdi al Muhandis along with his ally, the Iranian General Qassem Soleimani in a US drone strike concurred a huge loss for Iran and the PMU who had long enjoyed cooperation and influence within Iraq. The PMU, in the absence of its trusted leadership; is predicted to fall apart from within causing instability in Iraq which has been brought about by reckless war-mongering between the US and Iran. This research explores the strategic culture, structure and the role of PMU in bringing about stability in Iraq in the backdrop of continuous deteriorating Iran-US relations. This research argues that in order to make the PMU effective in cultivating peace in Iraq; it would be wise for important stakeholders like Iran and the US to understand its strategic culture and formulate their respective Iraq policies accordingly.

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Hedayati Shahidani, M. "Foreign Policy of The United States Against the Global Powers and Regional Actors: Case Study “Russian Federation” and “The Islamic Republic of Iran”." RUDN Journal of Political Science, no. 3 (December 15, 2015): 106–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2015-3-106-117.

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The article examines US foreign policy strategy toward the global powers and regional actors in the post-bipolar period. The aim of the article is to demonstrate the theoretical and scientific significance of the concept of balance in the structure of international relations in the post-bipolar period, by defining behaviors of US against Russia and Iran. The results of the research show that US foreign policy toward Russia and Iran in the short term based on a soft balance, and in the long term - on the depletion of power.

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Gasiorowski, Mark. "The US stay-behind operation in Iran, 1948-1953." Intelligence and National Security 34, no. 2 (October 18, 2018): 170–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684527.2018.1534639.

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Akbarzadeh, Shahram. "Obama and the US policy change on Iran." Global Change, Peace & Security 21, no. 3 (October 2009): 397–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14781150903169075.

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Damayanti, Angel, Alexander Texas Meresin, and Bryan Libertho Karyoprawiro. "United States- Iran Shared Interest and the Stability of the Strait of Hormuz." Jurnal Global & Strategis 16, no. 2 (December 8, 2022): 357–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.16.2.2022.357-378.

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The Strait of Hormuz lies between the Persian Gulf and the Oman Gulf and is the only sea route connecting the Arabian Sea to the Indian Ocean. It is a trading route that strategically brings energy from the Middle East to many countries worldwide. Accordingly, the United States (US) and Iran have shared interests in the strait and play a central role in maintaining its stability. Unfortunately, since 1979, the US and Iran have been involved in a conflict. The tensions between the two peaked after the US left the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), which specifically discussed the Iran nuclear deal. As a result, the security of the Strait of Hormuz has been disrupted by various Iranian attacks on merchant ships and Iran’s threats to close the strait. This study explains the impact of the US-Iran conflictual relations on the strait’s stability. It uses the concepts of conflict of interest and maritime security with a qualitative research method and case studies based on primary and secondary data. This article concludes that although the US and Iran have common interests, their conflictual relations have disrupted maritime stability and affected the supply and world oil prices. Keywords: United States, Iran, Shared Interest, Strait of Hormuz Selat Hormuz yang terletak di antara Teluk Persia dan Teluk Oman merupakan satu-satunya jalur menuju Laut Arab dan Samudra Hindia. Selat ini bernilai srategis karena menjadi jalur perdagangan yang membawa energi dari kawasan Timur Tengah ke berbagai negara di seluruh dunia. Karena nilai strategis tersebut, Amerika Serikat (AS) dan Iran sama-sama berkepentingan terhadap selat Hormuz dan berusaha memainkan peran sentral dalam menjaga stabilitas keamanan selat tersebut. Sayangnya, sejak tahun 1979, AS-Iran berkonflik dan ketegangan di antara keduanya memuncak paska AS keluar dari Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) yang membahas khusus kesepakatan nuklir Iran. Akibatnya, keamanan Selat Hormuz terganggu dengan berbagai serangan Iran terhadap kapal dagang milik negara-negara pengguna Selat Hormuz dan ancaman Iran untuk menutup Selat Hormuz. Oleh karenanya, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan dampak konflik AS-Iran terhadap stabilitas dan keamanan Selat Hormuz. Penelitian ini menggunakan konsep benturan kepentingan dan keamanan maritim dengan metode penelitian kualitatif berupa studi kasus berbasis data primer dan sekunder. Dari data yang diperoleh, penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa walaupun AS dan Iran memiliki kepentingan yang sama, namun hubungan konfliktual di antara mereka telah mengakibatkan stabilitas keamanan maritim di kawasan terganggu dan mempengaruhi pasokan serta harga minyak dunia. Kata-kata kunci: Amerika Serikat, Iran, Kepentingan Bersama, Selat Hormuz

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Syed Sajjad Haider, Dr. Gulzar Ahmad, and Dr. Muhammad Khurshid. "Pak-Iran Relations: Challenges and Expectations (2001-2012)." sjesr 4, no. 1 (March 27, 2021): 520–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.36902/sjesr-vol4-iss1-2021(520-527).

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This paper endeavors to analyze the relations between Pakistan and Iran, during the ‎past ‎more ‎than seven decades, especially after 9/11. The relations between both countries ‎remained ‎normal and friendly, but with ‎a slight ‎divergence. ‎These relations became very critical ‎after 9/11 ‎due to the huge pressure of the US. There are many areas of divergence between these ‎two countries ‎such as the gas pipeline treaty, diplomatic support of Pakistan in the Iranian nuclear ‎program, trade, and ‎economic issues. In this paper, an attempt has been made to critically ‎highlight and discuss the ‎challenges and expectations emerging after the Islamic revolution and ‎during 2001 to 2012. The ‎core objectives of the study are to know about the nature of Pak-Iran ‎relations in the past, to ‎describe the nature of Pak-Iran relations from 2001-2012, to measure the ‎influence of world ‎powers on Pak-Iran relations to analyze the challenges facing both the ‎countries, etc. Suggestions ‎are also made to improve the relations between both Islamic republics’ countries in the region. Pakistan's and Iran’s concerns and interests are related to the new regional and ‎international atmosphere. New problems and new opportunities have been created for both ‎countries, affecting their bilateral and multilateral relations since the events of September 9, ‎‎2001. The two countries should devote more energy to increase their economic trade, strengthen ‎security cooperation, and identify practical ways to cope with the problems of the region.

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Monazami, Amirhosein. "The facilitating role of sport in foreign relations of the US and Iran." Estudos Internacionais: revista de relações internacionais da PUC Minas 8, no. 2 (July 31, 2020): 103–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5752/p.2317-773x.2020v8n2p103-119.

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The soft power of the Islamic Republic of Iran, after fourteen years of it’s revolution, has been influenced by various macro and micro concepts that have been repeatedly challenged by Western countries, especially the United States; So, Islamic Republic of Iran, in light of recent years' successes in the international field of sports, including seventeenth among the 206 countries in the Olympic 2012 can use this capacity to expand its interactions in the international arena. The purpose of the present study was initially to explore the concepts of strengthening Iran's soft power through sport and to design a favorable paradigm for the development of diplomatic relations with Western countries, especially the United States. Then, SPSS and PLS software were used to investigate the correlation between variables based on Spearman test, exploratory factor analysis and finally structural and interpretive modeling of independent and dependent variables. The findings showed that seven factors of economic development, religious flow, transformation and communication, cultural exchange, national unity, political currents and peacebuilding were in four levels influenced by Iran's international sporting environment.

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Yorke, Claire. "Representation, recognition and respect in world politics: the case of Iran–US relations." International Affairs 96, no. 2 (March 1, 2020): 558–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiaa035.

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Strakes, J. E. "The "Omnibalancing" Proposition and Baghdad's Foreign Policy: Reinterpreting Contemporary Iraq-Iran-US Relations." Mediterranean Quarterly 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2011): 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-1384891.

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Tsaregorodtseva, Galina. "Joseph Biden and Palestine-Israeli conflict: back to future." Russia and America in the 21st Century, S (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760023932-2.

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The article covers the main issues of Israeli-US relations in 2022 such as “shadow war” with Iran during the negotiations devoted to nuclear deal return. developing relations between Israel and China and no progress in the Palestine problem. All the solutions Biden’s administration put off.

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Noura Ali Abdallah, Noura Ali Abdallah. "The implications of Qassem Soleimani assassination on US- Iranian relations: تداعيات اغتيال قاسم سليماني على العلاقات الأمريكية الإيرانية." مجلة العلوم الإقتصادية و الإدارية و القانونية 6, no. 4 (February 28, 2022): 141–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.26389/ajsrp.r040821.

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This study deals with the repercussions of the assassination of Iranian military commander Qassem Soleimani on US- Iranian relations, and the US- Iranian escalation and tension in Iraq and the entire surrounding region. The study tries to determine the indicators of the US- Iranian escalation and the effect of the bombing incident near Baghdad Airport on January 4, 2020, at the interior of Iranian, and at the regional and international level. It seeks to estimate the potential for escalation between the United States of America and Iran; the latter surprised the group of 4 + 1 countries on the anniversary of Soleimani assassination in 2021 by increasing the rate of uranium enrichment to 20%. This step will be taken in consideration in any future negotiations between Iran and the United States of America and the European Union if US President Joe Biden decides to return to the nuclear accord. The results of the study concluded that the previous US approach in the Trump administration affected negatively on any future negotiation about the return of US to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. US President Joe Biden is trying to mitigate his predecessor’s escalation of US- Iranian relations; nonetheless, Israel seeks to obstruct any path that would end the tension between Washington and Tehran.

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Fozia and Lubna Abid Ali. "Iran-Saudi Relations: From Rivalry to Nowhere." Global Social Sciences Review III, no. IV (December 30, 2018): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2018(iii-iv).04.

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Iran and Saudi Arabia are the two main powers of the Middle East. Since Islamic revolution (1979) the competition for power, security and regional dominance has resulted in proxy wars in the region, especially, Bahrain, Lebanon, Iraq, Syria and Yemen. Saudi and Iranian rivalry revolves around some key issues such as; their contradictory ideologies (Sunni vs Shiite) PanArab issues like Palestine issue, Saudi inclination towards West, their contradictory policies about energy and desire to become dominant power of entire region. Iran's wants regional hegemony, rolling back US influence in the Middle East, empowerment of Shiite in the Middle East through sectarianism. Sectarianism has always been a major focus in the Persian Gulf and beyond for the Iranian regional policy formulation. Peace and stability in Middle East would not be possible till Riyadh and Tehran end rivalry.

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46

Herhiieva, V. "Application of the ideas of neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism in Iranian nuclear policy." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 2(46) (December 14, 2020): 14–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2020.2(46).226605.

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The article examines two antagonistic theories of international relations – neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism using the case of Iran's nuclear policy. The author compares the approaches of neorealists and neoliberal institutionalists to the problem of nuclear proliferation and analyzes how these approaches can explain the evolution of Iran's military nuclear program. Iran is a country with significant energy resources, namely second place after Saudi Arabia in terms of oil reserves and second in terms of natural gas reserves after Russia; Iran also has a unique geographical location in such regions as the Persian Gulf and the Middle East. Also, a certain policy of Iran is formed on the basis of the Shiite branch of Islam, which already distinguishes this country, given the particularly unfavorable historical conditions under which the Shiite Islam was formed and the events of the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979 and the Iran-Iraq War of 1980–1988, when Iran faced Iraq alone and use of chemical weapons by Iraq, which deepened Iranian isolation thoughts. The fact that there has been no international response to Iraq's use of chemical weapons has heightened Iran's sense of isolation. This experience was certainly imprinted in the Iranian national psyche and caused even greater distrust in international arms control treaties. Relations with the United States in Iran are extremely tense and unstable, depending on the US administration and the political situation in Iran, as Iran has traditionally maneuvered between radical conservatives and more moderate politicians. The US elections in 2020 and the elections in Iran in 2021 will be an important stage in the further development of relations and the fate of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). The article examines the extent to which the theoretical considerations of proponents of theories of neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism are reflected in Iran's practical nuclear policy and what impact these two theories may have on the future nuclear strategy of the Iranian leadership.

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Dehghani, Mohammad, Bita Mesgarpour, Shahin Akhondzadeh, Saber Azami-Aghdash, and Reza Ferdousi. "How the US Sanctions Are Affecting the Health Research System in Iran?" Archives of Iranian Medicine 24, no. 2 (February 1, 2021): 101–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.34172/aim.2021.15.

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Background: In November 2018, the United States withdrew from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), known commonly as the Iran nuclear deal, and imposed severe sanctions on Iran. This study explores the impact of US sanctions in Iran’s health research system. Methods: This phenomenological study interviewed 24 Iranian health science scholars through purposeful sampling to learn about their experiences and thoughts regarding the impact of US sanctions on Iran’s health research system. Results: The impact of sanctions on Iran’s health research system were classified into five categories: (a) financial issues, (b) difficulty in supplying laboratory materials and (c) equipment, (d) disruption in international research collaboration and activities, and (e) other issues (e.g., increased stress and workload). Conclusion: This study indicated that since research centers in Iran are highly dependent on governmental budgets, sanctions have greatly affected the health research system in Iran. Financial and economic problems, restrictions in transferring funds, and the disruption in political and international relations have created many challenges for supplying medical laboratory materials and equipment for medical and health research centers in Iran.

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Summitt, April R. "For a White Revolution: John F. Kennedy and the Shah of Iran." Middle East Journal 58, no. 4 (October 1, 2004): 560–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/58.4.12.

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The story of American relations with Iran during the Kennedy administration is one of misunderstandings and missed opportunities. Shah Muhammad Reza Pahlavi often manipulated and thwarted Kennedy's policy toward Iran and used American fears of Communism to gain increased financial aid and military support. Disagreements among US policy-makers also contributed to an inconsistent policy toward Iran. These factors resulted in the bolstering of a dictatorship out of touch with the Iranian people, inevitably leading to the revolution that occurred in 1978-79.

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Cheban, O. Y., and A. S. Kraskova. "PROBLEMS OF EU-CHINA RELATIONS IN SOLVING THE IRANIAN NUCLEAR PROGRAM'S ISSUE." International and Political Studies, no. 34 (October 21, 2021): 151–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.229944.

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It is proven in the paper that the chosen topic is relevant due to the impact of China and the EU on the negotiations about the regulation of the Iranian nuclear program’s issue. In the article, it is done a comparative analysis of the policy of the EU and China regarding the regulation of the Iranian nuclear program’s problem. It is also mentioned in the paper that since the time of the US presidential administration of Donald Trump, the EU and China have been seen as valuable actors in resolving the Iranian nuclear program’s issue. For this reason, the main purpose of the work is a review of the influence that China’s and EU’s policies regarding the development of the nuclear program of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) exert on European security. The history of China-Iran relations in the nuclear sphere and the important role of China in the development of the Iranian nuclear program is mentioned in the paper. It is also noted that the fact that the EU countries are partners or allies of the United States, which is the main rival of the IRI, has complicated the dialogue between the European Union and Iran. It is shown in the paper that during Mahmud Ahmadinejad’s presidency, the Iranian nuclear program was not controlled by the international community, and because of that China supported sanctions of the UN Security Council against Iran. As it is mentioned in the article, until the end of the 2000s, the EU, as well as the People’s Republic of China (PRC), did not support the US policy toward Iran. The Iranian-Chinese relations in the nuclear field were studied. It is mentioned that despite the fact that China is interested in exporting Iranian energy resources, Beijing will never accept Iran’s possession of nuclear weapons. It is assumed that the fact that China does not support the nuclear weapons status of Iran gives it the opportunity to cooperate with the EU in case Iran decides to acquire nuclear weapons. It is noticed that China had a major impact on the negotiations related to signing the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), i. e. the nuclear agreement with Iran. The further actions of the EU and the PRC after the dissolution of the JCPOA are mentioned in the paper. The scenarios of further development of the situation around the Iranian nuclear program were reviewed. As a result of the research, it is concluded that China and the EU have played a significant role in achieving the JCPOA and conducting diplomatic negotiations with Iran. The strengthening of Beijing’s role as a key partner of Teheran and the decrease of the EU’s impact on Iran’s foreign policy were mentioned in the paper.

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Çencen, Namık. "Comparing the Turkish and Iranian history textbooks in the sample of us and the otherBiz ve öteki örnekleminde Türk ve İran tarih ders kitaplarının karşılaştırılması." Journal of Human Sciences 14, no. 2 (April 23, 2017): 1327. http://dx.doi.org/10.14687/jhs.v14i2.4521.

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The work of "us and the other" in the history textbook researches is one of the topics that attracted the attention of the researchers recently. In this research, “Us and the other” sample tried to determine how Iran and relations with Iran are explained in high school history textbooks taught in Turkey and how Turks and relations with Turks are explained in the high school history text book which was taught in Iran. The study was a qualitative research and document and record examination methods and techniques were used. The texts in Turkish history textbooks and Iranian history textbooks were examined using "Historical Abuse Methods". In the content of the texts in the history textbook titled "Iran and World History", which was taught in the 3rd grade class in General High School in Iran, the historical abuse methods with the Turks and relations with Turks was processed by using misleading, jumping and denying methods. Secondary education in Turkey "History 9th grade", "History 10th grade" “Contemporary Turkish and World History "textbooks on Iranian History and Iranian history textbooks were explored by using the jump method from historical abuse methods. ÖzetTarih ders kitapları araştırmalarında “biz ve öteki” çalışmaları son dönemlerde araştırmacıların ilgisini çeken konulardan biridir. Bu araştırmada biz ve öteki örnekleminde İran’da okutulan lise tarih ders kitabında Türkler ve Türklerle olan ilişkiler ile Türkiye’de okutulan lise tarih ders kitaplarında İran ve İranla olan ilişkilerin nasıl anlatıldığı tespit edilmeye çalışılmıştır. Çalışma nitel bir araştırma olup doküman ve belge incelemesi yöntem ve teknikleri kullanılmıştır. Türk tarih ders kitapları ile İran tarih ders kitaplarında yer alan metinler “Tarihi Kötüye Kullanma Yöntemleri” kullanılarak incelenmiştir. İran’da Genel Lise III. sınıf Edebiyat bölümünde okutulan “İran ve Dünya Tarihi” adlı tarih ders kitabındaki metinlerin içeriklerinde Türkler ve Türklerle İlişkiler tarihi kötüye kullanma yöntemlerinden yanıltma, atlama ve yadsıma yöntemi kullanılarak işlenmiştir. Türkiye’de ortaöğretim “Tarih 9. Sınıf”, “Tarih 10. Sınıf” ve “12. Sınıf Çağdaş Türk ve Dünya Tarihi” ders kitaplarındaki metin içeriklerinde İran Tarihi ve İranla ilişkiler tarihi kötüye kullanma yöntemlerinden atlama yöntemi kullanılarak işlenmiştir.

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Journal articles on the topic 'US-Iran relations'

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